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TILDEN  FCTJKdATIONS 


BRADFORD'S  HISTORY 
"OF  PLIMOTH  PLANTATION." 

From  the  Original  Manuscript. 


WITH   A  report  of  THE  PROCEEDINGS   INCIDENT 

TO   THE   RETURN    OF  THE   MANUSCRIPT 

TO   MASSACHUSETTS. 


PRINTED   UNDER   THE   DIRECTION   OF   THE   SECRETARY   OF   THE 

COMMONWEALTH, 
BY  ORDER  OF  THE  GENERAL  COURT. 


BOSTON :      - 
WRIGHT  &   POTTER   PRINTING   CO.,   STATE   PRINTERS, 
1 8  Post  Office  Square. 
1901. 


(|3^4'. 


"      THE  NEW  YOKK 
PUBLIC  MBRARY 

13189  A. 

ASTOP.  L£;;OX  ANP 
TU.DEN  F0UND-AT10N6 


INTRODUCTION. 


To  many  people  the  return  of  the  Bradford  Manu- 
script is  a  fresh  discovery  of  colonial  history.  By  very 
many  it  has  been  called,  incorrectly,  the  log  of  the 
"Mayflower."  Indeed,  that  is  the  title  by  which  it  is 
described  in  the  decree  of  the  Consistorial  Court  of 
London.  The  fact  is,  however,  that  Governor  Brad- 
ford undertook  its  preparation  long  after  the  arrival 
of  the  Pilgrims,  and  it  cannot  be  properly  considered 
as  in  any  sense  a  log  or  daily  journal  of  the  voyage 
of  the  "Mayflower."  It  is,  in  point  of  fact,  a  history 
of  the  Plymouth  Colony,  chiefly  in  the  form  of  annals, 
extending  from  the  inception  of  the  colony  down  to 
the  year  1647.  The  matter  has  been  in  print  since 
1856,  put  forth  through  the  public  spirit  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts Historical  Society,  which  secured  a  tran- 
script of  the  document  from  London,  and  printed  it 
in  the  society's  Collections  of  the  above-named  year. 
As  thus  presented,  it  had  copious  notes,  prepared  with 
great  care  by  the  late  Charles  Deane ;  but  these  are 
not  given  in  the  present  volume,  wherein  only  such 
comments  as  seem  indispensable  to  a  proper  under- 
standing  of  the   story  have   been   made,    leaving    what- 


IV  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION. 

ever  elaboration  may  seem  desirable  to  some  future 
private  enterprise. 

It  is  a  matter  of  regret  that  no  picture  of  Governor 
Bradford  exists.  Only  Edward  Winslow  of  the  May- 
flower Company  left  an  authenticated  portrait  of  him- 
self, and  that,  painted  in  England,  is  reproduced  in 
this  volume.  In  those  early  days  Plymouth  would 
have  been  a  poor  field  for  portrait  painters.  The 
people  were  struggling  for  their  daily  bread  rather 
than  for  to-morrow's  fame  through  the  transmission 
of  their  features  to  posterity. 

The  volume  of  the  original  manuscript,  as  it  was 
presented  to  the  Governor  of  the  Commonwealth  and 
is  now  deposited  in  the  State  Library,  is  a  folio 
measuring  eleven  and  one-half  inches  in  length,  seven 
and  seven-eighths  inches  in  width  and  one  and  one-half 
inches  in  thickness.  It  is  bound  in  parchment,  once 
white,  but  now  grimy  and  much  the  worse  for  wear, 
being  somewhat  cracked  and  considerably  scaled.  Much 
scribbling,  evidently  by  the  Bradford  family,  is  to  be 
seen  upon  its  surface,  and  out  of  the  confusion  may 
be  read  the  name  of  Mercy  Bradford,  a  daughter  of 
the  governor.  On  the  inside  of  the  front  cover  is 
pasted  a  sheet  of  manilla  paper,  on  which  is  written 
the  followino- :  — 

"  Consistory  Court  of  the  Diocese  of  London 

In  the  matter  of  the  applieatiou  of  The  Honorable  Thomas 
Francis  Bayiird,  Ambassador  Extraordinary  and  Plenipotentiary 


INTRODUCTION. 


in  London  of  the  United  States  of  America,  for  the  delivery  to 
him,  on  behalf  of  the  President  and  Citizens  of  the  said  States, 
of  the  original  manuscript  book  entitled  and  known  as  The  Log 
of  the  Mayflower. 

Produced  in  Court  this  25th  day  of  March,  1897,  and  marked 
with  the  letter  A. 

HARRY   'W.   LKE 

Registrar. 
X  Deans  Court 

Doctors   Com.m.on.s" 

Then  come  two  manilla  leaves,  on  both  sides  of 
which  is  written  the  decree  of  the  Consistorial  Court. 
These  leaves  and  the  manilla  sheet  pasted  on  the  in- 
side of  the  front  cover  were  evidently  inserted  after 
the  decree  was  passed. 

Next  comes  a  leaf  (apparently  the  original  first  leaf 
of  the  book),  and  on  it  are  verses,  signed  "A.  M.," 
on  the  death  of  Mrs.  Bradford.  The  next  is  evidently 
one  of  the  leaves  of  the  original  book.  At  the  top 
of  the  page  is  written  the  following :  — 

This  book  was  rit  by  govener  William  bradford  and  given 
to  his  son  mager  William  Bradford  and  by  him  to  his  son  mager 
John  Bradford,     rit  by  me  Samuel  bradford  mach  20,  1705 


At  the  bottom  of  the  same  page  the  name  John 
Bradford  appears  in  different  handwriting,  evidently 
written  with  the  book  turned  wrong  side  up. 


VI  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION. 

The  next  is  a  leaf  bearing  the  following,  in  the 
handwriting  of  Thomas  Prince  :  — 

Tuesday,  June  4  — 1728 

Calling  at  Major  John  Bradford's  at  Kingston  near  Plimouth, 
son  of  Major  Win.  Bradford  formerly  Dep  Gov'r  of  Plimouth 
Colony,  who  was  eldest  son  of  Wm.  Bradford  Esq  their  2nd 
Gov'r,  &  author  of  this  History ;  ye  sd  Major  John  Bradford 
gave  me  several  manuscript  octavoes  wh  he  assured  me  were 
written  with  his  said  Grandfather  Gov'r  Bradford's  own  hand. 
He  also  gave  me  a  little  Pencil  Book  wrote  with  a  Blew  lead 
Pencil  by  his  sd  Father  ye  Dep  Gov'r.  And  He  also  told  me 
yt  He  had  lent  &  only  lent  his  sd  Grandfather  Gov'r  Brad- 
ford's History  of  Plimouth  Colony  wrote  by  his  own  Hand  also, 
to  judg  Sewall ;  and  desired  me  to  get  it  of  Him  or  find  it  out, 
&  take  out  of  it  what  I  thought  proper  for  my  New-England 
Chronology :  wh  I  accordingly  obtained,  and  This  is  ye  sd  His- 
tory :  wh  I  found  wi'ote  in  ye  same  Handwriting  as  ye  Octavo 
manuscripts  above  sd. 

Thomas  Prince. 

N.  B.    I  also  mentioned  to  him  my  Desire  of  lodging  this  History 

in  ye  New  England  Library  of  Prints  &  manuscripts,  wh  I  had  been 

then  collecting  for  23  years,  to  wh  He  signified  his  willingness  —  only 

yt  He  might  have  ye  Perusal  of  it  while  He  lived. 

T.  Prince. 

Following  this,  on  the  same  page,  is  Thomas  Prince's 
printed  book-mark,  as  follows:  — 


This  Book  'beloTigs  to 

The  Ne-wr-Englan.d.-Iji'brary, 

Begxan.  to  be  collected  by  Thoinas  3?rince,  upon 

his   entring  Harvard-College,  July  6 

1703;    and  was   given  by 


INTRODUCTION.  VI I 


On  the  lower  part  of  a  blank  space  which  follows 
the  word  ' '  by  "  is  written  :  — 

//  now  belongs  to  the  Bishop  of  London's  Library  at  Fulham. 

There  are  evidences  that  this  leaf  did  not  belong  to 
the  original  book,  but  was  inserted  by  Mr.   Prince. 

At  the  top  of  the  first  page  of  the  next  leaf,  which 
was  evidently  one  of  the  original  leaves  of  the  book, 
is  written  in  Samuel  Bradford's  hand,  "march  20 
Samuel  Bradford ; "  and  just  below  there  appears,  in 
Thomas  Prince's  handwriting,  the  following :  — 

But  major  Bradford  tells  me  &  assures  me  that  He  only  lent 
this  Book  of  his  Grandfather's  to  Mr.  Sewall  &  that  it  being  of 
his  Grandfather's  own  hand  writing  He  had  so  high  a  value  of 
it  that  he  would  never  Part  with  ye  Property,  but  would  lend 
it  to  me  «fe  desired  me  to  get  it,  which  I  did,  &  write  down  this 
that  sd  Major  Bradford  and  his  Heirs  may  be  known  to  be  the 
right  owners. 

Below  this,  also  in  Thomas  Prince's  handwriting, 
appears  this  line  :  — 

*'  Page  243  missing  when  ye  Book  came  into  my  Hands  at  1st." 

Just  above  the  inscription  by  Prince  there  is  a  line 
or  two  of  writing,  marked  over  in  ink  so  carefully  as 
to  be  wholly  undecipherable.  On  the  reverse  page  of 
this  leaf  and  on  the  first  page  of  the  next  are  written 
Hebrew  words,  with  definitions.      These  are  all  in  Gov- 


VIU  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION. 

ernor  Bradford's    handwriting.     On   the   next  page   ap- 
pears the  following  :  — 


Though  I  am  growne  aged,  yet  I  have  had  a  long- 
ing desire,  io  see  with  my  own  eyes,  something  of 
that    most    ancient  language,    and  holy    tongue, 
in  which  the  Law,  and  oracles  of  God  were 
write ;  and  in  which  God,  arid  angels,  spake  to 
the  holy  patriarks,  of  old  time ;  and  what 
names  7vere  given  to   t/iings,  from    the 
crea tion.     And  tho ugh  I  canot  a tta ine 
to  much  herein,  yet  I  am  refreshed, 
to  have  seen  some  glimpse  here- 
of;  (as  Moses  saiv  the  Land 
of  canati  afarr  of)  tny  aime 
and  desire  is,  to  see  how 
the  7Vords,   and  phrases 
lye  in  the  holv  texte ; 
and  to  dicer ne  some- 
what of  the  same 
for  tny  owne 
contente. 


0 


Then  begins  the  history  proper,  the  first  page  of 
which  is  produced  in  facsimile  in  this  volume,  slightly 
reduced.  The  ruled  margins  end  with  page  thirteen. 
From  that  page  to  the  end  of  the  book  the  writing 
varies  considerably,  sometimes  being  quite  coarse  and 
in  other  places  very  fine,  some  pages  containing  nearly 
a  thousand  words  each.  As  a  rule,  the  writing  is 
upon  one  side  of  the  sheet  only,  but  in  entering  notes 
and  subsequent  thoughts  the  reverse  is  sometimes  used. 
The  last  page  number  is  270,  as  appears  from  the 
facsimile  reproduction  in  this  volume  of  that  page. 
Page    270    is   followed    1)y   two    blank    leaves ;    then    on 


INTRODUCTION.  IX 


the  second  page  of  the  next  leaf  appears  the  list  of 
names  of  those  who  came  over  in  the  "Mayflower," 
covering  four  pages  and  one  column  on  the  fifth  page. 
The  arrangement  of  this  matter  is  shown  by* the  fac- 
simile reproduction  in  this  volume  of  the  first  page 
of  these  names.  Last  of  all  there  is  a  leaf  of  heavy 
double  paper,  like  the  one  in  the  front  of  the  book 
containing  the  verses  on  the  death  of  Mrs.  Bradford, 
and  on  this  last  leaf  is  written  an  index  to  a  few  por- 
tions of  the  history. 

For  copy,  there  was  used  the  edition  printed  in 
1856  by  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society.  The 
proof  was  carefully  compared,  word  for  word,  with 
the  photographic  facsimile  issued  in  1896  in  both 
London  and  Boston.  The  value  of  this  comparison  is 
evident  in  that  a  total  of  sixteen  lines  of  the  original, 
omitted  in  the  original  first  copy,  is  supplied  in  this 
edition.  As  the  work  of  the  Historical  Society  could 
not  be  compared,  easily,  with  the  original  manu- 
script in  London,  these  omissions,  with  sundry  minor 
errors  in  word  and  numeral,  are  not  unreasonable. 
The  curious  will  be  pleased  to  learn  that  the  sup- 
plied lines  are  from  the  following  pages  of  the  man- 
uscript, viz.:  page  122^,  eight  lines;  page  129,  two 
lines;  the  obverse  of  page  201,  found  on  the  last 
page    of    Appendix    A,    two    lines;      page    219,     two 


PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION. 


lines ;  pages  239  and  258,  one  line  each.  The  pages 
of  the  manuscript  are  indicated  in  these  printed  pages 
by  numerals  in   parentheses. 

There  are  several  errors  in  the  paging  of  the  origi- 
nal manuscript.  Pages  105  and  106  are  marked  145 
and  146,  and  pages  219  and  220  are  marked  119  and 
120,  respectively.     Page  243  is  missing. 

Such  as  it  is,  the  book  is  put  forth  that  the  public 
may  know  what  manner  of  men  the  Pilgrims  were, 
through  what  perils  and  vicissitudes  they  passed,  and 
how  much  we  of  to-day  owe  to  their  devotion  and 
determination. 


PROCEEDINGS 


LEGISLATURE 


JOURNAL    OF    THE    SENATE. 


MONDAY,    MAY    24,     1897. 


The  following  message  from  His  Excellency  the  Gov- 
ernor came  up  from  the  House,  to  wit:  — 

Boston,  May  22,  1897. 

To  the  Honorable  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives. 

I  have  the  honor  to  call  to  your  attention  the  fact  that 
Wednesday,  May  26,  at  11  a.m.,  has  been  fixed  as  the  date  of 
the  formal  presentation  to  the  Governor  of  the  Commonwealth 
of  the  Bradford  Manuscript  History,  recently  ordered  by  decree 
of  the  Consistory  Court  of  the  Diocese  of  London  to  be  returned 
to  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts  by  the  hands  of  the 
Honorable  Thomas  F.  Bayard,  lately  Ambassador  at  the  Court 
of  St.  James ;  and  to  suggest  for  the  favorable  consideration 
of  your  honorable  bodies  that  the  exercises  of  presentation  be 
held  in  the  House  of  Representatives  on  the  day  and  hour  above 
given,  in  the  presence  of  a  joint  convention  of  the  two  bodies 
and  of  invited  guests  and  the  public. 

Roger  Wolcott. 

Thereupon,   on  motion  of  Mr.  Roe,  — 

Ordered,  That,  in  accordance  with  the  suggestion  of 
His  Excellency  the  Governor,  a  joint  convention  of 
the  two  branches  be  held  in  the  chamber  of  the  House 

ziii 


XIV  PLYMOUTH    PLAJSTATION. 

of  Representatives,  on  Wednesday,  May  the  twenty- 
sixth,  at  eleven  o'clock  a.m.,  for  the  purpose  of  wit- 
nessing the  exercises  of  the  formal  presentation,  to 
the  Governor  of  the  Commonwealth,  of  the  Bradford 
Manuscript  History,  recently  ordered  by  decree  of 
the  Consistory  Court  of  the  Diocese  of  London  to  be 
returned  to  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts  by 
the  hands  of  the  Honorable  Thomas  F.  Bayard,  lately 
Ambassador  at  the  Court  of  St,  James ;  and  further 

Ordered,  That  the  clerks  of  the  two  branches  give 
notice  to  His  Excellency  the  Governor  of  the  adop- 
tion of  this  order. 

Sent  down  for  concurrence.  (It  was  concurred  with 
same  date.) 


PEOCEEDINGS    OF    THE    LEGISLATURE.  XV 


JOURNAL    OF    THE    SENATE. 


WEDNESDAY,    MAY    26,    1897. 


Joint   Convention. 
At  eleven   o'clock  a.m.,  pursuant  to  assignment,  the 
two  branches  met  in 

Convention 

in  the  chamber  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Roe, — 

Ordered,  That  a  committee,  to  consist  of  three  mem- 
bers of  the  Senate  and  eight  members  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  be  appointed,  to  wait  upon  His 
Excellency  the  Governor  and  inform  him  that  the  two 
branches  are  now  in  convention  for  the  purpose  of 
witnessing  the  exercises  of  the  formal  presentation,  to 
the  Governor  of  the  Commonwealth,  of  the  Bradford 
Manuscript  History. 

Messrs.  Roe,  Woodward  and  Gallivan,  of  the  Senate, 
and  Messrs.  Pierce  of  Milton,  Bailey  of  Plymouth, 
Brown  of  Gloucester,  Fairbank  of  Warren,  Bailey  of 
Newbury,   Sanderson  of  Lynn,   Whittlesey  of  Pittstield 


XVI  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION. 

and  Bartlett  of  Boston,  of  the  House,  were  appointed 
the  committee. 

Mr.  Roe,  from  the  committee,  afterwards  reported 
that  they  had  attended  to  the  duty  assigned  them,  and 
that  His  Excellency  the  Governor  had  been  pleased 
to  say  that  he  received  the  message  and  should  be 
pleased  to  wait  upon  the  Convention  forthwith  for  the 
purpose  named. 

His  Excellency  the  Governor,  accompanied  by  His 
Honor  the  Lieutenant-Governor  and  the  Honorable 
Council,  and  by  the  Honorable  Thomas  F.  Bayard, 
lately  Ambassador  of  the  United  States  at  the  Court 
of  St.  James's,  the  Honorable  George  F.  Hoar,  Sena- 
tor from  Massachusetts  in  the  Confess  of  the  United 
States,  and  other  invited  guests,  entered  the  chamber. 

The  decree  of  the  Consistorial  and  Episcopal  Court 
of  London,  authorizing  the  return  of  the  manuscript 
and  its  delivery  to  the  Governor,  was  read. 

The  President  then  presented  the  Honorable  George 
F.  Hoar,  who  gave  an  account  of  the  manuscript  and 
of  the  many  efforts  that  had  been  made  to  secure  its 
return. 

The  Honorable  Thomas  F.  Bayard  was  then  intro- 
duced by  the  President,  and  he  formally  presented 
the  manuscript  to  His  Excellency  the  Governor,  who 
accepted  it  in  behalf  of  the  Commonwealth. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Bradford,  the  following  order 
was  adopted :  — 


PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE    LEGISLATURE.  XVII 

WTiereas,  In  the  presence  of  the  Senate  and  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  in  joint  convention  assembled, 
and  in  accordance  with  a  decree  of  the  Consistorial  and 
Episcopal  Court  of  London,  the  manuscript  of  Brad- 
ford's "History  of  the  Plimouth  Plantation"  has  this 
day  been  delivered  to  His  Excellency  the  Governor 
of  the  Commonwealth  by  the  Honorable  Thomas  F. 
Bayard,  lately  Ambassador  of  the  United  States  at  the 
Court  of  St.  James's ;  and 

Whereas,  His  Excellency  the  Governor  has  accepted 
the  said  manuscript  in  behalf  of  the  Commonwealth ; 
therefore,   be  it 

Ordered,  That  the  Senate  and  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives of  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts  place 
on  record  their  high  appreciation  of  the  generous  and 
gracious  courtesy  that  prompted  this  act  of  inter- 
national good-will,  and  express  their  grateful  thanks 
to  all  concerned  therein,  and  especially  to  the  Lord 
Bishop  of  London,  for  the  return  to  the  Common- 
wealth of  this  precious  relic ;  and  be  it  further 

Ordered,  That  His  Excellency  the  Governor  be  re- 
quested to  transmit  an  engrossed  and  duly  authenti- 
cated copy  of  this  order  with  its  preamble  to  the 
Lord  Bishop  of  London. 

His  Excellency,  accompanied  by  the  other  dignita- 
ries, then  withdrew,  the  Convention  was  dissolved, 
and  the  Senate  returned  to  its  chamber. 

Subsequently  a    resolve  was    passed   (approved   June 


XVIU  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION. 

10,  1897)  providing  for  the  publication  of  the  history 
from  the  original  manuscript,  together  with  a  report 
of  the  proceedings  of  the  joint  convention,  such  report 
to  be  prepared  by  a  committee  consisting  of  one  mem- 
ber of  the  Senate  and  two  members  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  and  to  include,  so  far  as  practicable, 
portraits  of  His  Excellency  Governor  Roger  Wolcott, 
William  Bradford,  the  Honorable  George  F.  Hoar,  the 
Honorable  Thomas  F.  Bayard,  the  Archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury and  the  Lord  Bishop  of  London ;  facsimiles 
of  pages  from  the  manuscript  history,  and  a  picture 
of  the  book  itself;  copies  of  the  decree  of  the  Con- 
sistorial  and  Episcopal  Court  of  London,  the  receipt 
of  the  Honorable  Thomas  F.  Bayard  for  the  manu- 
script, and  the  receipt  sent  by  His  Excellency  the 
Governor  to  the  Consistorial  and  Episcopal  Court ;  an 
account  of  the  legislative  action  taken  with  reference 
to  the  presentation  and  reception  of  the  manuscript; 
the  addresses  of  the  Honorable  George  F.  Hoar,  the 
Honorable  Thomas  F.  Bayard  and  His  Excellency 
Governor  Roger  Wolcott;  and  such  other  papers  and 
illustrations  as  the  committee  might  deem  advisable ;  the 
whole  to  be  printed  under  the  direction  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Commonwealth,  and  the  book  distributed  by 
him  according  to  directions  contained  in  the  resolve. 
Senator  Alfred  S.  Roe  of  Worcester  and  Represent- 
atives Francis  C.  Lowell  of  Boston  and  Walter  L. 
Bouve  of  Hingham  were  appointed  as  the  committee. 


DECREE 

OF   THE 

consistorial  and  episcopal 
Court  of   London. 


DECREE. 


MANDELL  by  Divine  Permission 
LORD  BISHOP  OF  LONDON—  To 
The  Honorable  Thomas  Francis  Bay- 
ard Ambassador  Extraordinary  and 
Plenipotentiary  to  Her  Most  Gracious 
Majesty  Queen  Victoria  at  the  Court  of  Saint  James's 
in  London  and  To  The  Governor  and  Commonwealth 
of  Massachusetts  in  the  United  States  of  America 
Greeting —  WHEREAS  a  Petition  has  been  filed  in 
the  Registry  of  Our  Consistorial  and  Episcopal  Court 
of  London  by  you  the  said  Honorable  Thomas  Francis 
Bayard  as  Ambassador  Extraordinary  and  Plenipoten- 
tiary to  Her  Most  Gracious  Majesty  Queen  Victoria 
at  the  Court  of  Saint  James's  in  London  on  behalf 
of  the  President  and  Citizens  of  the  United  States  of 
America  wherein  you  have  alleged  that  there  is  in 
Our  Custody  as  Lord  Bishop  of  London  a  certain 
Manuscript  Book  known  as  and  entitled  "The  Log 
of  the  Mayflower"  containing  an  account  as  narrated 
by  Captain  "William  Bradford  who  was  one  of  the 
Company  of  Englishmen  who  left  England  in  April 
1620  in  the  ship  known  as  "The  Mayflower"  of 
the   circumstances    leading   to    the    prior   Settlement  of 


XXn  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION. 

that  Company  at  Leyden  in  Holland  their  return  to 
England  and  subsequent  departure  for  New  England 
their  landing  at  Cape  Cod  in  December  1620  their 
Settlement  at  New  Plymouth  and  their  later  history 
for  several  years  they  being  the  Company  whose  Set- 
tlement in  America  is  regarded  as  the  first  real  Colo- 
nisation of  the  New  England  States  and  wherein  you 
have  also  alleged  that  the  said  Manuscript  Book  had 
been  for  many  years  past  and  was  then  deposited  in 
the  Library  attached  to  Our  Episcopal  Palace  at  Ful- 
ham  in  the  County  of  Middlesex  and  is  of  the  great- 
est interest  importance  and  value  to  the  Citizens  of 
the  United  States  of  America  inasmuch  as  it  is  one 
of  the  earliest  records  of  their  national  History  and 
contains  much  valuable  information  in  regard  to  the 
original  Settlers  in  the  States  their  family  history  and 
antecedents  and  that  therefore  you  earnestly  desired 
to  acquire  possession  of  the  same  for  and  on  behalf 
of  the  President  and  Citizens  of  the  said  United  States 
of  America  AND  WHEREIN  you  have  also  alleged 
that  you  are  informed  that  We  as  Lord  Bishop  of 
London  had  fully  recognised  the  value  and  interest 
of  the  said  Manuscript  Book  to  the  Citizens  of  the 
United  States  of  America  and  the  claims  which  they 
have  to  its  possession  and  that  We  were  desirous 
of  transferring  it  to  the  said  President  and  Citizens 
AND  WHEREIN  you  have  also  alleged  that  you  are 
advised  and  believe  that  the   Custody  of  documents  in 


CONSISTORIAL    DECREE.  XXlll 

the  nature  of  public  or  ecclesiastical  records  belong- 
ing to  the  See  of  London  is  vested  in  the  Consis- 
torial  Court  of  the  said  See  and  that  any  disposal 
thereof  must  be  authorised  by  an  Order  issued  by  the 
Judge  of  that  Honorable  Court  And  that  you  there- 
fore humbly  prayed  that  the  said  Honorable  Court 
would  deliver  to  you  the  said  Manuscript  Book  on 
your  undertaking  to  use  every  means  in  your  power 
for  the  safe  transmission  of  the  said  Book  to  the 
United  States  of  America  and  its  secure  deposit  and 
custody  in  the  Pilgrim  Hall  at  New  Plymouth  or  in 
such  other  place  as  may  be  selected  by  the  President 
and  Senate  of  the  said  United  States  and  upon  such 
conditions  as  to  security  and  access  by  and  on  behalf 
of  the  English  Nation  as  that  Honorable  Court  might 
determine  AND  WHEREAS  the  said  Petition  was  set 
down  for  hearing  on  one  of  the  Court  days  in  Hilary 
Term  to  wit  Thursday  the  Twenty  fifth  day  of  March 
One  thousand  eight  hundred  and  ninety  seven  in  Our 
Consistorial  Court  in  the  Cathedral  Church  of  Saint 
Paul  in  London  before  The  Right  Worshipful  Thomas 
Hutchinson  Tristram  Doctor  of  Laws  and  one  of  Her 
Majesty's  Counsel  learned  in  the  Law  Our  Vicar  Gen- 
eral and  Official  Principal  the  Judge  of  the  said  Court 
and  you  at  the  sitting  of  the  said  Court  appeared  by 
Counsel  in  support  of  the  Prayer  of  the  said  Petition 
and  during  the  hearing  thereof  the  said  Manuscript 
Book  was    produced   in    the    said    Court    by  Our    legal 


XXIV  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION. 

Secretary  and  was  then  inspected  and  examined  by 
the  said  Judge  and  evidence  was  also  given  before 
the  Court  by  which  it  appeared  that  the  Registry  at 
Fulham  Palace  was  a  Public  Registry  for  Historical 
and  Ecclesiastical  Documents  relating  to  the  Diocese 
of  London  and  to  the  Colonial  and  other  possessions 
of  Great  Britain  beyond  the  Seas  so  long  as  the  same 
remained  by  custom  within  the  said  Diocese  AND 
WHEREAS  it  appeared  on  the  face  of  the  said  Man- 
uscript Book  that  the  whole  of  the  body  thereof  with 
the  exception  of  part  of  the  last  page  thereof  was  in 
the  handwriting  of  the  said  William  Bradford  who 
was  elected  Governor  of  New  Plymouth  in  April 
1621  and  continued  Governor  thereof  from  that  date 
excepting  between  the  years  1635  and  1637  up  to 
1650  and  that  the  last  five  pages  of  the  said  Manu- 
script which  is  in  the  handwriting  of  the  said  Wil- 
liam Bradford  contain  what  in  Law  is  an  authentic 
Register  between  1620  and  1650  of  the  fact  of  the 
Marriages  of  the  Founders  of  the  Colony  of  New 
England  with  the  names  of  their  respective  wives 
and  the  names  of  their  Children  the  lawful  issue  of 
such  Marriages  and  of  the  fact  of  the  Marriages  of 
many  of  their  Children  and  Grandchildren  and  of  the 
names  of  the  issue  of  such  marriages  and  of  the 
deaths  of  many  of  the  persons  named  therein  And 
after  hearing  Counsel  in  support  of  the  said  applica- 
tion the  Judge   being  of  opinion   that   the    said  Manu- 


CONSISTORIAL    DECREE.  XXV 

script  Book  had  been  upon  the  evidence  before  the 
Court  presumably  deposited  at  Fulham  Palace  some- 
time between  the  year  1729  and  the  year  1785  during 
which  time  the  said  Colon}^  was  by  custom  within  the 
Diocese  of  London  for  purposes  Ecclesiastical  and  the 
Registry  of  the  said  Consistorial  Court  was  a  legiti- 
mate Registry  for  the  Custody  of  Registers  of  Mar- 
riages Births  and  Deaths  within  the  said  Colony  and 
that  the  Registry  at  Fulham  Palace  was  a  Registry 
for  Historical  and  other  Documents  connected  with 
the  Colonies  and  possessions  of  Great  Britain  beyond 
the  Seas  so  long  as  the  same  remained  by  custom 
within  the  Diocese  of  London  and  that  on  the  Dec- 
laration of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of 
America  in  177G  the  said  Colony  had  ceased  to  be 
within  the  Diocese  of  London  and  the  Registry  of  the 
Court  had  ceased  to  be  a  public  registry  for  the  said 
Colony  and  having  maturely  deliberated  on  the  Cases 
precedents  and  practice  of  the  Ecclesiastical  Court 
bearing  on  the  application  before  him  and  having 
regard  to  the  Special  Circumstances  of  the  Case  De- 
creed as  follows —  (1)  That  a  Photographic  facsimile 
reproduction  of  the  said  Manuscript  Book  verified  by 
affidavit  as  being  a  true  and  correct  Photographic  re- 
production of  the  said  Manuscript  Book  be  deposited 
in  the  Registry  of  Our  said  Court  by  or  on  behalf 
of  the  Petitioner  before  the  delivery  to  the  Petitioner 
of  the    said    original    Manuscript    Book    as    hereinafter 


XXVIU  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION. 

the  Petitioner  and  that  he  accepts  the  Custody  of 
the  same  subject  to  the  terms  and  conditions  herein 
named  AND  the  Judge  lastly  decreed  that  the  Peti- 
tioner on  delivering  the  said  Manuscript  Book  to  the 
Governor  aforesaid  shall  at  the  same  time  deliver  to 
him  this  Our  Decree  Sealed  with  the  Seal  of  the 
Court  WHEREFORE  WE  the  Bishop  of  London 
aforesaid  well  weighing  and  considering  the  premises 
DO  by  virtue  of  Our  Authority  Ordinary  and  Epis- 
copal and  as  far  as  in  Us  lies  and  by  Law  We  may 
or  can  ratify  and  confirm  such  Decree  of  Our  Vicar 
General  and  Official  Principal  of  Our  Consistorial  and 
Episcopal  Court  of  London  IN  TESTIMONY  whereof 
We  have  caused  the  Seal  of  Our  said  Vicar  General 
and  Official  Principal  of  the  Consistorial  and  Episco- 
pal Court  of  London  which  We  use  in  this  l)ehalf  to 
be  affixed  to  these  Presents  DATED  AT  LONDON 
this  Twelfth  day  of  April  One  thousand  eight  hun- 
dred and  ninety  seven  and  in  the  first  year  of  Our 
Translation. 

Harry  W.  Lee 
Exd.  H.E.T.  Registrar 


(L.  S.) 


&' 


RECEIPT 


Ambassador    BAYARD. 


RECEIPT  OF  AMBASSADOR  BAYARD. 


In  the  Consistory  Court  of  London 

In  the  Matter  of  the  Original  Manuscript 
OF  the  Book  entitled  and  known  as  "The 
Log  of  the  Mayflower." 

I  THE  Honourable  THOMAS  FRANCIS  BAYARD 
lately  Ambassador  Extraordinary  and  Plenipotentiary 
of  the  United  States  of  America  at  the  Court  of 
Saint  James's  London  Do  hereby  undertake,  in  com- 
pliance with  the  Order  of  this  Honourable  Court 
dated  the  twelfth  day  of  April  1897  and  made  on 
my  Petition  filed  in  the  said  Honourable  Court,  that 
I  will  with  all  due  care  and  diligence  on  my  arrival 
from  England  in  the  United  States  of  America  safely 
convey  over  the  Original  Manuscript  Book  Known 
as  and  entitled  "The  Log  of  the  Mayflower"  which 
has  been  this  twenty  ninth  day  of  April  1897  deliv- 
ered over  to  me  by  the  Lord  Bishop  of  London,  to 
the  City  of  Boston  in  the  United  States  of  America 
and  on  my  arrival  in  the  said  City  deliver  the  same 
over  in  person  to  the  Governor  of  the  Common- 
wealth of  Massachusetts  at  his  Official  Office  in  the 
State  House  in  the  said  City  of  Boston  AND  I  fur- 
ther   hereby    undertake    from    the    time    of    the    said 


XXXll  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION. 

delivery  of  the  said  Book  to  me  by  the  said  Lord 
Bishop  of  London  until  I  shall  have  delivered  the 
same  to  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  to  retain 
the    same   in    my    own    personal    custody. 

(Signed)         T.  F.  Bayard 

29  April  1897 


I?.ECEIPT 


His   Excellency  ROGER  WOLCOTT. 


RECEIPT  OF  GOVERNOR  WOLCOTT. 


His  Excellency  Roger  Wolcott,   Governor  of  the  Commonwealth 
of  Massachusetts,  in  the  United   States  of  America. 

To  the  Registrar  of  the  Consistorial  and  Episcopal  Court  of  Londo7i. 
Whereas,  The  said  Honorable  Court,  by  its  decree 
dated  the  twelfth  day  of  April,  1897,  and  made  on 
the  petition  of  the  Honorable  Thomas  Francis  Bayard, 
lately  Ambassador  Extraordinary  and  Plenipotentiary 
of  the  United  States  of  America  at  the  Court  of 
Saint  James  in  London,  did  order  that  a  certain 
original  manuscript  book  then  in  the  custody  of  the 
Lord  Bishop  of  London,  known  as  and  entitled 
"The  Log  of  the  Mayflower,"  and  more  specifically 
described  in  said  decree,  should  be  delivered  over  to 
the  said  Honorable  Thomas  Francis  Bayard  Ijy  the 
Lord  Bishop  of  London,  on  certain  conditions  spec- 
ified in  said  decree,  to  be  delivered  by  the  said 
Honorable  Thomas  Francis  Bayard  in  person  to  the 
Governor  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts, 
thereafter  to  be  kept  in  the  custody  of  the  aforesaid 
Governor  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts  and 
his  successors,  subject  to  a  compliance  with  certain 
conditions,    as    set   forth    in    said   decree ; 

And  Whereas,  The  said  Honorable  Court  l)y  its 
decree  aforesaid  did  further  order  that,  with  all  con- 
venient speed  after  the  delivery  of  the  said  manuscript 
book  to  the  Governor  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Massa- 


XXXVl  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION. 

chusetts,  the  Governor  should  transmit  to  the  Regis- 
trar of  the  said  Honorable  Court  a  certificate  of  the 
delivery  of  the  same  to  him  by  the  said  Honorable 
Thomas  Francis  Bayard,  and  his  acceptance  of  the 
custody  of  the  same,  subject  to  the  terms  and  con- 
ditions   named    in    the    decree    aforesaid; 

JSfow,  Therefore^  In  compliance  with  the  decree 
aforesaid  I  do  hereby  certify  that  on  the  twenty-sixth 
day  of  May,  1897,  the  said  Honorable  Thomas  Francis 
Bayard  delivered  in  person  to  me,  at  my  official 
office  in  the  State  House  in  the  city  of  Boston,  in 
the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts,  in  the  United 
States  of  America,  a  certain  manuscript  book  which 
the  said  Honorable  Thomas  Francis  Bayard  then  and 
there  declared  to  be  the  original  manuscript  book 
known  as  and  entitled  "The  Log  of  the  Mayflower," 
which  is  more  specifically  described  in  the  decree 
aforesaid;  and  I  do  further  certify  that  I  hereby 
accept  the  custody  of  the  same,  subject  to  the  terms 
and    conditions    named    in    the    decree    aforesaid. 

In   witness    whereof,    I     have     hereunto     signed     my 

name    and    caused    the    seal    of    the    Commonwealth  to 

be  affixed,  at   the    Capitol   in   Boston,  this   twelfth  day 

of  July   in  the   year  of  our  Lord   one    thousand   eight 

hundred    and    ninety-seven. 

Roger  Woloott. 

By  His  Excellency  the  Governor, 

Wm.  M.  Olin, 

Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth. 


A  D  D  R.  E  S  S 


Hon.   GEORGE   F.    HOAR. 


ADDRESS  OF  SENATOR  HOAR. 


The  first  American  Ambassador  to  Great  Britain,  at 
the  end  of  his  official  service,  comes  to  Massachusetts 
on  an  interesting  errand.  He  comes  to  deliver  to  the 
lineal  successor  of  Governor  Bradford,  in  the  presence 
of  the  representatives  and  rulers  of  the  body  politic 
formed  by  the  compact  on  board  the  "Mayflower," 
Nov.  11,  1620,  the  only  authentic  history  of  the 
founding  of  their  Commonwealth ;  the  only  authentic 
history  of  what  we  have  a  right  to  consider  the  most 
important  political  transaction  that  has  ever  taken 
place    on    the    face    of  the    earth. 

Mr.  Bayard  has  sought  to  represent  to  the  mother 
country,  not  so  much  the  diplomacy  as  the  good- will 
of  the  American  people.  If  in  this  anybody  be 
tempted  to  judge  him  severely,  let  us  remember 
what  his  great  predecessor,  John  Adams,  the  first 
minister  at  the  same  court,  representing  more  than 
any  other  man,  embodying  more  than  any  other  man, 
the  spirit  of  Massachusetts,  said  to  George  III.,  on 
the  first  day  of  June,  1785,  after  the  close  of  our 
long  and  bitter  struggle  for  independence:  "I  shall 
esteem  myself  the  happiest  of  men  if  I  can  be  instru- 


Xl  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION. 

mental  in  restoring  an  entire  esteem,  confidence  and 
aifection,  or,  in  better  words,  the  old  good-nature 
and  the  old  good-humor  between  people  who,  though 
separated  by  an  ocean  and  under  different  govern- 
ments, have  the  same  language,  a  similar  religion 
and    kindred    blood." 

And  let  us  remember,  too,  the  answer  of  the  old 
monarch,  who,  with  all  his  faults,  must  have  had 
something  of  a  noble  and  royal  nature  stirring  in  his 
bosom,  when  he  replied:  "Let  the  circumstances  of 
language,  religion  and  blood  have  their  natural  and 
full    effect." 

It  has  long  been  well  known  that  Governor  Brad- 
ford wrote  and  left  behind  him  a  history  of  the 
settlement  of  Plymouth.  It  was  quoted  by  early 
chroniclers.  There  are  extracts  from  it  in  the  rec- 
ords at  Plymouth.  Thomas  Prince  used  it  when  he 
compiled  his  annals.  Hubbard  depended  on  it  when 
he  wrote  his  "History  of  New  England."  Cotton 
Mather  had  read  it,  or  a  copy  of  a  portion  of  it, 
when  he  wrote  his  "  Magnalia."  Governor  Hutchin- 
son had  it  when  he  published  the  second  volume  of 
his  history  in  1767.  From  that  time  it  disappeared 
from  the  knowledge  of  everybody  on  this  side  of  the 
water.  All  our  historians  speak  of  it  as  lost,  and  can 
only  guess  what  had  been  its  fate.  Some  persons  sus- 
pected that  it  was  destroyed  when  Governor  Hutchin- 
son's   house    was    sacked   in    1765,    others    that    it    was 


ADDRESS    OF    SENATOR    HOAR.  xH 

carried    off   by    some    officer    or    soldier    when    Boston 
was    evacuated    by    the    British   army    in    1776. 

In  1844  Samuel  Wilberforce,  Bishop  of  Oxford, 
afterward  Bishop  of  Winchester,  one  of  the  brightest 
of  men,  published  one  of  the  dullest  and  stupidest  of 
books.  It  is  entitled  "The  History  of  the  Protestant 
Episcopal  Church  in  America."  It  contained  extracts 
from  manuscripts  which  he  said  he  had  discovered  in 
the  library  of  the  Bishop  of  London  at  Fulham.  The 
book  attracted  no  attention  here  until,  about  twelve 
years  later,  in  1855,  John  Wingate  Thornton,  whom 
many  of  us  remember  as  an  accomplished  antiquary 
and  a  delightful  gentleman,  happened  to  pick  up  a 
copy  of  it  while  he  was  lounging  in  Burnham's  book 
store.  He  read  the  bishop's  quotations,  and  carried 
the  book  to  his  office,  where  he  left  it  for  his  friend, 
Mr.  Barry,  who  was  then  writing  his  "  History  of 
Massachusetts,"  with  passages  marked,  and  with  a 
note  which  is  not  preserved,  but  which,  according 
to  his  memory,  suggested  that  the  passages  must  have 
come  from  Bradford's  long-lost  history.  That  is  the 
claim  for  Mr.  Thornton.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is 
claimed  by  Mr.  Barry  that  there  was  nothing  of  that 
kind  expressed  in  Mr.  Thornton's  note,  but  in  read- 
ing the  book  when  he  got  it  an  hour  or  so  later, 
the  thought  struck  him  for  the  iSrst  time  that  the 
clew  had  been  found  to  the  precious  book  which  had 
been    lost    so    long.     He    at    once    repaired    to    Charles 


xlii  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION. 

Deane,  then  and  ever  since,  down  to  his  death,  as 
President  Eliot  felicitously  styled  him,  "the  master 
of  historical  investigators  in  this  country."  Mr.  Deane 
saw  the  importance  of  the  discovery.  He  communi- 
cated at  once  with  Joseph  Hunter,  an  eminent  English 
scholar.  Hunter  was  high  authority  on  all  matters 
connected  with  the  settlement  of  New  England.  He 
visited  the  palace  at  Fulham,  and  established  beyond 
question  the  identity  of  the  manuscript  with  Governor 
Bradford's  history,  an  original  letter  of  Governor  Brad- 
ford having  been  sent  over  for  comparison  of  hand- 
writing. 

How  the  manuscript  got  to  Fulham  nobody  knows. 
Whether  it  was  carried  over  by  Governor  Hutchin- 
son in  1774 ;  whether  it  was  taken  as  spoil  from  the 
tower  of  the  Old  South  Church  in  1775;  whether, 
with  other  manuscripts,  it  was  sent  to  Fulham  at  the 
time  of  the  attempts  of  the  Episcopal  churches  in 
America,  just  before  the  revolution,  to  establish  an 
episcopate  here,  —  nobody  knows.  It  would  seem 
that  Hutchinson  would  have  sent  it  to  the  colonial 
office ;  that  an  officer  would  naturally  have  sent  it  to 
the  war  office ;  and  a  private  would  have  sent  it  to 
the  war  office,  unless  he  had  carried  it  ofl*  as  mere 
private  booty  and  plunder,  —  in  which  case  it  would 
have  been  unlikely  that  it  would  have  reached  a  pub- 
lic place  of  custody.  But  we  find  it  in  the  posses- 
sion  of  the   church  and  of  the   church   official    having, 


ADDRESS    OF    SENATOR    HOAR.  xliii 

until  independence  was  declared,  special  jurisdiction 
over  Episcopal  interests  in  Massachusetts  and  Plym- 
outh. This  may  seem  to  point  to  a  transfer  for  some 
ecclesiastical    purpose. 

The  bishop's  chancellor  conjectures  that  it  was  sent 
to  Fulham  because  of  the  record  annexed  to  it  of 
the  early  births,  marriages  and  deaths,  such  records 
being  in  England  always  in  ecclesiastical  custody. 
But   this    is    merely    conjecture. 

I  know  of  no  incident  like  this  in  history,  unless 
it  be  the  discovery  in  a  chest  in  the  castle  of 
Edinburgh,  where  they  had  been  lost  for  one  hun- 
dred and  eleven  years,  of  the  ancient  regalia  of  Scot- 
land,—  the  crown  of  Bruce,  the  sceptre  and  sword 
of  state.  The  lovers  of  Walter  Scott,  who  was  one 
of  the  commissioners  who  made  the  search,  remem- 
ber his  intense  emotion,  as  described  by  his  daughter, 
when  the  lid  was  removed.  Her  feelings  were  worked 
up  to  such  a  pitch  that  she  nearly  fainted,  and  drew 
back    from    the    circle. 

As  she  was  retiring  she  was  startled  by  his  voice 
exclaiming,  in  a  tone  of  the  deepest  emotion,  "some- 
thing between  anger  and  despair,"  as  she  expressed 
it:  "By  God,  no!"  One  of  the  commissioners,  not 
quite  entering  into  the  solemnity  with  which  Scott 
regarded  this  business,  had,  it  seems,  made  a  sort 
of  motion  as  if  he  meant  to  put  the  crown  on  the 
head   of  one    of    he   young   ladies    near   him,    but   the 


xliv  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION. 

voice  and  the  aspect  of  the  poet  were  more  than 
sufficient  to  make  this  worthy  gentleman  understand 
his  error ;  and,  respecting  the  enthusiasm  with  which 
he  had  not  been  taught  to  sympatliize,  he  laid  down 
the  ancient  diadem  with  an  air  of  painful  embar- 
rassment. Scott  whispered,  "Pray  forgive  me,"  and 
turning  round  at  the  moment  observed  his  daughter 
deadly  pale  and  leaning  by  the  door.  He  immedi- 
ately drew  her  out  of  the  room,  and  when  she  had 
somewhat  recovered  in  the  fresh  air,  walked  with 
her  across  Mound  to  Castle  Street.  "  He  never 
spoke  all  the  way  home,"  she  says,  "but  every 
now  and  then  I  felt  his  arm  tremble,  and  from  that 
time  I  fancied  he  began  to  treat  me  more  like  a 
woman  than  a  child.  I  thought  he  liked  me  better, 
too,    than    he    had   ever    done    before." 

There  have  been  several  attempts  to  procure  the 
return  of  the  manuscript  to  this  country.  Mr.  Win- 
throp,  in  1860,  through  the  venerable  John  Sinclair, 
archdeacon,  urged  the  Bishop  of  London  to  give  it 
up,  and  proposed  that  the  Prince  of  Wales,  then  just 
coming  to  this  country,  should  take  it  across  the 
Atlantic  and  present  it  to  the  people  of  Massachu- 
setts. The  Attorney-General,  Sir  Fitzroy  Kelley,  ap- 
proved the  plan,  and  said  it  would  be  an  exceptional 
act  of  grace,  a  most  interesting  action,  and  that  he 
heartily  wished  the  success  of  the  application.  But 
the    bishop    refused.      Again,    in    1869,    John    Lothrop 


ADDRESS    OF    SENATOR    HOAR. 


Motley,  then  minister  to  England,  who  had  a  great 
and  deserved  influence  there,  repeated  the  proposi- 
tion, at  the  suggestion  of  that  most  accomplished 
scholar,  Justin  Winsor.  But  his  appeal  had  the  same 
fate.  The  bishop  gave  no  encouragement,  and  said, 
as  had  been  said  nine  years  before,  that  the  prop- 
erty could  not  be  alienated  without  an  act  of  Par- 
liament. Mr.  Winsor  planned  to  repeat  the  attempt 
on  his  visit  to  England  in  1877.  When  he  was  at 
Fulham  the  bishop  was  absent,  and  he  was  obliged 
to    come   home    without    seeing   him    in    person. 

In  1881,  at  the  time  of  the  death  of  President 
Garfield,  Benjamin  Scott,  chamberlain  of  London,  pro- 
posed again  in  the  newspapers  that  the  restitution 
should   be    made.     But    nothing    came    of  it. 

Dec.  21,  1895,  I  delivered  an  address  at  Plymouth, 
on  the  occasion  of  the  two  hundred  and  seventy-fifth 
anniversary  of  the  landing  of  the  Pilgrims  upon  the 
rock.  In  preparing  for  that  duty,  I  read  again,  with 
renewed  enthusiasm  and  delight,  the  noble  and  touch- 
ing story,  as  told  by  Governor  Bradford.  I  felt  that 
this  precious  history  of  the  Pilgrims  ought  to  be  in 
no  other  custody  than  that  of  their  children.  But 
the  case  seemed  hopeless.  I  found  myself  compelled 
by  a  serious  physical  infirmity  to  take  a  vacation, 
and  to  get  a  rest  from  public  cares  and  duties,  which 
was  impossible  while  I  stayed  at  home.  When  I 
went  abroad  I  determined  to  visit  the   locality,   on  the 


xlvi  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION. 

borders  of  Lincolnshire  and  Yorkshire,  from  which 
Bradford  and  Brewster  and  Robinson,  the  three  lead- 
ers of  the  Pilgrims,  came,  and  where  their  first  church 
was  formed,  and  the  places  in  Amsterdam  and  Leyden 
where  the  emigrants  spent  thirteen  years.  But  I 
longed  especially  to  see  the  manuscript  of  Bradford 
at  Fulham,  which  then  seemed  to  me,  as  it  now 
seems  to  me,  the  most  precious  manuscript  on  earth, 
unless  we  could  recover  one  of  the  four  gospels 
as  it  came  in  the  beginning  from  the  pen  of  the 
Evangelist. 

The  desire  to  get  it  back  grew  and  grew  dur- 
ing the  voyage  across  the  Atlantic.  I  did  not  know 
how  such  a  proposition  would  be  received  in  Eng- 
land. A  few  days  after  I  landed  I  made  a  call  upon 
John  Morley.  I  asked  him  whether  he  thought  the 
thing  could  be  done.  He  inquired  carefully  into  the 
story,  took  down  from  his  shelf  the  excellent  though 
brief  life  of  Bradford  in  Leslie  Stephen's  ' '  Bio- 
graphical Dictionary,"  and  told  me  he  thought  the 
book  ought  to  come  back  to  us,  and  that  he  should 
be  glad  to  do  anything  in  his  power  to  help.  It 
was  my  fortune,  a  week  or  two  after,  to  sit  next 
to  Mr.  Bayard  at  a  dinner  given  to  Mr.  Collins  by 
the  American  consuls  in  Great  Britain.  I  took  occa- 
sion to  tell  him  the  story,  and  he  gave  me  the 
assurance,  which  he  has  since  so  abundantly  and 
successfully    fulfilled,     of    his     powerful    aid.      I     was 


ADDRESS    OF   SENATOR  HOAR.  xlvii 

compelled,  by  the  health  of  one  of  the  party  with 
whom  I  was  travelling,  to  go  to  the  continent  almost 
immediately,  and  was  disappointed  in  the  hope  of  an 
early  return  to  England.  So  the  matter  was  delayed 
until  about  a  week  before  I  sailed  for  home,  when 
I  went  to  Fulham,  in  the  hope  at  least  of  seeing 
the  manuscript.  I  had  supposed  that  it  was  a  quasi- 
public  library,  open  to  general  visitors.  But  I  found 
the  bishop  was  absent.  I  asked  for  the  librarian, 
but  there  was  no  such  officer,  and  I  was  told  very 
politely  that  the  library  was  not  open  to  the  public, 
and  was  treated  in  all  respects  as  that  of  a  private 
gentleman.  So  I  gave  up  any  hope  of  doing  any- 
thing in  person.  But  I  happened,  the  Friday  before 
I  sailed  for  home,  to  dine  with  an  English  friend 
who  had  been  exceedingly  kind  to  me.  As  he  took 
leave  of  me,  about  eleven  o'clock  in  the  evening, 
he  asked  me  if  there  was  anything  more  he  could 
do  for  me.  I  said,  "No,  unless  you  happen  to  know 
the  Lord  Bishop  of  London.  I  should  like  to  get 
a  sight  at  the  manuscript  of  Bradford's  history  before 
I  go  home."  He  said,  "I  do  not  know  the  bishop 
myself,  but  Mr.  Grenfell,  at  whose  house  you  spent 
a  few  days  in  the  early  summer,  married  the  bishop's 
niece,  and  will  gladly  give  you  an  introduction  to  his 
uncle.  He  is  in  Scotland.  But  I  will  write  to  him 
before    I   go    to    bed." 

Sunday    morning   brought    me    a    cordial    letter   from 


Xlviii  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION. 

Mr.  Grenfell,  introducing  me  to  the  bishop.  I  wrote 
a  note  to  his  lordship,  saying  I  should  be  glad  to 
have  an  opportunity  to  see  Bradford's  history;  that 
I  was  to  sail  for  the  United  States  the  next  Wednes- 
day, but  would  be  pleased  to  call  at  Fulham  Tuesday, 
if  that   were    agreeable    to    him. 

I  got  a  note  in  reply,  in  which  he  said  if  I  would 
call  on  Tuesday  he  would  be  happy  to  show  me  "The 
Log  of  the  Mayflower,"  which  is  the  title  the  English, 
without  the  slightest  reason  in  the  world,  give  the 
manuscript,  I  kept  the  appointment,  and  found  the 
bishop  with  the  book  in  his  hand.  He  received  me 
with  great  courtesy,  showed  me  the  palace,  and  said 
that  that  spot  had  been  occupied  by  a  bishop's  palace 
for    more    than    a   thousand   years. 

After  looking  at  the  volume  and  reading  the  records 
on  the  flyleaf,  I  said:  "My  lord,  I  am  going  to  say 
something  which  you  may  think  rather  audacious.  I 
think  this  book  ought  to  go  back  to  Massachusetts. 
Nobody  knows  how  it  got  over  here.  Some  people 
think  it  was  carried  off  by  Governor  Hutchinson,  the 
Tory  governor ;  other  people  think  it  was  carried  off 
by  British  soldiers  when  Boston  was  evacuated;  but 
in  either  case  the  property  would  not  have  changed. 
Or,  if  you  treat  it  as  a  booty,  in  which  last  case, 
I  suppose,  by  the  law  of  nations  ordinary  property 
does    change,     no     civilized    nation    in    modern    times 


ADDRESS    OF    SENATOR    HOAR.  xlix 


applies  that  principle  to  the  property  of  libraries  and 
institutions    of   learning." 

<'Well,"  said  the  bishop,  "I  did  not  know  you 
cared   anything   about    it." 

"Why,"  said  I,  "if  there  were  in  existence  in 
England  a  history  of  King  Alfred's  reign  for  thirty 
years,  written  by  his  own  hand,  it  would  not  be  more 
precious  in  the  eyes  of  Englishmen  than  this  manu- 
script   is    to    us." 

"Well,"  said  he,  "I  think  myself  it  ought  to  go 
back,  and  if  it  had  depended  on  me  it  would  have  gone 
back  before  this.  But  the  Americans  who  have  been 
here  —  many  of  them  have  been  commercial  people  — 
did  not  seem  to  care  much  about  it  except  as  a  curi- 
osity. I  suppose  I  ought  not  to  give  it  up  on  my 
own  authority.  It  belongs  to  me  in  my  official 
capacity,  and  not  as  private  or  personal  property. 
I  think  I  ought  to  consult  the  Archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury. And,  indeed,"  he  added,  "I  think  I  ought 
to  speak  to  the  Queen  about  it.  We  should  not  do 
such   a  thing   behind    Her   Majesty's    back." 

I  said:  "Very  well.  When  I  go  home  I  will  have 
a  proper  application  made  from  some  of  our  literary 
societies,    and   ask   you   to    give    it    consideration." 

I  saw  Mr.  Bayard  again,  and  told  him  the  story. 
He  was  at  the  train  when  I  left  London  for  the 
steamer   at    Southampton.     He    entered   with    great    in- 


1  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION. 


terest  into  the  matter,  and  told  me  again  he  would 
gladly    do    anything    in    his    power   to    forward   it. 

When  I  got  home  I  communicated  with  Secretary 
Olney  about  it,  who  took  a  kindly  interest  in  the 
matter,  and  wrote  to  Mr.  Bayard  that  the  adminis- 
tration desired  he  should  do  everything  in  his  power 
to  promote  the  application.  The  matter  was  then 
brought  to  the  attention  of  the  council  of  the  Ameri- 
can Antiquarian  Society,  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society,  the  Pilgrim  Society  of  Plymouth  and  the 
[New  England  Society  of  New  York,  These  bodies 
appointed  committees  to  unite  in  the  application. 
Governor  Wolcott  was  also  consulted,  who  gave  his 
hearty  approbation  to  the  movement,  and  a  letter  was 
dispatched   through    Mr.    Bayard. 

Meantime  Bishop  Temple,  with  whom  I  had  my 
conversation,  had  himself  become  Archbishop  of  Can- 
terlniry,  and  in  that  capacity  Primate  of  all  England. 
His  successor,  Rev.  Dr.  Creighton,  had  been  the 
delegate  of  John  Harvard's  Colleo;e  to  the  jjreat  cele- 
bration  at  Harvard  University  on  the  two  hundred 
and  fiftieth  anniversary  of  its  foundation,  in  1886. 
He  had  received  the  degree  of  doctor  of  laws  from 
the  university,  had  been  a  guest  of  President  Eliot, 
and  had  received  President  Eliot  as  his  guest  in 
England. 

He  is  an  accomplished  historical  scholar,  and  very 
friendly    in    sentiment    to    the    people    of    the    United 


ADDRESS    OF    SENATOR    HOAR. 


States.  So,  by  great  fortune,  the  two  eminent  eccle- 
siastical personages  who  were  to  have  a  powerful 
influence  in  the  matter  were  likely  to  be  exceed- 
ingly well  disposed.  Dr.  Benjamin  A.  Gould,  the 
famous  mathematician,  was  appointed  one  of  the  com- 
mittee of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society.  He  died 
suddenly,  just  after  a  letter  to  the  Bishop  of  London 
was  prepared  and  about  to  be  sent  to  him  for  sign- 
ing. He  took  a  very  zealous  interest  in  the  matter. 
The  letter  formally  asked  for  the  return  of  the  manu- 
script, and  was  signed  by  the  following-named  gentle- 
men :  George  F.  Hoar,  Stephen  Salisbury,  Edward 
Everett  Hale,  Samuel  A.  Green,  for  the  American 
Antiquarian  Society;  Charles  Francis  Adams,  William 
Lawrence,  Charles  W.  Eliot,  for  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society ;  Arthur  Lord,  William  M.  Evarts, 
William  T.  Davis,  for  the  Pilgrim  Society  of  Plym- 
outh ;  Charles  C.  Beaman,  Joseph  H.  Choate,  J.  Pier- 
pont  Morgan,  for  the  New  England  Society  of  New 
York;    Roger    Wolcott,    Governor    of  Massachusetts. 

The  rarest  good  fortune  seems  to  have  attended 
every    step    in    this    transaction. 

I  was  fortunate  in  having  formed  the  friendship  of 
Mr.  Grenfell,  which  secured  to  me  so  cordial  a 
reception    from   the    Bishop    of  London. 

It  was  fortunate  that  the  Bishop  of  London  was 
Dr.  Temple,  an  eminent  scholar,  kindly  disposed 
toward   the    people    of  the    United    States,    and  a   man 


lii  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION. 

thoroughly  capable  of  understanding  and  respecting 
the  deep  and  holy  sentiment  which  a  compliance 
with    our    desire    would   gratify. 

It  was  fortunate,  too,  that  Bishop  Temple,  who 
thought  he  must  have  the  approbation  of  the  arch- 
bishop before  his  action,  when  the  time  came  had 
himself  become  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  Primate 
of  all   England. 

It  was  fortunate  that  Dr.  Creighton  had  succeeded 
to  the  see  of  London.  He  is,  himself,  as  I  have 
just  said,  an  eminent  historical  scholar.  He  has 
many  friends  in  America.  He  was  the  delegate  of 
Emmanuel,  John  Harvard's  College,  at  the  great  Har- 
vard centennial  celebration  in  1886.  He  received  the 
degree  of  doctor  of  laws  at  Harvard  and  is  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society.  He  had, 
as  I  have  said,  entertained  President  Eliot  as  his 
guest  in    England. 

It  was  fortunate,  too,  that  the  application  came  in 
a  time  of  cordial  good-will  between  the  two  coun- 
tries, when  the  desire  of  John  Adams  and  the  long- 
ing of  George  III.  have  their  ample  and  complete 
fulfilment.  '  This  token  of  the  good-will  of  England 
reached  Boston  on  the  eve  of  the  birthday  of  the 
illustrious  sovereign,  who  is  not  more  venerated  and 
beloved  by  her  own  subjects  than  by  the  kindred 
people    across    the    sea. 

It  comes  to  us  at  the  time    of  the   rejoicing    of  the 


THE   ARCHBISHOP   OF   CANTERBURY. 


ADDRESS    OF    SENATOR   HOAR.  Hii 

English  people  at  the  sixtieth  anniversary  of  a  reign 
more  crowded  with  benefit  to  humanity  than  any 
other  known  in  the  annals  of  the  race.  Upon  the 
power  of  England,  the  sceptre,  the  trident,  the  lion, 
the  army  and  the  fleet,  the  monster  ships  of  war, 
the  all-shattering  guns,  the  American  people  are 
strong  enouo-h  now  to  look  with  an  entire  indifler- 
ence.  We  encounter  her  commerce  and  her  manu- 
facture in  the  spirit  of  a  generous  emulation.  The 
inheritance  from  which  England  has  gained  these 
things    is    ours    also.      We,     too,    are    of    the     Saxon 

strain. 

In  our  halls  is  hung 
Armory  of  the  invincible  knights  of  old. 

Our  temple  covers  a  continent,  and  its  porches  are 
upon  both  the  seas.  Our  fathers  knew  the  secret  to 
lay,  in  Christian  liberty  and  law,  the  foundations  of 
empire.  Our  young  men  are  not  ashamed,  if  need 
be,    to    speak    with   the    enemy    in    the    gate. 

But  to  the  illustrious  lady,  type  of  gentlest  woman- 
hood, model  of  mother  and  wife  and  friend,  who  came 
at  eighteen  to  the  throne  of  George  IV.  and  William ; 
of  purer  eyes  than  to  behold  iniquity ;  the  maiden 
presence  before  which  everything  unholy  shrank ;  the 
sovereign  who,  during  her  long  reign,  "  ever  knew 
the  people  that  she  ruled ; "  the  royal  nature  that 
disdained  to  strike  at  her  kingdom's  rival  in  the 
hour    of   our    sorest    need ;    the    heart    which    even    in 


liv  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION. 

the  bosom  of  a  queen  beat  with  sympathy  for  the 
cause  of  constitutional  liberty ;  who,  herself  not  un- 
acquainted with  grief,  laid  on  the  coiSn  of  our  dead 
Garfield  the  wreath  fragrant  with  a  sister's  sympa- 
thy,—  to  her  our  republican  manhood  does  not  dis- 
dain  to    bend. 

The  eagle,  lord  of  land  and  sea, 
Will  stoop  to  pay  her  fealty. 

But  I  am  afraid  this  application  might  have  had 
the  fate  of  its  predecessors  but  for  our  special  good 
fortune  in  the  fact  that  Mr.  Bayard  was  our  ambas- 
sador at  the  Court  of  St.  James.  He  had  been,  as 
I  said  in  the  beginning,  the  ambassador  not  so  much 
of  the  diplomacy  as  of  the  good-will  of  the  American 
people.  Before  his  powerful  influence  every  obstacle 
gave  way.  It  was  almost  impossible  for  Englishmen 
to  refuse  a  request  like  this,  made  by  him,  and 
in  which  his  own  sympathies  were  so  profoundly 
enlisted. 

You  are  entitled,  sir,  to  the  gratitude  of  Massa- 
chusetts, to  the  gratitude  of  every  lover  of  Massa- 
chusetts and  of  every  lover  of  the  country.  You 
have  succeeded  where  so  many  others  have  failed, 
and  where  so  many  others  Avould  have  been  likely 
to  fail.  You  may  be  sure  that  our  debt  to  you  is 
fully    understood   and    will    not   be    forgotten. 

The  question  of  the  permanent  abiding-place  of  this 


ADDRESS    OF    SENATOR   HOAR.  Iv 

manuscript  will  be  settled  after  it  has  reached  the 
hands  of  His  Excellency.  Wherever  it  shall  go  it 
will  be  an  object  of  reverent  care.  I  do  not  think 
many  Americans  will  gaze  upon  it  without  a  little 
trembling  of  the  lips  and  a  little  gathering  of  mist 
in  the  eyes,  as  they  think  of  the  story  of  suffering, 
of  sorrow,  of  peril,  of  exile,  of  death  and  of  lofty 
triumph  which  that  book  tells,  —  which  the  hand  of 
the  sreat  leader  and  founder  of  America  has  traced 
on    those    pages. 

There  is  nothinoj  like  it  in  human  annals  since  the 
story  of  Bethlehem.  These  Englishmen  and  English 
women  ffoino:  out  from  their  homes  in  beautiful  Lin- 
coin  and  York,  wife  separated  from  husband  and 
mother  from  child  in  that  hurried  embarkation  for 
Holland,  pursued  to  the  beach  by  English  horsemen ; 
the  thirteen  years  of  exile ;  the  life  at  Amsterdam 
"in  alley  foul  and  lane  obscure;"  the  dwelling  at 
Leyden ;  the  embarkation  at  Delfthaven ;  the  farewell 
of  Robinson ;  the  terrible  voyage  across  the  Atlantic ; 
the  compact  in  the  harbor ;  the  landing  on  the  rock ; 
the  dreadful  first  winter ;  the  death  roll  of  more  than 
half  the  number ;  the  days  of  suffering  and  of  famine ; 
the  wakeful  night,  listening  for  the  yell  of  wild 
beast  and  the  war-whoop  of  the  savage ;  the  build- 
ing of  the  State  on  those  sure  foundations  which 
no  wave  or  tempest  has  ever  shaken ;  the  breaking 
of  the   new   light ;    the  dawning    of  the   new   day ;    the 


Ivi  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION. 

beginning  of  the  new  life ;  the  enjoyment  of  peace 
with  liberty,  —  of  all  these  things  this  is  the  origi- 
nal record  by  the  hand  of  our  beloved  father  and 
founder.  Massachusetts  will  preserve  it  until  the 
time  shall  come  that  her  children  are  unworthy  of 
it ;    and   that   time    shall    come,  —  never. 


ADDRESS 


Hon.   THOMAS   F.    BAYARD. 


Ivii 


THE  NEW  Yor-y 


-ASTO!^,  LENOX 
TTLDEN  FOUr;DATro>J^i 


ADDRESS   OF  AMBASSADOR   BAYARD. 


Your  Excellency,  Gentlemen  of  the  two  Houses  of 
the  Lesrislature  of  Massachusetts,  Ladies  and  Gentle- 
men,  Fellow  Countrymen :  The  honorable  and  most 
gratifying  duty  with  which  I  am  charged  is  about 
to  receive  its  final  act  of  execution,  for  I  have  the 
book  here,  as  it  was  placed  in  my  hands  by  the 
Lord  Bishop  of  London  on  April  29,  intact  then  and 
now ;  and  I  am  about  to  deliver  it  according  to  the 
provisions  of  the  decree  of  the  Chancellor  of  Lon- 
don, which  has  been  read  in  your  presence,  and  the 
receipt  signed  by  me  and  registered  in  his  court  that 
I   would   obey   the    provisions    of  that   decree. 

I  have  kept  my  trust ;  I  have  kept  the  book  as 
I  received  it;  I  shall  deliver  it  into  the  hands  of 
the  representative  of  the  people  who  are  entitled 
to    its    custody. 

And  now,  gentlemen,  it  would  be  superfluous  for 
me  to  dwell  upon  the  historical  features  of  this 
remarkable  occasion,  for  it  has  been  done,  as  we 
all  knew  it  would  be  done,  with  ability,  learning, 
eloquence  and  impressiveness,  by  the  distinguished 
Senator  who  represents  you  so  well  in  the  Con- 
gress   of    the    United    States. 


Ix  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION. 

For  all  that  related  to  myself,  and  for  every 
gracious  word  of  recognition  and  commendation  that 
fell  from  his  lips  in  relation  to  the  part  that  I  have 
taken  in  the  act  of  restoration,  I  am  profoundly 
grateful.  It  is  an  additional  reward,  but  not  the 
reward    which    induced    my    action. 

To  have  served  your  State,  to  have  been  instru- 
mental in  such  an  act  as  this,  was  of  itself  a  high 
privilege  to  me.  The  Bradford  manuscript  was  in  the 
library  of  Fulham  j^alace,  and  if,  by  lawful  means,  1 
could  have  become  possessed  of  the  volume,  and  have 
brought  it  here  and  quietly  deposited  it,  I  should 
have  gone  to  my  home  with  the  great  satisfaction  of 
knowing  that  I  had  performed  an  act  of  justice,  an 
act  of  rig^ht  between  two  countries.  Therefore  the 
praise,  however  grateful,  is  additional,  and  I  am  very 
thankful    for    it. 

It  may  not  be  inappropriate  or  unpleasing  to  you 
should  I  state  in  a  very  simple  manner  the  history 
of  my  relation  to  the  return  of  this  book,  for  it  all 
has    occurred    within    the    last    twelve    months. 

I  knew  of  the  existence  of  this  manuscript,  and 
had  seen  the  reproduction  in  facsimile.  I  knew  that 
attempts  had  been  made,  unsuccessfully,  to  obtain  the 
original    book. 

At  that  time  Senator  Hoar  made  a  short  visit  to 
England,  and  in  passing  through  London  I  was 
informed    by    him    of    the    great    interest    that    he,    in 


AMBASSADOR  BAYARD'S  ADDRESS.  Ixi 

common  with  the  people  of  this  State,  had  iu  the 
restoration  of  this  manuscript  to  the  custody  of  the 
State. 

We  discussed  the  methods  by  which  it  might  be 
accomplished,  and  after  two  or  three  concurrent  sug- 
gestions he  returned  to  the  United  States,  and  pres- 
ently I  received,  under  cover  from  the  Secretary  of 
State,  —  a  distinguished  citizen  of  your  own  State, 
Mr.  Olney,  —  a  formal  note,  suggesting  rather  than 
instructing  that  in  an  informal  manner  I  should  en- 
deavor to  have  carried  out  the  wishes  of  the  various 
societies  that  had  addressed  themselves  to  the  Bishop 
of  London  and  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  in 
order   to    obtain    the    return    of  this    manuscript. 

It  necessarily  had  to  be  done  informally.  The  strict 
regulations  of  the  office  I  then  occupied  forbade  my 
correspondence  with  any  member  of  the  British  gov- 
ernment except  through  the  foreign  office,  unless  it 
were  informal.  An  old  saying  describes  the  entire 
case,  that  "When  there's  a  will  there's  a  way."  There 
certainly  was  the  will  to  get  the  book,  and  there  cer- 
tainly was  also  a  will  and  a  way  to  give  the  book, 
and  that  way  was  discovered  by  the  legal  custodians 
of  the    book    itself. 

At  first  there  were  suggestions  of  difficulty,  some 
technical  questions ;  and  following  a  very  safe  rule, 
the  first  thought  was.  What  is  the  law?  and  the  case 
was    submitted    to    the    law     officers     of    the     Crown. 


Ixii  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION. 

Then  there  arose  the  necessity  of  a  formal  act  of 
permission. 

There  could  be  entertained  no  question  as  to  the 
title  to  the  manuscript  in  the  possession  of  the  British 
government.  There  was  no  authority  to  grant  a  claim, 
founded  on  adverse  title,  and  the  question  arose  as 
to  the  requisite  form  of  law  of  a  permissive  rather 
than  of  a  mandatory  nature,  in  order  to  be  authorita- 
tive   with   those    who   had   charge    of  the    document. 

But,  as  I  have  said,  when  there  was  a  will  there 
was  found  a  way.  By  personal  correspondence  and 
interviews  with  the  Bishop  of  London,  I  soon  discov- 
ered that  he  was  as  anxious  to  find  the  way  as  I  was 
that  he  should  find  it.  In  March  last  it  was  finally 
agreed  that  I  should  employ  legal  counsel  to  present 
a  formal  petition  in  the  Episcopal  Consistorial  Court 
of  London,  and  there  before  the  Chancellor  to  repre- 
sent the  strong  desire  of  Massachusetts  and  her  people 
for   the    return    of  the   record    of  her  early  Governor. 

Accordingly,  the  petition  was  prepared,  and  by  my 
authority  signed  as  for  me  by  an  eminent  member 
of  the  bar,  and  it  was  also  signed  by  the  Bishop  of 
London,  so  that  there  was  a  complete  consensus.  The 
decree  was  ordered,  as  is  published  in  the  London 
"Times"  on  March  25  last,  and  nothing  after  that 
remained  but  formalities,  in  which,  as  you  are  well 
aware,  the  English  law  is  not  lacking,  especially  in 
the   ecclesiastical    tribunals. 


AMBASSADOR   BAYARD'S   ADDRESS.  Ixiii 

These  formalities  were  carried  out  during  my  ab- 
sence from  London  on  a  short  visit  to  the  Conti- 
nent, and  the  decree  which  you  have  just  heard  read 
was  duly  entered  on  April  12  last,  consigning  the 
document  to  my  personal  custody,  to  be  delivered 
by  me  in  this  city  to  the  high  official  therein  named, 
subject  to  those  conditions  which  you  have  also  heard. 

Accordingly,  on  the  29th  of  April  last  I  was  sum- 
moned to  the  court,  and  there,  having  signed  the  re- 
ceipt, this  decree  was  read  in  my  presence.  Then  the 
Bishop  of  London  arose,  and,  taking  the  book  in 
his  hands,  delivered  it  with  a  few  gracious  words 
into   my    custody,    and   here    it    is    to-day. 

The  records  of  those  proceedings  will  no  doubt  be 
preserved  here  as  accompanying  this  book,  as  they 
are  in  the  Episcopal  Consistorial  Court  in  London, 
and   they   tell    the    entire    story. 

But  that  is  but  part.  The  thing  that  I  wish  to 
impress  upon  you,  and  upon  my  fellow  countrymen 
throughout  the  United  States,  is  that  this  is  an  act 
of  courtesy  and  friendship  by  another  government  — 
the  government  of  what  we  once  called  our  "mother 
country"  —  to  the  entire  people   of  the  United  States. 

You  cannot  limit  it  to  the  Governor  of  this  Com- 
monwealth ;  nor  to  the  Legislature ;  nor  even  to  the 
citizens  of  this  Commonwealth.  It  extends  in  its 
courtesy,  its  kindness  and  comity  to  the  entire  people 
of  the   United    States.      From    first    to    last   there    was 


Ixiv  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION. 

the  ready  response  of  courtesy  and  kindness  to  the 
request  for  the  restoration    of  this    manuscript   record. 

I  may  say  to  you  that  there  has  been  nothing  that 
I  have  sought  more  earnestly  than  to  place  the  affairs 
of  these  two  great  nations  in  the  atmosphere  of 
mutual  confidence  and  respect  and  good-will.  If  it 
be  a  sin  to  long  for  the  honor  of  one's  country, 
for  the  safety  and  strength  of  one's  country,  then 
I  have  been  a  great  sinner,  for  I  have  striven  to 
advance  the  honor  and  the  safety  and  the  welfare 
of  my  country,  and  believed  it  was  best  accom- 
plished by  treating  all  Avith  justice  and  courtesy,  and 
doing  those  things  to  others  which  we  would  ask  to 
have    done    to    ourselves. 

When  the  Chancellor  pronounced  his  decree  in  March 
last,  he  cited  certain  precedents  to  justify  him  in  re- 
storing this  volume  to  Massachusetts.  One  precedent 
which  powerfully  controlled  his  decision,  and  which 
in  the  closing  portion  of  his  judgment  he  emphasizes, 
was  an  act  of  generous  liberality  upon  the  part  of 
the  American  Library  Society  in  Philadelphia  in  vol- 
untarily returning  to  the  British  government  some 
volumes  of  original  manuscript  of  the  period  of  James 
the  First,  which  by  some  means  not  very  clearly 
explained  had  found  their  way  among  the  books  of 
that   institution. 

Those  books  were  received  by  a  distinguished  man, 
Lord  Romilly,  Master  of  the  Rolls,  who  took  occasion 


AMBASSADOR    BAYARD'S    ADDRESS.  IxV 

to  speak  of  the  liberality  and  kindness  which  dictated 
the  action  of  the  Philadelphia  library.  Gentlemen,  I 
am  one  of  those  who  believe  that  a  generous  and 
kindly  act  is  never  unwise  between  individuals  or 
nations. 

The  return  of  this  book  to  you  is  an  echo  of  the 
kindly  act  of  your  countrymen  in  the  city  of  Phila- 
delphia in  1866. 

It  is  that,  not,  as  Mr.  Hoar  has  said,  any  influence 
or  special  effort  of  mine ;  but  it  is  international  good 
feeling  and  comity  which  brought  about  to  you  the 
pleasure  and  the  joy  of  having  this  manuscript  re- 
turned, and  so  it  will  ever  be.  A  generous  act  will 
beget  a  generous  act ;  trust  and  confidence  will  beget 
trust  and  confidence ;  and  so  it  will  be  while  the  world 
shall  last,  and  well  will  it  be  for  the  man  or  for  the 
people  who  shall  recognize  this  truth  and  act  upon  it. 

Now,  gentlemen,  there  is  another  coincidence  that 
I  may  venture  to  point  out.  It  is  history  repeating 
itself.  More  than  three  hundred  years  ago  the  ances- 
tors from  whom  my  father  drew  his  name  and  blood 
were  French  Protestants,  who  had  been  compelled  to 
flee  from  the  religious  persecutions  of  that  day,  and 
for  the  sake  of  conscience  to  find  an  asylum  in  Hol- 
land. Fifty  years  after  they  had  fled  and  found  safety 
in  Holland,  the  little  congregation  of  Independents 
from  the  English  village  of  Scrooby,  under  the  pas- 
torate of  John   Robinson,    was   forced  to  fly,   and   with 


Ixvi  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION. 

difficulty  found  its  way  into  the  same  country  of  the 
Netherlands,    seeking    an  asylum  for   consciences'  sake. 

Time  passed  on.  The  little  English  colony  re- 
moved, as  this  manuscript  of  William  Bradford  will 
tell  you,  across  the  Atlantic,  and  soon  after  the 
Huguenot  family  from  whom  I  drew  my  name  found 
their  first  settlement  in  what  was  then  the  New 
Netherlands,  now  New  York.  Both  came  from  the 
same  cause ;  both  came  with  the  same  object,  the 
same  purpose,  —  "soul  freedom,"  as  Roger  Williams 
well  called  it.  Both  came  to  found  homes  where 
they  could  worship  God  according  to  their  own  con- 
science and  live  as  free  men.  They  came  to  these 
shores,  and  they  have  found  the  asylum,  and  they 
have  strengthened  it,  and  it  is  what  we  see  to-day,  — 
a  country  of  absolute  religious  and  civil  freedom, — 
of  equal    rights    and   toleration. 

And  is  it  not  fitting  that  I,  who  have  in  my  veins 
the  blood  of  the  Huguenots,  should  present  to  you  and 
your  Governor  the  log  of  the  English  emigrants,  who 
left  their  country  for  the  sake  of  religious  freedom? 

They  are  blended  here, — their  names,  their  inter- 
ests. No  man  asks  and  no  man  has  a  right  to  ask 
or  have  ascertained  by  any  method  authorized  by  law 
what  is  the  conscientious  religious  tenet  or  opinion 
of  any  man,  of  any  citizen,  as  a  prerequisite  for 
holding  an  office  of  trust  or  power  in  the  United 
States. 


AMBASSADOR   BAYARD's    ADDRESS.  Ixvii 

I  think  it  well  on  this  occasion  to  make,  as  I  am 
sure  you  are  making,  acknowledgment  to  that  heroic 
little  country,  the  Lowlands  as  they  call  it,  the  Neth- 
erlands,—  the  country  without  one  single  feature  of 
military  defence  except  the  brave  hearts  of  the  men 
who    live    in    it   and    defend    it. 

Holland  was  the  anvil  upon  which  religious  and 
civil  liberty  was  beaten  out  in  Europe  at  a  time 
when  the  clang  was  scarcely  heard  anywhere  else. 
We  can  never  forget  our  historical  debt  to  that 
country  and  to  those  people.  Puritan,  Independent, 
Huguenot,  whoever  he  may  be,  forced  to  flee  for 
conscience's  sake,  will  not  forget  that  in  the  Nether- 
lands there  was  found  in  his  time  of  need  the 
asylum  where  conscience,  property  and  person  might 
be    secure. 

And  now  my  task  is  done.  I  am  deeply  grateful 
for  the  part  that  I  have  been  enabled  to  take  in  this 
act  of  just  and  natural  restitution.  In  Massachusetts 
or  out  of  Massachusetts  there  is  no  one  more  will- 
ing than  I  to  assist  this  work ;  and  here,  sir  [address- 
ing Governor  Wolcott],  I  fulfil  my  trust  in  placing  in 
your   hands    the    manuscript. 

To  you,  as  the  honored  representative  of  the  people 
of  this  Commonwealth,  I  commit  this  book,  in  pur- 
suance of  my  obligations,  gladly  undertaken  under 
the  decree  of  the  Episcopal  Consistorial  Court  of 
London. 


ADDRESS 


His   Excellency   ROGER  WOLCOTT. 


Ixix 


PUBLIC  Liii^'urXAVi    1 

ASTDH,  LENOX  I 

TILDEN   FUUNPA.TIONSJ 


ADDRESS  OF  GOVERNOR  WOLCOTT. 


On  receiving  the  volume,  Governor  Wolcott,  ad- 
dressing Mr.  Bayard,  spoke  as  follows  :  I  thank  you, 
sir,  for  the  diligent  and  faithful  manner  in  which 
you  have  executed  the  honorable  trust  imposed  upon 
you  by  the  decree  of  the  Consistorial  and  Episcopal 
Court  of  London,  a  copy  of  which  you  have  now 
placed  in  my  hands.  It  was  fitting  that  one  of  your 
high  distinction  should  be  selected  to  perform  so 
dignified   an    office. 

The  gracious  act  of  international  courtesy  which  is 
now  completed  will  not  fail  of  grateful  appreciation 
by  the  people  of  this  Commonwealth  and  of  the 
nation.  It  is  honorable  alike  to  those  who  hesitated 
not  to  prefer  the  request  and  to  those  whose  generous 
liberality  has  prompted  compliance  with  it.  It  may 
be  that  the  story  of  the  departure  of  this  precious 
relic  from  our  shores  may  never  in  its  every  detail 
be  revealed;  but  the  story  of  its  return  will  be  read 
of  all  men,  and  will  become  a  part  of  the  history 
of  the  Commonwealth.  There  are  places  and  objects 
so  intimately  associated  with  the  world's  greatest  men 
or  with  mighty  deeds  that  the  soul  of  him  who  gazes 
upon  them  is    lost   in   a    sense    of  reverent   awe,   as  it 


Ixxii  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION. 

listens  to  the  voice  that  speaks  from  the  past,  in 
words  like  those  which  came  from  the  burning  bush, 
"Put  off  thy  shoes  from  off  thy  feet,  for  the  place 
whereon    thou    standest    is    holy    ground." 

On  the  sloping  hillside  of  Plymouth,  that  bathes 
its  feet  in  the  waters  of  the  Atlantic,  such  a  voice 
is  breathed  by  the  brooding  genius  of  the  place,  and 
the  ear  must  be  dull  that  fails  to  catch  the  whispered 
words.  For  here  not  alone  did  godly  men  and  women 
suffer  greatly  for  a  great  cause,  but  their  noble  pur- 
pose was  not  doomed  to  defeat,  but  was  carried  to 
perfect  victory.  They  stablished  what  they  planned. 
Their  feeble  plantation  became  the  birthplace  of  re- 
ligious liberty,  the  cradle  of  a  free  Commonwealth. 
To  them  a  mighty  nation  owns  its  debt.  Nay,  they 
have  made  the  civilized  world  their  debtor.  In  the 
varied  tapestry  which  pictures  our  national  life,  the 
richest  spots  are  those  where  gleam  the  golden  threads 
of  conscience,  courage  and  faith,  set  in  the  web  by 
that  little  band.  May  God  in  his  mercy  grant  that 
the  moral  impulse  which  founded  this  nation  may 
never  cease  to  control  its  destiny ;  that  no  act  of 
any  future  generation  may  put  in  peril  the  funda- 
mental principles  on  which  it  is  based,  —  of  equal 
rights  in  a  free  state,  equal  privileges  in  a  free 
church   and   equal    opportunities    in    a   free    school. 

In  this  precious  volume  which  I  hold  in  my  hands 
—  the  gift  of  England  to  the   Commonwealth  of  Mas- 


GOVERNOR    WOLCOTTS    ADDRESS.  IXXUl 

sachusetts  —  is  told  the  noble,  simple  story  "  of 
PliiTioth  Plantation."  In  the  midst  of  sufferinor  and 
privation  and  anxiety  the  pious  hand  of  William 
Bradford  here  set  down  in  ample  detail  the  history 
of  the  enterprise  from  its  inception  to  the  year  1647. 
From  him  we  may  learn  "that  all  great  and  hon- 
ourable actions  are  accompanied  with  great  difficulties, 
and  must  be  both  enterprised  and  overcome  with 
answerable    courages." 

The  sadness  and  pathos  which  some  might  read  into 
the  narrative  are  to  me  lost  in  victory.  The  triumph 
of  a  noble  cause  even  at  a  great  price  is  theme  for 
rejoicing,  not  for  sorrow,  and  the  story  here  told 
is  one    of  triumphant   achievement,   and  not  of  defeat. 

As  the  official  representative  of  the  Commonwealth, 
I  receive  it,  sir,  at  your  hands.  I  pledge  the  faith 
of  the  Commonwealth  that  for  all  time  it  shall  be 
guarded  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  the  decree 
under  which  it  is  delivered  into  her  possession  as  one 
of  her  chiefest  treasures.  I  express  the  thanks  of  the 
Commonwealth  for  the  priceless  gift.  And  I  venture 
the  prophecy  that  for  countless  years  to  come  and 
to  untold  thousands  these  mute  pages  shall  eloquently 
speak  of  high  resolve,  great  suffering  and  heroic  en- 
durance made  possible  by  an  absolute  faith  in  the 
over-ruling   providence    of  Almighty   God. 


ACKINTOAVLEDG^MENT 


BISHOP    OF     LONDON 


Ixxv 


— -"^ 


A6TOK,  LE?o:':         ; 

TTLDEN    fOUNDATICNSJ 


THE    BISHOP   OF    LONDON. 


(Copy) 

FuLHAM  Palace,  S.  W. 

Oct.  16,  1897. 

Dear   Sir, 

I  would  ask  you  to  express  to  the  Convention 
of  the  two  branches  of  the  General  Court  t)f  the 
Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts  my  grateful  thanks 
for  the  copy  of  their  resolution  of  May  26,  which 
was    presented   to    me    by  Mr.    Adams.* 

I  consider  it  a  great  privilege  to  have  been  asso- 
ciated with  an  act  of  courtesy,  which  was  also  an 
act  of  justice,  in  restoring  to  its  proper  place  a 
document  w^hich  is  so  important  in  the  records  of 
your   illustrious    Commonwealth. 

I   am 

Yours    faithfully, 

M.    LONDON. 
H.    D.    CooLiDGE,    Esq. 

Clerk   of  the    Convention. 

*  The  Hon.  Charles  Francis  Adams. 
Ixzvil 


Of  Plimoth  Plantation. 


THE  KE\v  yA  . 


■ASTOR,  LENOX 
TILD£N  POUND,-. 


dyf  ^m&i  jjfmiiilion^ 


4ftc  fcL-me,^- 


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Of  Plimoth  Plantation. 


And  first  of  y®  occasion  and  indusments  ther  unto  ; 
the  which  that  I  may  truly  unfould,  I  must  begine  at 
ye  very  roote  &  rise  of  y*  same.  The  which  I  shall 
endevor  to  manefest  in  a  plaine  stile,  with  singuler 
regard  unto  y''  simple  trueth  in  all  things,  at  least  as 
near  as  my  slender  judgmente  can  attaine  the  same. 

1 .    Chapter. 

It  is  well  knowne  unto  y*  godly  and  judicious,  how 
ever  since  y*"  first  breaking  out  of  y*"  lighte  of  y"  gospell 
in  our  Honourable  Nation  of  England,  (which  was  y^ 
first  of  nations  whom  y*'  Lord  adorned  ther  with,  afiter 
y*  grosse  darknes  of  popery  which  had  covered  &  over- 
spred  y''  Christian  worled,)  what  warrs  &  opposissions 
ever  since,  Satan  hath  raised,  maintained,  and  continued 
against  the  Saincts,  from  time  to  time,  in  one  sorte  or 
other.  Some  times  by  bloody  death  and  cruel  I  tor- 
ments ;  other  whiles  imprisonments,  banishments,  & 
other  hard  usages  ;  as  being  loath  his  kingdom  should 
goe  downe,  the  trueth  prevaile,  and  y*^  churches  of  God 
reverte  to  their  anciente  puritie,  and  recover  their  prima- 
tive  order,  libertie,  &  bewtie.     But  when  he  could  not 


HISTORY   OF  [chap.  I. 


prevaile  by  these  means,  against  the  maine  trueths  of 
y®  gospell,  but  that  they  began  to  take  rootting  in  many 
places,  being  watered  with  y*^  blooud  of  y''  martires,  and 
blessed  from  heaven  with  a  gracious  encrease ;  He  then 
begane  to  take  him  to  his  anciente  strategemes,  used 
of  old  against  the  first  Christians.  That  when  by  y® 
bloody  &  barbarous  persecutions  of  y^  Heathen  Em- 
perours,  he  could  not  stoppe  &  subuerte  the  course 
of  y®  gospell,  but  that  it  speedily  overspred  with  a 
wounderfull  celeritie  the  then  best  known  parts  of  y® 
world,  He  then  begane  to  sow  errours,  heresies,  and 
wounderfull  dissentions  amongst  y''  professours  them 
selves,  (working  upon  their  pride  &  ambition,  with 
other  corrupte  passions  incidente  to  all  mortall  men, 
yea  to  y*^  saints  them  selves  in  some  measure,)  by 
which  wofull  effects  followed ;  as  not  only  bitter  con- 
tentions, &  hartburnings,  schismes,  with  other  horrible 
confusions,  but  Satan  tooke  occasion  &  advantage  therby 
to  foyst  in  a  number  of  vile  ceremoneys,  with  many 
unproffitable  cannons  &  decrees,  which  have  since  been 
as  snares  to  many  poore  &  peaceable  souls  even  to  this 
day.  So  as  in  y''  anciente  times,  the  persecutions  [2] 
by  y''  heathen  &  their  Emperours,  was  not  greater  then 
of  the  Christians  one  against  other ;  the  Arians  &  other 
their  complices  against  y^  orthodoxe  &  true  Christians. 
As  witneseth  Socrates  in  his  2.  booke.  His  words  are 
these ;  *    The  violence  truly  (saith  he)  was  no  less  than 

*  Lib.  2.  Chap.  22. 


CHAP.  I.]        PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.  5 

that  of  ould  p7'actised  towards  ?/"  Christians  when  they 
were  compelled  <&  drawne  to  sacrifice  to  idoles;  for  many 
indured  sundrie  kinds  of  tormente,  often  racking s,  <&  dis- 
membering of  their  joynts;  confiscating  of  ther  goods; 
some  bereaved  of  their  native  soyle;  others  departed  this 
life  under  y^  hands  of  y*  tormentor;  and  some  died  in 
banishmete,  &  never  saw  ther  cuntrie  againe,  <&c. 

The  like  methode  Satan  hath  seemed  to  hold  in  these 
later  times,  since  y^  trueth  begane  to  springe  &  spread 
after  y"  great  defection  made  by  Antichrist,  y*  man  of 
sine. 

For  to  let  pass  y®  infinite  examples  in  sundrie  na- 
tions and  severall  places  of  y®  world,  and  instance  in 
our  owne,  when  as  y*  old  serpente  could  not  prevaile 
by  those  firie  flames  &  other  his  cruell  tragedies,  which 
he  *  by  his  instruments  put  in  ure  every  wher  in  y^ 
days  of  queene  Mary  &  before,  he  then  begane  an 
other  kind  of  warre,  &  went  more  closly  to  worke ; 
not  only  to  oppuggen,  but  even  to  ruinate  &  destroy 
y®  kingdom  of  Christ,  by  more  secrete  &  subtile  means, 
by  kindling  y''  flames  of  contention  and  sowing  y* 
seeds  of  discorde  &  bitter  enmitie  amongst  y'^  profies- 
sors  &  seeming  reformed  them  selves.  For  when  he 
could  not  prevaile  by  y"  former  means  against  y*^  prin- 
cipall  doctrins  of  faith,  he  bente  his  force  against  ye 
holy  discipline  &  outward  regimente  of  y''  kingdom  of 

*  In  the  text,  parentheses  are  used  frequently,  apparently  in  place  of  commas. 
For  this  reason,  many  are  omitted  in  the  reprint. 


HISTORY    OF  [chap.   I. 


Christ,  by  which  those  holy  doctrines  should  be  con- 
served, &  true  pietie  maintained  amongest  the  saints 
&  people  of  God. 

Mr.  Foxe  recordeth  how  y*  besids  those  worthy 
martires  &  confessors  which  were  burned  in  queene 
Marys  days  &  otherwise  tormented,*  many  (both  stu- 
dients  &  others)  fled  out  of  y*  land,  to  y^  number  of 
800.  And  became  severall  congregations.  At  Wesell, 
FranTcfordy  Bassill,  Emden,  Markpurge,  Strausborugh, 
&  Geneva y  Sc.  Amongst  whom  (but  especialy  those 
at  Frankford)  begane  y*^  bitter  warr  of  contention  & 
persecutio  aboute  y"  ceremonies,  &  servise-booke,  and 
other  popish  and  anti christian  stuffe,  the  plague  of 
England  to  this  day,  which  are  like  y**  highplases  in 
Israeli,  w'=^  the  prophets  cried  out  against,  &  were 
their  ruine  ;  [3]  which  y''  better  parte  sought,  accord- 
ing to  y'^  puritie  of  y®  gospell,  to  roote  out  and 
utterly  to  abandon.  And  the  other  parte  (under 
veiled  pretences)  for  their  ouwn  ends  &  advancments, 
sought  as  stilly  to  continue,  maintaine,  &  defend.  As 
appeareth  by  y*"  discourse  therof  published  in  printe, 
An":  1575  ;  a  booke  y*  deserves  better  to  be  knowne 
and  considred. 

The  one  side  laboured  to  have  y^  right  worship  of 
God  &  discipline  of  Christ  established  in  y'^  church, 
according  to  y*  simplicitie  of  y''  gospell,  without  the 
mixture    of   mens    inventions,    and    to    have    &    to    be 

*  Acts  &  Mon :  pag.  1587.  editi :  2. 


CHAP.  I.]        PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.  7 

ruled  by  y®  laws  of  Gods  word,  dispensed  in  those 
offices,  &  by  those  officers  of  Pastors,  Teachers,  & 
Elders,  &c.  according  to  y®  Scripturs.  The  other  par- 
tie,  though  under  many  colours  &  pretences,  endev- 
ored  to  have  y®  episcopall  dignitie  (affter  y''  popish 
maner)  with  their  large  power  &  jurisdiction  still  re- 
tained;  with  all  those  courts,  cannons,  &  ceremonies, 
togeather  with  all  such  livings,  revenues,  &  subordi- 
nate officers,  with  other  such  means  as  formerly  up- 
held their  antichristian  greatnes,  and  enabled  them 
with  lordly  &  tyranous  power  to  persecute  y*^  poore 
servants  of  God.  This  contention  was  so  great,  as 
neither  y'^  honour  of  God,  the  commone  persecution, 
nor  y''  mediation  of  Mr.  Calvin  &  other  worthies  of 
y®  Lord  in  those  places,  could  prevaile  with  those 
thus  episcopally  minded,  but  they  proceeded  by  all 
means  to  disturbe  y®  peace  of  this  poor  persecuted 
church,  even  so  farr  as  to  charge  (very  unjustly,  & 
ungodlily,  yet  prelatelike)  some  of  their  cheefe  op- 
posers,  with  rebellion  &  hightreason  against  y''  Em- 
perour,  &  other  such  crimes. 

And  this  contetion  dyed  not  with  queene  Mary,  nor 
was  left  beyonde  y®  seas,  but  at  her  death  these  peo- 
ple returning  into  England  under  gracious  queene 
Elizabeth,  many  of  them  being  preferred  to  bish- 
opricks  &  other  promotions,  according  to  their  aimes 
and  desires,  that  inveterate  hatered  against  y*^  holy 
discipline    of  Christ   in   his   church   hath    continued   to 


8  HISTORY   OF  [chap.  I. 

this  day.  In  somuch  that  for  fear  [4]  it  should  pre- 
veile,  all  plotts  &  devices  have  been  used  to  keepe  it 
out,  incensing  y*^  queene  &  state  against  it  as  dan- 
gerous for  y'^  coiiion  wealth ;  and  that  it  was  most 
needfull  y*  y*^  fundamental!  poynts  of  Religion  should 
be  preached  in  those  ignorante  &  superstitious  times  ; 
and  to  wine  y*^  weake  &  ignorante,  they  might  retaine 
diverse  harmles  ceremoneis ;  and  though  it  were  to  be 
wished  y'  diverse  things  were  reformed,  yet  this  was 
not  a  season  for  it.  And  many  the  like,  to  stop  y® 
mouthes  of  y*'  more  godly,  to  bring  them  over  to 
yeeld  to  one  ceremoney  after  another,  and  one  cor- 
ruption after  another ;  by  these  wyles  begyleing  some 
&  corrupting  others  till  at  length  they  begane  to  per- 
secute all  y'^  zealous  professors  in  y®  land  (though 
they  knew  little  what  this  discipline  mente)  both  by 
word  &  deed,  if  they  would  not  submitte  to  their 
ceremonies,  &  become  slaves  to  them  &  their  popish 
trash,  which  have  no  ground  in  y"  word  of  God,  but 
are  relikes  of  y*  man  of  sine.  And  the  more  y*"  light 
of  y*^  gospell  grew,  y®  more  y*^^  urged  their  subscrip- 
tions to  these  corruptions.  So  as  (notwithstanding  all 
their  former  pretences  &  fair  colures)  they  whose 
eyes  God  had  not  justly  blinded  might  easily  see 
wherto  these  things  tended.  And  to  cast  contempte 
the  more  upon  y^  sincere  servants  of  God,  they  oppro- 
briously  &  most  injuriously  gave  unto,  &  imposed 
upon  them,  that  name  of  Puritans,  which  [it]  is   said 


CHAP.  I.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  9 

the  Novatians  out  of  prid  did  assume  &  take  unto 
themselves.*  And  lamentable  it  is  to  see  y""  effects 
which  have  followed.  Religion  hath  been  disgraced, 
the  godly  greeved,  afflicted,  persecuted,  and  many 
exiled,  sundrie  have  lost  their  lives  in  prisones  & 
otherways.  On  the  other  hand,  sin  hath  been  coun- 
tenanced, ignorance,  profannes,  &  atheisme  increased, 
&  the  papists  encouraged  to  hope  againe  for  a  day. 

This  made  that  holy  man  Mr.  Perkins  f  crie  out  in 
his  exhortation  to  repentance,  upon  Zeph.  2.  Religion 
(saith  he)  hath  been  amongst  us  this  35.  years;  but 
the  more  it  is  published,  the  7nore  it  is  contemned  <& 
reproached  of  many,  &c.  Thus  not  prophanes  nor 
wickednes,  but  Religion  it  selfe  is  a  byword,  a  moking- 
stock,  &  a  matter  of  reproach;  so  that  in  England  at 
this  day  the  man  or  woman  y*  begines  to  profes  Religion, 
&  to  serve  God,  must  resolve  with  him  selfe  to  sustaine 
[5]  mocks  &  injueries  even  as  though  he  lived  amongst 
y^  enimies  of  Religion.  And  this  comone  experience 
hath  confirmed  &  made  too  apparente. 

A  late   observation,  as  it  were   by   the   way,  worthy   to   be 

Noted.  X 

Full  litle  did  I  thinke,  y'  the  downfall  of  y"  Bishops,  with 
their  coiiits,  canuous,  &  ceremonies,  &c.  had  been  so  ueare, 
when  I  first  begane  these  scribled  writings  (which  was  aboute 
y®  year  1630,  and    so   peeced   up    at  times    of    leasure    after- 

•  Ens  :  lib :  6.  Chap.  42.  f  Pag.  421. 

X  A  note  of  the  author  at  this  place,  written  subsequent  to  this  portion  of 
the  narrative,  on  the  reverse  pages  of  his  History. 


10  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  I. 

ward),  or  that  I  should  have  lived  to  have  seene  or  heard 
of  y®  same;  but  it  is  y^  Lords  doing,  and  ought  to  he 
marvelous  in  our  eyes !  Every  plante  which  mine  heavenly 
father  hath  not  planted  (saith  our  Saviour)  shall  be  rooted 
up.  Mat:  15.  13.*  I  have  snared  the,  and  thou  art  taken, 
O  Babell  (Bishops),  and  thou  wast  not  aware;  thou  art 
found,  and  also  caught,  because  thou  hast  striven  against 
the  Lord.  Jer.  50.  24.  But  will  they  needs  strive  against  y* 
truth,  against  y^  servants  of  God  ;  what,  &  against  the  Lord 
him  selfe?  Doe  they  provoke  the  Lord  to  anger?  Are  they 
stronger  than  he?  1.  Cor:  10.  22.  No,  no,  they  have  mete 
with  their  match.  Behold,  I  come  unto  y^,  O  proud  man, 
saith  the  Lord  God  of  hosts  ;  for  thy  day  is  come,  even  the 
time  that  I  will  visite  the.  Jer:  50.  31.  May  not  the 
people  of  God  now  say  (and  these  pore  people  among  y* 
rest).  The  Lord  hath  brought  forth  our  righteousnes  ;  come, 
let  us  declare  in  Sion  the  work  of  the  Lord  our  God.  Jer : 
51.  10.  Let  all  flesh  be  still  before  the  Lord;  for  he  is 
raised  up  out  of  his  holy  place.    Zach :  2.   13. 

In  this  case,  these  poore  people  may  say  (among  y'' 
thousands  of  Israll),  When  the  Lord  brougt  againe  the  caj)- 
tivite  of  Zion,  we  were  like  them  that  dreame.  Psa:  126.  1. 
The  Lord  hath  done  greate  things  for  us^  wherof  we  rejoyce. 
V.  3.  They  that  sow  in  teares,  shall  reap  in  joye.  They 
wente  weeping,  and  carried  p)'''^c,ious  seede,  but  they  shall 
returne  with  joye,  and  bring  their  sheaves,    v.  5,  6. 

Doe  you  not  now  see  y®  fruits  of  your  labours,  0  all  yee 
servants  of  y*"  Lord  that  have  suffered  for  his  truth,  and 
have  been  faithfull  witneses  of  y"  same,  and  yee  litle  hand- 
full  amongst  y^  rest,  y*  least  amongest  y*  thousands  of  Israll? 
You  have  not  only  had  a  seede  time,  but  many  of  you  have 
seene  y"  joyefull  harvest ;    should  you  not  then  rejoyse,  yea, 

*  All  these  and  subsequent  passages  are  quoted  from  the  Geneva  version 
of  the  Bible. 


CHAP.  I.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  11 

and  againe  rejoyce,  and  say  Hallelu-iah,  salvation,  and  glorie, 
and  honour,  and  power,  be  to  y^  Lord  our  God ;  for  true 
and  righteous  are  liis  judgments.    Rev.   19.  1,  2. 

But  thou  wilte  aske  what  is  y^  mater?  What  is  done? 
Why,  art  thou  a  stranger  in  Israll,  that  thou  shouldest  not 
know  what  is  done?  Are  not  those  Jebusites  overcome  that 
have  vexed  the  people  of  Israll  so  long,  even  holding  Jeru- 
salem till  Davids  days,  and  been  as  thorns  in  their  sids,  so 
many  ages ;  and  now  begane  to  scorne  that  any  David 
should  meadle  with  them  ;  they  begane  to  fortifie  their  tower, 
as  that  of  the  old  Babelonians ;  but  those  proud  Anakimes 
are  throwne  downe,  and  their  glory  laid  in  y''  dust.  The 
tiranous  bishops  are  ejected,  their  courts  dissolved,  their  can- 
nons forceless,  their  servise  casheired,  their  ceremonies  uselese 
and  despised  ;  their  plots  for  popery  prevented,  and  all  their 
superstitions  discarded  &  returned  to  Roome  from  whence 
they  came,  and  y*"  monuments  of  idolatrie  rooted  out  of  y"  land. 
And  the  proud  and  profane  suporters,  and  cruell  defenders  of 
these  (as  bloody  papists  &  wicked  athists,  and  their  malignante 
consorts)  marvelously  over  throwne.  And  are  not  these  greate 
things?     Who  can  deney  it? 

But  who  hath  done  it  ?  Who,  even  he  that  siteth  on  y*  white 
horse,  who  is  caled  faithfuU,  &  true,  and  judgeth  and  flghteth 
righteously.  Rev:  19.  11.  whose  garments  are  dipte  in  blood, 
and  his  name  was  caled  the  word  of  God,  v.  13.  for  he  shall 
rule  them  with  a  rode  of  iron  ;  for  it  is  he  that  treadeth  the 
winepi-ess  of  the  feircenes  and  wrath  of  God  almighty.  And 
he  hath  upon  his  garmente,  and  upon  his  thigh,  a  name  writen. 
The  King  of  Kings,  and  Lord  of  Lords,     v.  15,  16. 

Hallelu-iah. 
Anno  Dom :  1646. 

But  that  I  may  come  more  near  my  intendmente ; 
when  as  by  the  travell  &  diligence  of  some  godly  & 
zealous  preachers,  &  Gods  blessing  on  their  labours,  as 


12  HISTORY    OF  [chap.   I. 

in  other  places  of  y"  land,  so  in  y®  North  parts,  many 
became  inlightened  by  y*^  word  of  God,  and  had  their 
ignorance  &  sins  discovered  unto  them,  and  begane  by 
his  grace  to  reforme  their  lives,  and  make  conscience 
of  their  wayes,  the  worke  of  God  was  no  sooner  mani- 
fest in  them,  but  presently  they  were  both  scoffed  and 
scorned  by  y*"  prophane  multitude,  and  y''  ministers 
urged  with  y''  yoak  of  subscription,  or  els  must  be 
silenced ;  and  y®  poore  people  were  so  vexed  with 
apparators,  &  pursuants,  &  y^  comissarie  courts,  as 
truly  their  affliction  was  not  smale ;  which,  notwith- 
standing, they  bore  sundrie  years  with  much  patience, 
till  they  were  occasioned  (by  y''  continuance  &  encrease 
of  these  troubls,  and  other  means  which  y*'  Lord  raised 
up  in  those  days)  to  see  further  into  things  by  the 
light  of  y''  word  of  God.  How  not  only  these  base 
and  beggerly  ceremonies  were  unlawfull,  but  also  that 
y*"  lordly  &  tiranous  power  of  y*"  prelats  ought  not  to 
be  submitted  unto ;  which  thus,  contrary  to  the  free- 
dome  of  the  gospell,  would  load  &  burden  mens  con- 
sciences, and  by  their  compulsive  power  make  a  prophane 
mixture  of  persons  &  things  in  y''  worship  of  God.  And 
that  their  offices  &  calings,  courts  &  cannons,  &c.  were 
unlawfull  and  antichristian ;  being  such  as  have  no  war- 
ranto in  y*^  word  of  God  ;  but  the  same  y*  were  used  in 
poperie,  &  still  retained.  Of  which  a  famous  author 
thus  writeth  in  his  Dutch  comtaries.*     At  y"  coming  of 

*  Em :  meter :  lib :  25.  col.  119. 


1602-1606?]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  13 

king  James  into  England  ;  The  new  king  (saith  he)  found 
their  established  y"  reformed  religion,  according  to  if  re- 
formed religion  of  king  Edward  y"  6.  Retaining,  or 
keeping  still  y^  spirituall  state  of  y"  Bishops,  &c.  after 
y^  ould  maner,  much  varying  &  differing  from  y*  reformed 
churches  in  Scotland,  France,  &  y"  JSfeatherlands,  Emhden, 
Geneva,  &c.  whose  reformation  is  cut,  or  shapen  much 
nerer  y^  first  Christian  churches,  as  it  was  used  in  y" 
Apostles   times.* 

[6]  So  many  therfore  of  these  profFessors  as  saw  y® 
evill  of  these  things,  in  thes  parts,  and  whose  harts  y^ 
Lord  had  touched  w"'  heavenly  zeale  for  his  trueth,  they 
shooke  of  this  yoake  of  antichristian  bondage,  and  as 
y*^  Lords  free  people,  joyned  them  selves  (by  a  covenant 
of  the  Lord)  into  a  church  estate,  in  y*^  felowship  of  y® 
gospell,  to  walke  in  all  his  wayes,  made  known,  or  to 
be  made  known  unto  them,  according  to  their  best  en- 
deavours, whatsoever  it  should  cost  them,  the  Lord  assist- 
ing them.  And  that  it  cost  them  something  this  ensewing 
historic  will  declare. 

These  people  became  2.  distincte  bodys  or  churches, 
&  in  regarde  of  distance  of  place  did  congregate  sev- 
erally ;  for  they  were  of  sundrie  townes  &  vilages,  some 
in  Notingamshire,  some  of  Lincollinshire,  and  some  of 
Yorkshire,  wher  they  border  nearest  togeather.     In  one 

*  The  reformed  churches  shapen  much  neerer  y«  primitive  patterne  then 
England,  for  they  cashered  y<^  Bishops  w'"'  al  their  courts,  cannons,  and  cere- 
moneis,  at  the  first;  and  left  them  amongst  y=  popish  tr.  .  to  ch  w^^  they  per- 
tained.    (The  last  word  in  the  note  is  uncertain  in  the  MS.) 


14  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  I. 

of  these  churches  (besids  others  of  note)  was  Mr.  John 
Smith,  a  man  of  able  gifts,  &  a  good  preacher,  who 
afterwards  was  chosen  their  pastor.  But  these  after- 
wards falling  into  some  errours  in  y®  Low  Countries, 
ther  (for  y^  most  part)  buried  them  selves,  &  their 
names. 

But  in  this  other  church  (w*=^  must  be  y®  subjecte  of 
our  discourse)  besids  other  worthy  men,  was  M"".  Richard 
Clifton,  a  grave  &  revered  preacher,  who  by  his  paines 
and  dilligens  had  done  much  good,  and  under  God  had 
ben  a  means  of  y®  conversion  of  many.  And  also  that 
famous  and  worthy  man  M^  John  Robinson,  who  after- 
wards was  their  pastor  for  many  years,  till  y*"  Lord 
tooke  him  away  by  death.  Also  M^  William  Brewster 
a  reverent  man,  who  afterwards  was  chosen  an  elder 
of  y'^  church  and  lived  with  them  till  old  age. 

But  after  these  things  they  could  not  long  continue 
in  any  peaceable  condition,  but  were  hunted  &  perse- 
cuted on  every  side,  so  as  their  former  afflictions  were 
but  as  flea-bitings  in  comparison  of  these  which  now 
came  upon  them.  For  some  were  taken  &  clapt  up  in 
prison,  others  had  their  houses  besett  &  watcht  night 
and  day,  &  hardly  escaped  their  hands ;  and  y*"  most 
were  faine  to  flie  &  leave  their  howses  &  habitations, 
and  the  means  of  their  livelehood.  Yet  these  &  many 
other  sharper  things  which  affterward  befell  them,  were 
no  other  then  they  looked  for,  and  therfore  were  y*^ 
better  prepared  to  bear  them  by  y®  assistance  of  Gods 


1608.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  15 

grace  &  spirite.  Yet  seeing  them  selves  thus  molested, 
[7]  and  that  ther  was  no  hope  of  their  continuance  ther, 
by  a  joynte  consente  they  resolved  to  goe  into  y^  Low- 
Countries,  wher  they  heard  was  freedome  of  Religion 
for  all  men ;  as  also  how  sundrie  from  London,  &  other 
parts  of  y^  land,  had  been  exiled  and  persecuted  for 
y^  same  cause,  &  were  gone  thither,  and  lived  at  Am- 
sterdam, &  in  other  places  of  j"  land.  So  affter  they 
had  continued  togeither  aboute  a  year,  and  kept  their 
meetings  every  Saboth  in  one  place  or  other,  exercising 
the  worship  of  God  amongst  them  selves,  notwithstand- 
ing all  y^  dilligence  &  malice  of  their  adverssaries,  they 
seeing  they  could  no  longer  continue  in  y'  condition, 
they  resolved  to  get  over  into  Hollad  as  they  could ; 
which  was  in  y^  year  1607.  &  1608. ;  of  which  more  at 
large  in  y®  next  chap. 

2.    Chap. 

Of  their  departure  into  Holland  and  their  troubls  ther 
ahoute^  with  some  of  y^  many  difficulties  they  found 
and  mete  withall. 

An«.  1608. 
Being  thus  constrained  to  leave  their  native  soyle 
and  countrie,  their  lands  &  livings,  and  all  their 
freinds  &  famillier  acquaintance,  it  was  much,  and 
thought  marvelous  by  many.  But  to  goe  into  a  coun- 
trie they  knew  not  (but  by  hearsay),  wher  they  must 
learne    a    new    language,    and    get    their    livings    they 


16  HISTORY   OF  [chap.  U. 

knew  not  how,  it  being  a  dear  place,  &  subjecte  to 
y'^  misseries  of  warr,  it  was  by  many  thought  an  ad- 
venture almost  desperate,  a  case  intolerable,  &  a  mis- 
serie  worse  then  death.  Espetially  seeing,  they  were 
not  aquainted  with  trads  nor  traffique,  (by  which  y' 
countrie  doth  subsiste,)  but  had  only  been  used  to  a 
plaine  countrie  life,  &  y®  inocente  trade  of  husbandrey. 
But  these  things  did  not  dismay  them  (though  they 
did  some  times  trouble  them)  for  their  desires  were 
sett  on  y''  ways  of  God,  &  to  injoye  his  ordinances  ; 
but  they  rested  on  his  providence,  &  knew  whom  they 
had  beleeved.  Yet  [8]  this  was  not  all,  for  though 
they  could  not  stay,  yet  were  y*^  not  suffered  to  goe, 
but  y®  ports  &  havens  were  shut  against  them,  so  as 
they  were  faine  to  seeke  secrete  means  of  conveance, 
&  to  bribe  &  fee  y®  mariners,  &  give  exterordinarie 
rates  for  their  passages.  And  yet  were  they  often 
times  betrayed  (many  of  them),  and  both  they  & 
their  goods  intercepted  &  surprised,  and  therby  put 
to  great  trouble  &  charge,  of  which  I  will  give  an  in- 
stance or  tow,  &  omitte  the  rest. 

Ther  was  a  large  companie  of  them  purposed  to  get 
passage  at  Boston  in  Lincoln-shire,  and  for  that  end 
had  hired  a  shipe  wholy  to  them  selves,  &  made 
agreement  with  the  maister  to  be  ready  at  a  certaine 
day,  and  take  them  and  their  goods  in,  at  a  con- 
veniente  place,  wher  they  accordingly  would  all  at- 
tende    in    readines.      So    after    long    waiting,    &    large 


1608.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  17 

expences,  though  he  kepte  not  day  with  them,  yet  he 
came  at  length  &  tooke  them  in,  in  y®  night.  But 
when  he  had  them  &  their  goods  abord,  he  betrayed 
them,  haveing  before  hand  complotted  with  y®  serchers 
&  other  officers  so  to  doe ;  who  tooke  them,  and  put 
them  into  open  boats,  &  ther  rifled  &  ransaked  them, 
searching  them  to  their  shirts  for  money,  yea  even  y® 
women  furder  then  became  modestie ;  and  then  caried 
them  back  into  y''  towne,  &  made  them  a  spectackle 
&  wonder  to  y®  multitude,  which  came  flocking  on  all 
sids  to  behould  them.  Being  thus  first,  by  the  chatch- 
poule  officers,  rifled,  &  stripte  of  their  money,  books, 
and  much  other  goods,  they  were  presented  to  y** 
magestrates,*  and  messengers  sente  to  informe  y*'  lords 
of  y®  Counsell  of  them ;  and  so  they  were  comited  to 
ward.  Indeed  y*^  magestrats  used  them  courteously, 
and  shewed  them  what  favour  they  could ;  but  could 
not  deliver  them,  till  order  came  from  y''  Counsell- 
table.  But  y^  issue  was  that  after  a  mouths  impris- 
onmente,  y*"  greatest  parte  were  dismiste,  &  sent  to 
y''  places  from  whence  they  came  ;  but  7 .  of  y®  prin- 
cipall  were  still  kept  in  prison,  and  bound  over  to 
y®  Assises. 

The  nexte  spring  after,  ther  was  another  attempte 
made  by  some  of  these  &  others,  to  get  over  at  an 
other  place.  And  it  so  fell  out,  that  they  light  of  a 
Dutchman  at  Hull,  having  a  ship  of  his  owne  belong- 
ing to  Zealand ;    they  made  agreemente  with  him,   and 


18  HISTORY   OF  [chap.  U. 

acquainted  [9]  him  with  their  condition,  hoping  to 
find  more  faithfullnes  in  him,  then  in  y*'  former  of 
their  owne  nation.  He  bad  them  not  fear,  for  he 
would  doe  well  enough.  He  was  by  appointment  to 
take  them  in  betweene  Grimsbe  &  Hull,  wher  was  a 
large  comone  a  good  way  distante  from  any  towne. 
Now  aganst  the  prefixed  time,  the  women  &  children, 
with  y'^  goods,  were  sent  to  y''  place  in  a  small  barke, 
which  they  had  hired  for  y'  end ;  and  y*"  men  were  to 
meete  them  by  land.  But  it  so  fell  out,  that  they 
were  ther  a  day  before  y^  shipe  came,  &  y®  sea  being 
rough,  and  y®  women  very  sicke,  prevailed  with  y® 
seamen  to  put  into  a  creeke  hardby,  wher  they  lay  on 
ground  at  lowwater.  The  nexte  morning  y®  shipe 
came,  but  they  were  fast,  &  could  not  stir  till  aboute 
noone.  In  y*^  mean  time,  y*^  shipe  maister,  perceive- 
ing  how  y''  matter  was,  sente  his  boate  to  be  getting 
y"^  men  abord  whom  he  saw  ready,  walking  aboute  y® 
shore.  But  after  y*^  first  boat  full  was  gott  abord,  & 
she  was  ready  to  goe  for  more,  the  m''  espied  a  greate 
company,  both  horse  &  foote,  with  bills,  &  gunes,  & 
other  weapons ;  for  y''  countrie  was  raised  to  take 
them.  Y^  Dutch-man  seeing  y',  swore  his  countries 
oath,  "  sacremente,"  and  having  y*'  wind  faire,  waiged 
his  Ancor,  hoysed  sayles,  &  away.  But  y®  poore  men 
which  were  gott  abord,  were  in  great  distress  for 
their  wives  and  children,  which  they  saw  thus  to  be 
taken,    and    were    left    destitute    of  their    helps ;    and 


1608.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  19 

them  selves  also,  not  having  a  cloath  to  shifte  them 
with,  more  then  they  had  on  their  baks,  &  some 
scarce  a  peuey  aboute  them,  all  they  had  being  abord 
y®  barke.  It  drew  tears  from  their  eyes,  and  any 
thing  they  had  they  would  have  given  to  have  been 
a  shore  againe ;  but  all  in  vaine,  ther  was  no  remedy, 
they  must  thus  sadly  part.  And  afterward  endured 
a  fearfull  storme  at  sea,  being  14.  days  or  more  be- 
fore y^y  arived  at  their  porte,  in  7.  wherof  they 
neither  saw  son,  moone,  nor  stars,  &  were  driven 
near  y*^  coast  of  Norway ;  the  mariners  them  selves 
often  despairing  of  life  ;  and  once  with  shriks  &  cries 
gave  over  all,  as  if  y'^  ship  had  been  foundred  in  y® 
sea,  &  they  sinking  without  recoverie.  But  when 
mans  hope  &  helpe  wholy  failed,  y*  Lords  power  & 
mercie  appeared  in  ther  recoverie ;  for  y^  ship  rose 
againe,  &  gave  y*^  mariners  courage  againe  to  manage 
her.  And  if  modestie  woud  suffer  me,  I  might  de- 
clare with  what  fervente  [10]  prayres  they  cried  unto 
y^  Lord  in  this  great  distres,  (espetialy  some  of 
them,)  even  without  any  great  distraction,  when  y® 
water  rane  into  their  mouthes  &  ears ;  &  the  mariners 
cried  out.  We  sinke,  we  sinke ;  they  cried  (if  not 
with  mirakelous,  yet  with  a  great  hight  or  degree  of 
devine  faith),  Yet  Lord  thou  canst  save,  yet  Lord 
thou  canst  save ;  with  shuch  other  expressions  as  I 
will  forbeare.  Upon  which  y"  ship  did  not  only  re- 
cover,  but  shortly  after  y®  violence  of  y^  storme  be- 


20  HISTORY   OF  [chap.  II. 

gane  to  abate,  and  y®  Lord  filed  their  afflicted  minds 
with  shuch  comforts  as  every  one  caiiot  understand, 
and  in  y*'  end  brought  them  to  their  desired  Haven, 
wher  y*^  people  came  flockeing  admiring  their  deliver- 
ance, the  storme  having  ben  so  longe  &  sore,  in 
which  much  hurt  had  been  don,  as  y''  masters  freinds 
related  unto  him  in  their  congrattulations. 

But  to  returne  to  y''  others  wher  we  left.  The  rest 
of  y'^  men  y*  were  in  greatest  danger,  made  shift  to 
escape  away  before  y*^  troope  could  surprise  them ; 
those  only  staying  y*  best  might,  to  be  assistante  unto 
y^  women.  But  pitifull  it  was  to  see  y''  heavie  case 
of  these  poore  women  in  this  distress ;  what  weeping 
&  crying  on  every  side,  some  for  their  husbands,  that 
were  caried  away  in  y''  ship  as  is  before  related ; 
others  not  knowing  what  should  become  of  them,  & 
their  litle  ones ;  others  againe  melted  in  teares,  see- 
ing their  poore  litle  ones  hanging  aboute  them,  crying 
for  feare,  and  quaking  with  could.  Being  thus  apre- 
hended,  they  were  hurried  from  one  place  to  another, 
and  from  one  justice  to  another,  till  in  y®  ende  they 
knew  not  what  to  doe  with  them ;  for  to  imprison  so 
many  women  &  innocent  children  for  no  other  cause 
(many  of  them)  but  that  they  must  goe  with  their  hus- 
bands, semed  to  be  unreasonable  and  all  would  crie 
out  of  them ;  and  to  send  them  home  againe  was  as 
difficult,  for  they  aledged,  as  y*^  trueth  was,  they  had 
no  homes  to  goe  to,  for  they  had  either  sould,  or  other- 


1608.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  21 

wise  disposed  of  their  houses  &  livings.  To  be  shorte, 
after  they  had  been  thus  turmolyed  a  good  while,  and 
conveyed  from  one  constable  to  another,  they  were  glad 
to  be  ridd  of  them  in  y''  end  upon  any  termes  ;  for  all 
were  wearied  &  tired  with  them.  Though  in  y"  mean 
time  they  (poore  soules)  indured  miserie  enough ;  and 
thus  in  y^  end  necessitie  forste  a  way  for  them. 

But  y'  I  be  not  tedious  in  these  things,  I  will  omitte 
y®  rest,  though  I  might  relate  many  other  notable  pas- 
sages and  troubles  which  they  endured  &  underwente 
in  these  their  wanderings  &  travells  both  at  land  &  sea ; 
but  I  hast  to  [11]  other  things.  Yet  I  may  not  omitte 
y®  fruite  that  came  hearby,  for  by  these  so  publick 
troubls,  in  so  many  eminente  places,  their  cause  became 
famouss,  &  occasioned  many  to  looke  into  y*"  same  ;  and 
their  godly  cariage  &  Christian  behaviour  was  such  as 
left  a  deep  impression  in  the  minds  of  many.  And 
though  some  few  shrunk  at  these  first  conflicts  &  sharp 
beginings,  (as  it  was  no  marvell,)  yet  many  more  came 
on  with  fresh  courage,  &  greatly  animated  others.  And 
in  y''  end,  notwithstanding  all  these  stormes  of  oppossi- 
tion,  they  all  gatt  over  at  length,  some  at  one  time  & 
some  at  an  other,  and  some  in  one  place  &  some  in  an 
other,  and  mette  togeather  againe  according  to  their 
desires,  with  no  small  rejoycing. 


22  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  III. 


The  3.  Chap. 

Of  their  selling  in  Holand,  <&  their  maner  of  living^  & 
entertainmente  ther. 

Being  now  come  into  y^  Low  Countries,  they  saw 
many  goodly  &  fortified  cities,  strongly  walled  and 
garded  with  troopes  of  armed  men.  Also  they  heard 
a  strange  &  uncouth  language,  and  beheld  y®  difierente 
mailers  &  customes  of  y*^  people,  with  their  strange 
fashons  and  attires ;  all  so  farre  differing  from  y*  of 
their  plaine  countrie  villages  (wherin  they  were  bred, 
&  had  so  longe  lived)  as  it  seemed  they  were  come  into 
a  new  world.  But  these  were  not  y®  things  they  much 
looked  on,  or  long  tooke  up  their  thoughts ;  for  they 
had  other  work  in  hand,  &  an  other  kind  of  warr 
to  wage  &  maintaine.  For  though  they  saw  faire  & 
bewtifull  cities,  flowing  with  abundance  of  all  sorts  of 
welth  &  riches,  yet  it  was  not  longe  before  they  saw 
the  grime  &  grisly  face  of  povertie  coming  upon  them 
like  an  armed  man,  with  whom  they  must  bukle  & 
incounter,  and  from  whom  they  could  not  flye ;  but 
they  were  armed  with  faith  &  patience  against  him,  and 
all  his  encounters ;  and  though  they  were  sometimes 
foyled,  yet  by  Gods  assistance  they  prevailed  and  got 
y^  victorie. 

Now  when  M''.  Robinson,  M^  Brewster,  &  other  prin- 
cipall  members  were  come  over,  (for  they  were  of  y* 


1609.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  23 

last,  &  stayed  to  help  y®  weakest  over  before  them,) 
such  things  were  [12]  thought  on  as  were  necessarie 
for  their  setling  and  best  ordering  of  y®  church  affairs. 
And  when  they  had  lived  at  Amsterdam  aboute  a  year, 
M"".  Robinson,  their  pastor,  and  some  others  of  best 
discerning,  seeing  how  M"".  John  Smith  and'  his  com- 
panie  was  all  ready  fallen  in  to  contention  with  y^  church 
y*  was  ther  before  them,  &  no  means  they  could  use 
would  doe  any  good  to  cure  y"  same,  and  also  that 
y®  flames  of  contention  were  like  to  breake  out  in  y* 
anciente  church  it  selfe  (as  affterwards  lamentably 
came  to  pass)  ;  which  things  they  prudently  foresee- 
ing, thought  it  was  best  to  remove,  before  they  were 
any  way  engaged  with  y''  same  ;  though  they  well  knew 
it  would  be  much  to  y®  prejudice  of  their  outward 
estats,  both  at  presente  &  in  licklyhood  in  y®  future; 
as  indeed  it  proved  to  be. 

Their  remoovall  to  Ley  den. 
For  these  &  some  other  reasons  they  removed  to  Ley- 
den,  a  fair  &  bewtifull  citie,  and  of  a  sweete  situation, 
but  made  more  famous  by  y^  universitie  wherwith  it  is 
adorned,  in  which  of  late  had  been  so  many  learned 
men.  But  wanting  that  traffike  by  sea  which  Amster- 
dam injoyes,  it  was  not  so  beneficiall  for  their  outward 
means  of  living  &  estats.  But  being  now  hear  pitchet 
they  fell  to  such  trads  &  imployments  as  they  best 
could  ;   valewing  peace  &  their  spirituall  comforte  above 


24  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  III. 

any  other  riches  whatsoever.  And  at  lenght  they  came 
to  raise  a  competente  &  comforteable  living,  but  with 
hard  and  continuall  labor. 

Being  thus  setled  (after  many  difficulties)  they  con- 
tinued many  years  in  a  comfortable  condition,  injoying 
much  sweete  &  delightefuU  societie  &  spirituall  cora- 
forte  togeather  in  y®  wayes  of  God,  under  y®  able  minis- 
trie,  and  prudente  governmente  of  M^  John  Robinson, 
&  M'".  William  Brewster,  who  was  an  assistante  unto 
him  in  y^  place  of  an  Elder,  unto  which  he  was  now 
called  &  chosen  by  the  church.  So  as  they  grew  in 
knowledge  &  other  gifts  &  graces  of  y®  spirite  of  God, 
&  lived  togeather  in  peace,  &  love,  and  holines ;  and 
many  came  unto  them  from  diverse  parts  of  England, 
so  as  they  grew  a  great  congregation.  And  if  at  any 
time  any  differences  arose,  or  offences  broak  [13]  out 
(as  it  cannot  be,  but  some  time  ther  will,  even  amongst 
y*^  best  of  men)  they  were  ever  so  mete  with,  and  nipt 
in  y''  head  betims,  or  otherwise  so  well  composed,  as 
still  love,  peace,  and  communion  was  continued ;  or  els 
y^  church  purged  of  those  that  were  incurable  &  incor- 
rigible, when,  after  much  patience  used,  no  other  means 
would  serve,  which  seldom  came  to  pass.  Yea  such 
was  y®  mutuall  love,  &  reciprocall  respecte  that  this 
worthy  man  had  to  his  flocke,  and  his  flocke  to  him, 
that  it  might  be  said  of  them  as  it  once  was  of  y* 
famouse  Emperour  Marcus  Aurelious,*  and  y®  people  of 

*  Goulden  booke,  &c. 


1609-1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  25 

Eome,  that  it  was  hard  to  judge  wheather  he  delighted 
more   in   haveing   shuch   a   people,  or   they  in  haveing 
such  a  pastor.     His  love  was  greate  towards  them,  and 
his  care  was  all  ways  bente  for  their   best   good,  both 
for  soule  and  body ;  for  besids  his  singuler  abilities  in 
devine  things   (wherin   he   excelled),  he  was  also  very 
able  to  give  directions  in  civill  aflfaires,  and  to  foresee 
dangers  &  inconveniences  ;  by  w*^*^  means  he  was   very 
helpfuU  to  their  outward  estats,  &    so    was   every  way 
as  a  commone  father  unto  them.     And  none  did  more 
offend  him  then  those  that  were  close  and  cleaving  to 
them  selves,  and  retired  from  y*"  commoe  good ;  as  also 
such  as  would  be  stiffe  &  riged  in  matters  of  outward 
order,  and  invey  against  y*"  evills  of  others,  and  yet  be 
remisse  in  them  selves,  and  not  so  carefull  to   express 
a  vertuous  conversation.     They  in  like  maner  had  ever 
a  reverente  regard  unto    him,  &    had   him   in    precious 
estimation,  as  his   worth   &  wisdom  did  deserve ;    and 
though   they    esteemed   him   highly   whilst   he   lived   & 
laboured  amongst  them,  yet  much  more  after  his  death, 
when  they  came  to  feele  y''  wante  of  his  help,  and  saw 
(by  woefull  experience)  what  a  treasure  they  had  lost, 
to  y'^  greefe  of  their  harts,  and  wounding  of  their  sowls  ; 
yea  such  a  loss  as  they  saw  could  not  be  repaired ;  for 
it  was    as    hard  for  them  to  find  such   another  leader 
and  feeder  in  all  respects,   as  for  y'*  Taborits  to   find 
another   Ziska.      And  though  they  did  not  call   them- 
selves  orphans,  as  the    other  did,  after  his   death,   yet 


26  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  III. 

they  had  cause  as  much  to  lamente,  in  another  regard, 
their  present  condition,  and  after  usage.  But  to  re- 
turne ;  I  know  not  but  it  may  be  spoken  to  y®  honour 
of  God,  &  without  prejudice  [14]  to  any,  that  such 
was  y*^  true  pietie,  y*'  humble  zeale,  &  fervent  love,  of 
this  people  (whilst  they  thus  lived  together)  towards 
God  and  his  waies,  and  y'^  single  hartednes  &  sinceir 
affection  one  towards  another,  that  they  came  as  near 
y*  primative  patterne  of  y®  first  churches,  as  any  other 
church  of  these  later  times  have  done,  according  to 
their  ranke  &  qualitie. 

But  seeing  it  is  not  my  purpose  to  treat  of  y*^  sev- 
erall  passages  that  befell  this  people  whilst  they  thus 
lived  in  y**  Low  Countries,  (which  might  worthily  re- 
quire a  large  treatise  of  it  selfe,)  but  to  make  way  to 
shew  y^  begining  of  this  plantation,  which  is  that  I 
aime  at ;  yet  because  some  of  their  adversaries  did, 
upon  y®  rumore  of  their  removall,  cast  out  slanders 
against  them,  as  if  that  state  had  been  wearie  of  them, 
&  had  rather  xiriven  them  out  (as  y*  heathen  histo- 
rians did  faine  of  Moyses  &  y*^  Isralits  when  they 
went  out  of  Egipte),  then  y*^  it  was  their  owne  free 
choyse  &  motion,  I  will  therfore  mention  a  perticuler 
or  too  to  shew  y*^  contrary,  and  y®  good  acceptation 
they  had  in  y*=  place  wher  they  lived.  And  first 
though  many  of  them  weer  poore,  yet  ther  was  none 
so  poore,  but  if  they  were  known  to  be  of  y'  con- 
gregation, the  Dutch  (either   bakers    or  others)  would 


1609-1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  27 

trust  them  in  any  reasonable  matter  when  y^^  wanted 
money.  Because  they  had  found  by  experience  how 
carfull  they  were  to  keep  their  word,  and  saw  them  so 
painfull  &  dilligente  in  their  callings ;  yea,  they  would 
strive  to  gett  their  custome,  and  to  imploy  them  above 
others,  in  their  worke,  for  their  honestie  &  diligence. 
Againe ;  y®  magistrats  of  y®  citie,  aboute  y^  time  of 
their  coming  away,  or  a  litle  before,  in  y^  publick 
place  of  justice,  gave  this  comendable  testemoney  of 
them,  in  y^  reproofs  of  the  Wallons,  who  were  of  y^ 
French  church  in  y*  citie.  These  English,  said  they, 
have  lived  amongst  us  now  this  12.  years,  and  yet  we 
never  had  any  sute  or  accusation  came  against  any  of 
them ;  but  your  strifs  &  quarels  are  continuall,  &c. 
In  these  times  allso  were  y"^  great  troubls  raised  by 
y"  Arminians,  who,  as  they  greatly  mollested  y®  whole 
state,  so  this  citie  in  particuler,  in  which  was  y® 
cheefe  universitie ;  so  as  ther  were  dayly  &  hote  dis- 
puts  in  y*^  schooles  ther  aboute ;  and  as  y^  studients  & 
other  lerned  were  devided  in  their  oppinions  hearin, 
so  were  y*^  2.  proftessors  or  devinitie  readers  them 
selves ;  the  one  daly  teaching  for  it,  y®  other  against 
it.  Which  grew  to  that  pass,  that  few  of  the  discipls 
of  y*^  one  would  hear  y"  other  teach.  But  M"".  Rob- 
inson, though  he  taught  thrise  a  weeke  him  selfe,  & 
write  sundrie  books,  besids  his  manyfould  pains  other- 
wise, yet  he  went  constantly  [15]  to  hear  ther  read- 
ings, and  heard  y®  one  as  well  as  y''  other;    by  which 


28  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  HI. 

means  he  was  so  well  grounded  in  y*'  controversie, 
and  saw  y''  force  of  all  their  arguments,  and  knew  y® 
shifts  of  y""  adversarie,  and  being  him  selfe  very  able, 
none  was  fitter  to  buckle  with  them  then  him  selfe,  as 
appered  by  sundrie  disputs ;  so  as  he  begane  to  be 
terrible  to  y°  Arminians  ;  which  made  Episcopius  (y® 
Arminian  professor)  to  put  forth  his  best  stringth,  and 
set  forth  sundrie  Theses,  which  by  publick  dispute  he 
would  defend  against  all  men.  Now  Poliander  y'' 
other  proflfessor,  and  y*^  cheefe  preachers  of  y*"  citie, 
desired  M^  Robinson  to  dispute  against  him ;  but  he 
was  loath,  being  a  stranger ;  yet  the  other  did  impor- 
tune him,  and  tould  him  y'  such  was  y*"  abilitie  and 
nimblnes  of  y®  adversarie,  that  y''  truth  would  suffer 
if  he  did  not  help  them.  So  as  he  condescended,  & 
prepared  him  selfe  against  the  time ;  and  when  y"  day 
came,  the  Lord  did  so  help  him  to  defend  j^  truth  & 
foyle  this  adversarie,  as  he  put  him  to  an  apparent 
nonplus,  in  this  great  &  publike  audience.  And  y® 
like  he  did  a  2.  or  3.  time,  upon  such  like  occasions. 
The  which  as  it  caused  many  to  praise  God  y'  the 
trueth  had  so  famous  victory,  so  it  procured  him 
much  honour  &  respecte  from  those  lerned  men  & 
others  which  loved  y*^  trueth.  Yea,  so  farr  were  they 
from  being  weary  of  him  &  his  people,  or  desiring 
their  absence,  as  it  was  said  by  some,  of  no  mean 
note,  that  were  it  not  for  giveing  offence  to  y''  state 
of  England,  they  would  have  preferd  him  otherwise  if 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  29 

he  would,  and  alowd  them  some  publike  favour.  Yea 
when  ther  was  speech  of  their  remoovall  into  these 
parts,  sundrie  of  note  &  eminencie  of  y*  nation  would 
have  had  them  come  under  them,  and  for  y*  end  made 
them  large  offers.  Now  though  I  might  aledg  many 
other  perticulers  &  examples  of  y*^  like  kinde,  to  shew 
y^  untruth  &  unlicklyhode  of  this  slander,  yet  these 
shall  suffice,  seeing  it  was  beleeved  of  few,  being  only 
raised  by  y''  malice  of  some,  who  laboured  their 
disgrace. 

The  4.  Chap. 

Showing  y*  reasons  &  causes  of  tJieir  remoovall. 
After  they  had  lived  in  this  citie  about  some  11. 
or  12.  years,  (which  is  y^  more  observable  being  y*' 
whole  time  of  y*  famose  truce  between  that  state  & 
y**  Spaniards,)  and  sundrie  of  them  were  taken  away 
by  death,  &  many  others  begane  to  be  well  striken  in 
years,  the  grave  mistris  Experience  haveing  taught 
them  many  things,  [16]  those  prudent  governours  with 
sundrie  of  y°  sagest  members  begane  both  deeply  to 
apprehend  their  present  dangers,  &  wisely  to  foresee 
y®  future,  &  thinke  of  timly  remedy.  In  y®  agitation 
of  their  thoughts,  and  much  discours  of  things  hear 
aboute,  at  length  they  began  to  incline  to  this  conclu- 
sion, of  remoovall  to  some  other  place.  Not  out  of 
any  newfanglednes,  or  other  such  like  giddie  humor, 
by  which  men  are  oftentimes  transported  to  their 
great  hurt  &  danger,  but  for  sundrie  weightie  &  solid 


30  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  IV. 

reasons ;  some  of  y''  cheefe  of  which  1  will  hear  breefly 
touch.  And  first,  they  saw  &  found  by  experience  the 
hardnes  of  y^  place  &  countrie  to  be  such,  as  few  in 
comparison  would  come  to  them,  and  fewer  that  would 
bide  it  out,  and  continew  with  them.  For  many  y' 
came  to  them,  and  many  more  y*  desired  to  be  with 
them,  could  not  endure  y*  great  labor  and  hard  fare, 
with  other  inconveniences  which  they  underwent  & 
were  contented  with.  But  though  they  loved  their 
persons,  approved  their  cause,  and  honoured  their  suf- 
ferings, yet  they  left  them  as  it  weer  weeping,  as 
Orpah  did  her  mother  in  law  Naomie,  or  as  those 
Romans  did  Cato  in  Utica,  who  desired  to  be  excused 
&  borne  with,  though  they  could  not  all  be  Catoes. 
For  many,  though  they  desired  to  injoye  y*^  ordinances 
of  God  in  their  puritie,  and  y*^  libertie  of  the  gospell 
with  them,  yet,  alass,  they  admitted  of  bondage,  with 
danger  of  conscience,  rather  then  to  indure  these  hard- 
ships ;  yea,  some  preferred  &  chose  y®  prisons  in  Eng- 
land, rather  then  this  libertie  in  Holland,  with  these 
afflictions.  But  it  was  thought  that  if  a  better  and 
easier  place  of  living  could  be  had,  it  would  draw  many, 
&  take  away  these  discouragments.  Yea,  their  pastor 
would  often  say,  that  many  of  those  w"  both  wrate  & 
preached  now  against  them,  if  they  were  in  a  place 
wher  they  might  have  libertie  and  live  comfortably, 
they  would  then  practise  as  they  did. 

2'y.    They  saw  that  though  y"  people   generally  bore 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  31 

all  these    difficulties  very  cherfiilly,  &  with   a   resolute 
courage,  being  in  y^  best  &  strength  of  their  years,  yet 
old  age  began   to   steale  on  many  of  them,   (and  their 
great  &  continuall  labours,  with  other  crosses  and  sor- 
rows, hastened  it  before  y*"  time,)  so  as  it  was  not  only 
probably  thought,  but   apparently  seen,  that   within   a 
few  years  more  they  would  be  in  danger  to  scatter,  by 
necessities  pressing  them,  or  sinke  under  their  burdens, 
or  both.     And  therfore  according  to  y*  devine  proverb, 
y^  a  wise  man  seeth  y®  plague  when  it  cometh,  &  hideth 
him  selfe.  Pro.  22.  3.,  so  they  like  skillfull   &  beaten 
souldiers   were   fearfull   either  to  be  intrapped  or  sur- 
rounded by  their  enimies,  so  as  they  should  neither  be 
able  to  fight  nor  flie ;  and  therfor  thought  it  better  to 
dislodge  betimes  to  some  place  of  better  advantage  & 
less  danger,  if  any  such  could  be  found.     [16]  Thirdly  ; 
as  necessitie  was  a  taskmaster  over  them,  so  they  were 
forced  to  be  such,  not  only  to  their  servants,  but  in  a 
sorte,  to  their  dearest  chilldren ;  the  which  as  it  did  not 
a  litle  wound  y^  tender  harts  of  many  a  loving  father  & 
mother,  so  it  produced  likwise  sundrie  sad  &  sorowful 
effects.     For  many  of  their  children,  that  were  of  best 
dispositions    and   gracious   inclinations,    haveing   lernde 
to  bear   y'^  yoake   in  their  youth,  and   willing  to   bear 
parte   of   their   parents   burden,    were,  often   times,  so 
oppressed  with   their   hevie  labours,  that   though   their 
minds   were  free  and   willing,  yet   their   bodies    bowed 
under  y^  weight  of  y^  same,  and  became   decreped  in 


32  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  IV. 

their  early  youth  ;  the  vigor  of  nature  being  consumed 
in  y''  very  budd  as  it  were.  But  that  which  was  more 
lamentable,  and  of  all  sorowes  most  heavie  to  be  borne, 
was  that  many  of  their  children,  by  these  occasions, 
and  y*^  great  licentiousnes  of  youth  in  y*  countrie,  and 
y*"  manifold  temptations  of  the  place,  were  drawne  away 
by  evill  examples  into  extravagante  &  dangerous  courses, 
getting  y®  raines  off  their  neks,  &  departing  from  their 
parents.  Some  became  souldiers,  others  tooke  upon 
them  farr  viages  by  sea,  and  other  some  worse  courses, 
tending  to  dissolutnes  &  the  danger  of  their  soules,  to 
y®  great  greefe  of  their  parents  and  dishonour  of  God. 
So  that  they  saw  their  posteritie  would  be  in  danger 
to  degenerate  &  be  corrupted. 

Lastly,  (and  which  was  not  least,)  a  great  hope  & 
inward  zeall  they  had  of  laying  some  good  foundation, 
or  at  least  to  make  some  way  therunto,  for  y*^  propagat- 
ing &  advancing  y''  gospell  of  y''  kingdom  of  Christ  in 
those  remote  parts  of  y*^  world ;  yea,  though  they  should 
be  but  even  as  stepping-stones  unto  others  for  y*  per- 
forming of  so  great  a  work. 

These,  &  some  other  like  reasons,  moved  them  to 
undertake  this  resolution  of  their  removall ;  the  which 
they  afterward  prosecuted  with  so  great  difficulties,  as 
by  the  sequell  will  appeare. 

The  place  they  had  thoughts  on  was  some  of  those 
vast  &  unpeopled  countries  of  America,  which  are  frut- 
full   &   fitt   for   habitation,    being   devoyd   of  all   civill 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  33 

inhabitants,  wher  ther  are  only  salvage  &  brutish  men, 
which  range  up  and  downe,  litle  otherwise  then  y^  wild 
beasts  of  the  same.  This  proposition  being  made  pub- 
like and  coming  to  y®  scaning  of  all,  it  raised  many 
variable  opinions  amongst  men,  and  caused  many  fears 
&  doubts  amongst  them  selves.  Some,  from  their 
reasons  &  hops  conceived,  laboured  to  stirr  up  &  in- 
courage  the  rest  to  undertake  &  prosecute  y^  same ; 
others,  againe,  out  of  their  fears,  objected  against  it, 
&  sought  to  diverte  from  it,  aledging  many  things,  and 
those  neither  unreasonable  nor  unprobable ;  as  that  it 
was  a  great  designe,  and  subjecte  to  many  unconceivable 
perills  &  dangers ;  as,  besids  the  casulties  of  y''  seas 
(which  none  can  be  freed  from)  the  length  of  y''  vioage 
was  such,  as  y''  weake  bodys  of  women  and  other 
persons  worne  out  with  age  &  traville  (as  many  of 
them  were)  could  never  be  able  to  endure.  And  yet 
if  they  should,  the  miseries  of  y*"  land  which  they 
should  be  [17]  exposed  unto,  would  be  to  hard  to  be 
borne ;  and  lickly,  some  or  all  of  them  togeither,  to 
consume  &  utterly  to  ruinate  them.  For  ther  they 
should  be  liable  to  famine,  and  nakednes,  &  y^  wante, 
in  a  maner,  of  all  things.  The  chang  of  aire,  diate,  & 
drinking  of  water,  would  infecte  their  bodies  with  sore 
sickneses,  and  greevous  diseases.  And  also  those  which 
should  escape  or  overcome  these  difficulties,  should  yett 
be  in  continuall  danger  of  y*^  salvage  people,  who  are 
cruell,  barbarous,  &  most  trecherous,  being  most  furious 


34  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  IV. 

in  their  rage,  and  merciles  wher  they  overcome  ;  not 
being  contente  only  to  kill,  &  take  away  life,  but  delight 
to  tormente  men  in  y®  most  bloodie  maner  that  may  be ; 
fleaing  some  alive  with  y®  shells  of  fishes,  cutting  of  y*^ 
members  &  joynts  of  others  by  peesmeale,  and  broiling 
on  y*'  coles,  eate  y*"  collops  of  their  flesh  in  their  sight 
whilst  they  live ;  with  other  ci'uelties  horrible  to  be 
related.  And  surely  it  could  not  be  thought  but  y® 
very  hearing  of  these  things  could  not  but  move  y® 
very  bowels  of  men  to  grate  within  them,  and  make 
y®  weake  to  quake  &  tremble.  It  was  furder  objected, 
that  it  would  require  greater  sumes  of  money  to  furnish 
such  a  voiage,  and  to  fitt  them  with  necessaries,  then 
their  consumed  estats  would  amounte  too ;  and  yett 
they  must  as  well  looke  to  be  seconded  with  supplies, 
as  presently  to  be  trasported.  Also  many  presidents 
of  ill  success,  &  lamentable  misseries  befalne  others  in 
the  like  designes,  were  easie  to  be  found,  and  not  for- 
gotten to  be  aledged ;  besids  their  owne  experience, 
in  their  former  troubles  &  hardships  in  their  removall 
into  Holand,  and  how  hard  a  thing  it  was  for  them  to 
live  in  that  strange  place,  though  it  was  a  neighbour 
countrie,  &  a  civill  and  rich  comone  wealth. 

It  was  answered,  that  all  great  &  honourable  actions 
are  accompanied  with  great  difficulties,  and  must  be 
both  enterprised  and  overcome  with  answerable  cour- 
ages. It  was  granted  y*"  dangers  were  great,  but  not 
desperate  ;  the  difficulties  were  many,  but  not  invincible. 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  35 

For  though  their  were  many  of  them  likly,  yet  they 
were  not  cartaine ;  it  might  be  sundrie  of  y*  things 
feared  might  never  befale ;  others  by  providente  care 
&  y'^  use  of  good  means,  might  in  a  great  measure  be 
prevented ;  and  all  of  them,  through  y'^  help  of  God, 
by  fortitude  and  patience,  might  either  be  borne,  or 
overcome.  True  it  was,  that  such  atempts  were  not 
to  be  made  and  undertaken  without  good  ground  & 
reason ;  not  rashly  or  lightly  as  many  have  done  for 
curiositie  or  hope  of  gaine,  &c.  But  their  condition 
was  not  ordinarie  ;  their  ends  were  good  &  honourable  ; 
their  calling  lawfull,  &  urgente  ;  and  therfore  they  might 
expecte  y''  blessing  of  God  in  their  preceding.  Yea, 
though  they  should  loose  their  lives  in  this  action,  yet 
might  they  have  comforte  in  the  same,  and  their  en- 
deavors would  be  honourable.  They  lived  hear  but 
as  men  in  exile,  &  in  a  poore  condition ;  and  as  great 
miseries  might  possibly  befale  them  in  this  place,  for 
y*"  12.  years  of  truce  were  now  out,  c§;  ther  was  nothing 
but  beating  of  drumes,  and  preparing  for  warr,  the 
events  wherof  are  all  way  uncertaine.  Y®  Spaniard 
might  prove  as  cruell  as  [18]  the  salvages  of  America, 
and  y''  famine  and  pestelence  as  sore  hear  as  ther,  & 
their  libertie  less  to  looke  out  for  remedie.  After 
many  other  perticuler  things  answered  &  aledged  on 
both  sids,  it  was  fully  concluded  by  y*"  major  parte, 
to  put  this  designe  in  execution,  and  to  prosecute  it 
by  the  best  means  they  could. 


36  HISTORY   OF  [chap.  V. 


The  5.  Chap. 

JShewing  what  means  they  used  for  preparation  to  this 
waightie  vioag. 
And  first  after  thir  bumble  praiers  unto  God  for  bis 
direction  &  assistance,  &  a  generall  conferrence  beld 
hear  aboute,  tbey  consulted  what  perticuler  place  to 
pitcb  upon,  &  prepare  for.  Some  (&  none  of  y® 
meanest)  bad  tbougbts  &  were  ernest  for  Guiana,  or 
some  of  tbose  fertill  places  in  tbose  bott  climats ; 
otbers  were  for  some  parts  of  Virginia,  wber  y^ 
Englisb  bad  all  ready  made  enterance,  &  begining. 
Tbose  for  Guiana  aledged  y'  tbe  cuntrie  was  ricb, 
fruitfull,  &  blessed  witb  a  perpetuall  spring,  and  a 
florisbing  greenes ;  wbere  vigorous  nature  brougbt 
fortb  all  tbings  in  abundance  &  plentie  without  any 
great  labour  or  art  of  man.  So  as  it  must  needs 
make  y**  inhabitants  ricb,  seing  less  provisions  of  cloth- 
ing and  other  tbings  would  serve,  then  in  more  coulder 
&  less  frutfuU  countries  must  be  bad.  As  also  y*  the 
Spaniards  (having  much  more  then  they  could  possess) 
had  not  yet  planted  there,  nor  any  where  very  near 
y*  same.  But  to  this  it  was  answered,  that  out  of 
question  y''  countrie  was  both  frutfuU  and  pleasante, 
and  might  yeeld  riches  &  maintenance  to  y®  possessorSi, 
more  easily  then  y"  other;  yet,  other  things  con- 
sidered, it  would  not  be  so   fitt  for  them.      And  first, 


1617.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  37 

y*  such  hott  countries  are  subject  to  greevuos  diseases, 
and  many  noysome  impediments,  which  other  more 
temperate  places  are  freer  from,  and  would  not  so 
well  agree  with  our  English  bodys.  Againe,  if  they 
should  ther  live,  &  doe  well,  the  jealous  Spaniard 
would  never  suffer  them  long,  but  would  displante 
or  overthrow  them,  as  he  did  y^  French  in  Florida, 
who  were  seated  furder  from  his  richest  countries ; 
and  the  sooner  because  they  should  have  none  to 
protect  them,  &  their  owne  strength  would  be  too 
smale  to  resiste  so  potent  an  enemie,  &  so  neare  a 
neighbor. 

On  y*'  other  hand,  for  Virginia  it  was  objected,  that 
if  they  lived  among  y*"  English  w*^''  wear  ther  planted, 
or  so  near  them  as  to  be  under  their  goverment,  they 
should  be  in  as  great  danger  to  be  troubled  and  per- 
secuted for  the  cause  of  religion,  as  if  they  lived  in 
England,  and  it  might  be  worse.  And  if  they  lived 
too  farr  of,  they  should  neither  have  succour,  nor  de- 
fence from  them. 

But  at  length  y*"  conclusion  was,  to  live  as  a  dis- 
tincte  body  by  them  selves,  under  y*^  general  I  Gover- 
ment of  Virginia ;  and  by  their  freinds  to  sue  to  his 
majestic  that  he  would  be  pleased  to  grant  them  free- 
dome  of  Religion  ;  and  y*  this  might  be  obtained,  they 
wear  putt  in  good  hope  by  some  great  persons,  of 
good  ranke  &  qualitie,  that  were  made  their  freinds. 
Whereupon  2.  were  chosen  [19]  &  sent  in  to  England 


38  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  V. 

(at  y*  charge  of  y^  rest)  to  sollicite  this  matter,  who 
found  the  Virginia  Company  very  desirous  to  have 
them  goe  thither,  and  willing  to  grante  them  a  patent, 
with  as  ample  priviliges  as  they  had,  or  could  grant 
to  any,  and  to  give  them  the  best  furderance  they 
could.  And  some  of  y*  cheefe  of  y'  company  douted 
not  to  obtaine  their  suite  of  y*  king  for  liberty  in  Re- 
ligion, and  to  have  it  confirmed  under  y®  kings  broad 
seale,  according  to  their  desires.  But  it  prooved  a 
harder  peece  of  worke  then  they  tooke  it  for ;  for 
though  many  means  were  used  to  bring  it  aboute,  yet 
it  could  not  be  effected ;  for  ther  were  diverse  of 
good  worth  laboured  with  the  king  to  obtaine  it, 
(amongst  whom  was  one  of  his  cheefe  secretaries,*) 
and  some  other  wrought  with  y*  archbishop  to  give 
way  therunto ;  but  it  proved  all  in  vaine.  Yet  thus 
farr  they  prevailed,  in  sounding  his  majesties  mind, 
that  he  would  connive  at  them,  &  not  molest  them, 
provided  they  carried  them  selves  peacably.  But  to 
allow  or  tolerate  them  by  his  publick  authoritie,  under 
his  seale,  they  found  it  would  not  be.  And  this  was 
all  the  cheefe  of  y*^  Virginia  companie  or  any  other  of 
their  best  freinds  could  doe  in  y*"  case.  Yet  they  per- 
s waded  them  to  goe  on,  for  they  presumed  they 
should  not  be  troubled.  And  with  this  answer  y*^  mes- 
sengers returned,  and  signified  what  diligence  had  bene 
used,  and  to  what  issue  things  were  come. 

*  S'  Robert  Nanton. 


1617.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  39 

But  this  made  a  dampe  in  y''  busines,  and  caused 
some  distraction,  for  many  were  afraid  that  if  they 
should  unsetle  them  selves,  &  put  of  their  estates, 
and  goe  upon  these  hopes,  it  might  prove  dangerous, 
and  but  a  sandie  foundation.  Yea,  it  was  thought 
they  might  better  have  presumed  hear  upon  without 
makeing  any  suite  at  all,  then,  haveing  made  it,  to  be 
thus  rejected.  But  some  of  y^  cheefest  thought  other 
wise,  and  y*  they  might  well  proceede  hereupon,  & 
that  y*^  kings  majestic  was  willing  enough  to  suffer 
them  without  molestation,  though  for  other  reasons  he 
would  not  confirme  it  by  any  publick  acte.  And  fur- 
dermore,  if  ther  was  no  securitie  in  this  promise  inti- 
mated, ther  would  be  no  great  certainty  in  a  furder 
confirmation  of  y®  same ;  for  if  after  wards  ther  should 
be  a  purpose  or  desire  to  wrong  them,  though  they 
had  a  scale  as  broad  as  y*^  house  flore,  it  would  not 
serve  y*"  turne ;  for  ther  would  be  means  enew  found 
to  recall  or  reverse  it.  Seeing  therfore  the  course 
was  probable,  they  must  rest  herein  on  Gods  provi- 
dence, as  they  had  done  in  other  things. 

Upon  this  resolution,  other  messengers  were  dis- 
patched, to  end  with  y"  Virginia  Company  as  well  as 
they  could.  And  to  procure  [20]  a  patent  with  as 
good  and  ample  conditions  as  they  might  by  any  good 
means  obtaine.  As  also  to  treate  and  conclude  with 
such  merchants  and  other  freinds  as  had  manifested 
their  forwardnes  to  provoke  too  and  adventure  in  this 


40  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  V. 

vioage.  For  which  end  they  had  instructions  given 
them  upon  what  conditions  they  should  proceed  with 
them,  or  els  to  conclude  nothing  without  further  ad- 
vice. And  here  it  will  be  requisite  to  inserte  a  letter 
or  too  that  may  give  light  to  these  proceedings. 

A  coppie  of  leter  from  -S"";  Edwin  Sands,  directed  to  M'".  John 
Rohinson  &  M".    William  Brewster. 

After  my  hartie  salutations.  The  agents  of  your  congre- 
gation, Robert  Cushmau  &  John  Carver,  have  been  in 
comunication  with  diverse  selecte  gentlemen  of  his  Majesties 
Counsell  for  Virginia  ;  and  by  y^  writing  of  7.  Articles  sub- 
scribed with  your  names,  have  given  them  3''  good  degree  of 
satisfaction,  which  hath  caried  them  on  with  a  resolution  to 
sett  forward  your  desire  in  y*  best  sorte  y'  may  be,  for  your 
owne  &  the  publick  good.  Divers  perticulers  wherof  we  leave 
to  their  faithful]  reporte  ;  having  carried  them  selves  heere  with 
that  good  discretion,  as  is  both  to  their  owne  and  their  credite 
from  whence  they  came.  And  wheras  being  to  treate  for  a 
multitude  of  people,  they  have  requested  further  time  to  con- 
ferr  with  them  that  are  to  be  interessed  in  this  action,  aboute 
y^  several!  particularities  which  in  y*  prosecution  therof  will 
fall  out  considerable,  it  hath  been  very  willingly  assented  too. 
And  so  they  doe  now  returne  unto  you.  If  therfore  it  may 
please  God  so  to  directe  your  desires  as  that  on  your  parts 
ther  fall  out  no  just  impediments,  I  trust  by  y"^  same  direction 
it  shall  likewise  appear,  that  on  our  parte,  all  forwardnes  to 
set  you  forward  shall  be  found  in  y^  best  sorte  which  with 
reason  may  be  expected.  And  so  I  betake  you  with  this 
designe  (w*^*"  I  hope  verily  is  y"  worke  of  God),  to  the  gracious 
protection  and  blessing  of  y*  Highest. 

London,  Novb"":  12.  Your  very  loving  freind 

An°:   1617.  Edwin  Sandys. 


1617.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  41 


TJieir  answer  was  as  foloweth. 

Righte  WorP' : 

Oui-  humble  duties  remembred,  in  our  owne,  our  messengers, 
and  our  churches  name,  with  all  thankfull  acknowledgmente 
of  your  singuler  love,  expressing  [21]  itself e,  as  otherwise,  so 
more  spetially  in  your  great  care  and  earnest  endeavor  of  our 
good  in  this  weightie  bussines  aboute  Virginia,  which  y''  less 
able  we  are  to  requite,  we  shall  thinke  our  selves  the  more 
bound  to  comend  in  our  prayers  unto  God  for  recompence  ; 
whom,  as  for  y*  presente  you  rightly  behould  in  our  indeavors, 
so  shall  we  not  be  wanting  on  our  parts  (the  same  God  assist- 
ing us)  to  returne  all  answerable  fruite,  and  respecte  unto  y® 
labour  of  your  love  bestowed  upon  us.  We  have  with  y®  best 
speed  and  consideration  withall  that  we  could,  sett  downe  our 
requests  in  writing,  subscribed,  as  you  willed,  w*  the  hands  of 
y*  greatest  parte  of  our  congregation,  and  have  sente  y^  same 
unto  y^  Counsell  by  our  agente,  &  a  deacon  of  our  church, 
John  Carver,  unto  whom  we  have  also  requested  a  gentleman 
of  our  company  to  adyone  him  selfe  ;  to  the  care  &  discretion 
of  which  two,  we  doe  referr  y^  prosecuting  of  y''  bussines. 
Now  we  perswade  our  selves  Right  Wor^P;  that  we  need  not 
provoke  your  godly  &  loving  minde  to  any  further  or  more 
tender  care  of  us,  since  you  have  pleased  so  farr  to  interest  us 
in  your  selfe,  that,  under  God,  above  all  persons  and  things 
in  the  world,  we  relye  upon  you,  expecting  the  care  of  your 
love,  counsell  of  your  wisdome,  &  the  help  &  countenance  of 
your  authority.  Notwithstanding,  for  your  encouragmente  in 
y*  worke,  so  farr  as  probabilities  may  leade,  we  will  not  for- 
beare  to  mention  these  instances  of  indusmente. 

1,  We  veryly  beleeve  &  trust  y^  Lord  is  with  us,  unto  whom 
&  whose  service  we  have  given  our  selves  in  many  trialls ;  and 
that  he  will  graciously  prosper  our  indeavours  according  to  y" 
simplicitie  of  our  harts  therin. 


43  HtSTOKY    OF  [chap.  V. 

2^.  We  are  well  weaned  from  y*  deJicate  milke  of  our  mother 
eouutrie,  and  enurvsi  to  y*  difficulties  of  a  strange  and  harvi 
laud,  which  yet  in  a  gnfat  j>arte  we  have  by  patience  overcome. 

S*".  The  people  are  fear  the  boily  of  them,  industrious,  & 
frugalU  wie  thinke  we  may  safly  say,  as  any  company  of  people 
in  the  world. 

4'^.  We  are  knite  to^ather  as  a  body  in  a  most  stricte  & 
saereii  l»ond  and  eovenante  of  the  Lord,  of  the  violation  • 
wherof  we  make  great  conscience,  and  by  vertue  wherof  we 
doe  honld  our  selves  straitly  tie\l  to  all  care  of  each  others 
good,  auvl  of  y*  whole  by  every  one  and  so  mutually. 

3.  Lastly,  it  is  not  with  us  sis  with  other  men,  whom  small 
things  can  discourage,  or  small  discontentment  cause  to  wish 
them  selves  at  home  againe.  We  knowe  our  entertainmente  in 
England,  and  in  Holaud ;  we  shall  much  prejudice  both  our 
arts  &  means  by  removall ;  who,  if  we  should  be  driven  to 
letume,  we  should  not  hope  to  recover  our  present  helps  and 
comforts,  neither  indeeil  looke  ever,  for  our  selves,  to  attaine 
unto  y*  like  in  any  other  place  during  our  lives,  w^  are  now 
drawing  towards  their  perio^ls. 

f^3   Tifse  motives  we  have  been  bouki  to  tender  unto  you, 

•  Xois. — O  sacred  be>ad,  wfaxUs  iHTJoUabir  preeerred!  bow  swerte  aod 
pncaotts  '««(«  tbe  £c«its  tbat  flow«d  from  j^  ^azoe,  bat  vbea  xMs  nd^Iirr  de- 
OKTsd,  tiMtt  Aesr  niiK  agpfHoai^ted.  O  iba.t  t&Ase  aa<3este  laembers  had  not 
^3r«d>  or  beeik  diisstjoted.  (if  it  bad  been  tbe  will  oi  God}  or  els  tbai  ibis  bo^j 
eu«  and  «E»^aai«e  ftiit^ftiHTMS  bad  sxill  IiT^d,  and  temaiaed  «iib  tbv«e  tbat 
s«ni>[«^  aad  w«e«  is  tmes  afkerwards  added  onto  tbem.  Bat  (alass)  tbat  suN 
tSD  affiqwie  lat&  ^^ite  woacBMi  xa  Uoftseifcte  «»der  faiie  pretences  of  rtee^ssitie 
aoui  J*  Bke^  to  wntwiste  tiKse  saend  boauls  and  tj^s,  and  as  it  were  iaseasitiiv 
bT  ds^rrees  to  d^^olx^,.  or  ia  a  sseat  iMassre  to  weaken,  t«  sazoe.  I  bar?  twen 
liappT.  ia  £&▼  Si^  txBai^  to  see,  aad  witik  atiK&  ecMBfeete  to  iajoTe,  tbe  bl'^ssed 
tntts  of  tMs  sweete  eQaaai«aaQB»  Iml  it  is  now-  a  paite  <tf  uj  misefie  in  oM  a:», 
to  find  and  feeie  t«  deca^r  and  wairte  t&aof  (in  a  great  Bseasnr?).  and  wi;b 
fieejfe  and  sorxow  of  bart  to  Ijaateate  &  bewaile  j^  saiiu.  A]^i  for  ocners  warn- 
XB$  and  admioanMoa,  and  oaj  <^nK  binmUBUtroa,  doe  I  bear  note  t«  sante. 

[Tte  aboT9  reAKGDOos  of  tbe  aviftor  wece  penned  at  a  laser  poiod,  oa  tbe 
■e««Ese  pa^es  of  bas  HbsKxt-,,  at  tikis  piaee.] 


1617.]  PLYMOUTH  PLA?rrATroy.  43 

which  you  in  your  wL&dome  may  also  imparte  to  any  other  our 
woi*":  freinds  of  y*  Counsel!  with  you  ;  of  all  whose  godly  dis- 
possition  and  loving  towards  our  despised  persons,  we  are  most 
glad,  &  shall  not  faile  by  all  good  means  to  continue  &  in- 
crease y*  same.  We  will  not  be  further  troublesome,  bat  doe, 
with  y*  renewed  remembrance  of  our  humble  duties  to  your 
Wor*^:  and  (so  farr  as  in  modestie  we  may  be  bould)  to  any 
other  of  our  wellwillers  of  the  Counsell  with  you,  we  take  our 
leaves,  comiting  your  pereons  and  counsels  to  y*  guidance  and 
direction  of  the  Almighty. 

Yours  much  bounden  in  all  duty, 
Leyden,  Desem :  15.  John  Bobiksok, 

An°:  1617.  William  Brjcwstkk. 

For  farther  light  in  these  proceedings  see  some  other 
letters  &  notes  as  followeth. 

The  coppy  of  a  letter  sent  to  S'.  John   Worstenham. 

Right  Wor^-:  with  due  acknowledgmente  of  our  thankfuIliLse 
for  your  singular  care  &  pains  in  the  bussines  of  Yirvinia,  for 
our,  &,  we  hope,  the  comone  good,  we  doe  remember  our 
humble  dutys  unto  you,  and  have  sent  inclosed,  as  is  required, 
a  further  explanation  of  our  judgments  in  the  3.  points  specified 
by  some  of  his  majesties  Hon^^  Privie  Counsell ;  and  though  it 
be  greevious  unto  us  that  such  unjust  insinuations  are  made 
against  us.  yet  we  are  most  glad  of  y*  occasion  of  making  our 
just  purgation  unto  so  honourable  personages.  The  declara- 
tions we  have  sent  inclosed,  the  one  more  breefe  &  generall, 
which  we  thinke  y*  fitter  to  be  presented  ;  the  other  soinetliing 
more  large,  and  in  which  we  express  some  smale  accidentall 
differances,  which  if  it  seeme  good  unto  you  and  other  of  our 
wor*^  freinds.  you  may  send  in  stead  of  y*  former.  Our  prayers 
unto  Gknl  is,  y'  your  Wor^^  may  see  the  frute  of  your  worthy 


44  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  V. 

endeaours,  which  on  our  parts  we  shall  not  faile  to  furder  by 
all  good  means  in  us.  And  so  praing  y'  you  would  please  with 
y^  eonvenieutest  speed  y'  may  be,  to  give  us  knowledge  of  y* 
success  of  y'^  bussines  with  his  majesties  Privie  Counsell,  and 
accordingly  what  your  further  pleasure  is,  either  for  our  direc- 
tiorl  or  furtherance  in  y"  same,  so  we  rest 

Your  AVorPP  in  all  duty, 
Leyden,  Jan  :  27.  John  Robinson, 

An°:  1617.  old  stile.  William  Brewster. 

The  first  breefe  note  was  this. 

Touching  y^  Ecclesiasticall  ministrie,  namly  of  pastores  for 
teaching,  elders  for  ruling,  &  deacons  for  distributing  y* 
churches  contribution,  as  allso  for  y®  too  Sacrements,  bap- 
tisme,  and  y*  Lords  supper,  we  doe  wholy  and  in  all  points 
agree  [23]  with  y®  French  reformed  churches,  according  to 
their  publick  confession  of  faith. 

The  oath   of  Supremacie    we   shall   willingly  take    if   it   be 

required  of  us,  and  that  conveniente  satisfaction  be  not  given 

by  our  taking  y^  oath  of  Alleagence. 

John  Rob  : 

William  Brewster. 

Y"  2.  was  this. 

Touching  y^  Ecclesiasticall  ministrie,  &c.  as  in  y^  former, 
we  agree  in  all  things  with  the  French  reformed  churches, 
according  to  their  publick  confession  of  faith ;  though  some 
small  differences  be  to  be  found  in  our  practises,  not  at  all 
in  y^  substance  of  the  things,  but  only  in  some  accidentall 
circumstances. 

1.  As  first,  their  ministers  doe  pray  with  their  heads  cov- 
ered ;  ours  uncovered. 

2.  We  chose  none  for  Governing  Elders  but  such  as  are 
able  to  teach  ;  which  abilitie  the}^  doe  not  require. 


1617.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  45 

3.  Their  elders  &  deacons  are  anuall,  or  at  most  for  2.  or 
3.  years  ;  ours  perpetuall. 

4.  Our  elders  doe  administer  their  office  in  admonitions  & 
excommunications  for  publick  scandals,  publickly  &  before 
y^  congregation  ;  theirs  more  privately,  &  in  their  consistories. 

0.  We  doe  administer  baptisme  only  to  such  infants  as 
wherof  y^  one  parente,  at  y*  least,  is  of  some  church,  which 
some  of  ther  churches  doe  not  observe  ;  though  in  it  our  prac- 
tice accords  with  their  publick  confession  and  y^  judgmente  of 
y®  most  larned  amongst  them. 

Other  differences,  worthy  mentioning,  we  know  none  in  these 
points.     Then  aboute  y*'  oath,  as  in  y^  former. 

Subscribed,  John  R. 

W.  B. 

Part  of  another  letter  from  him  that  delivered  these. 

London.  Feb :  14. 
1617. 
Your  letter  to  S^  John  Worstenhohne  I  delivered  allmost 
as  soone  as  I  had  it,  to  his  owne  hands,  and  staid  with  him 
y^  opening  &  reading.  Ther  were  2.  papers  inclosed,  he  read 
them  to  him  selfe,  as  also  y^  letter,  and  in  y^  reading  he  spake 
to  me  &  said,  Who  shall  make  them?  viz.  y"  ministers;  I 
answered  his  Wor^^  that  y®  power  of  making  was  in  y*^  church, 
to  be  ordained  by  y^  imposition  of  hands,  by  y"  fittest  instru- 
ments they  had.  It  must  either  be  in  y"^  church  or  from  y® 
pope,  &  y^  pope  is  Antichrist.  Ho !  said  S^  John,  what  y° 
pope  houlds  good,  (as  in  y*  Trinitie,)  that  we  doe  well  to 
assente  too ;  but,  said  he,  we  will  not  enter  into  dispute  now. 
And  as  for  your  letters  he  would  not  show  them  at  any  hand, 
least  he  should  spoyle  all.  He  expected  you  should  have  been 
of  y^  archbp  miude  for  y®  calling  of  ministers,  but  it  seems  you 
differed.  I  could  have  wished  to  have  known  y"  contents  of 
your  tow  inclosed,  at  w'-'*'  he  stuck  so  much,  espetially  y**  larger. 


46  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  V. 

I  asked  his  Woi*  what  good  news  he  had  for  me  to  write  to 
morrow.  He  tould  me  very  good  news,  for  both  the  kings 
majestie  and  y*  bishops  have  consented.  He  said  he  would 
goe  to  M^  Chancelor,  S^  Fulk  Grivell,  as  this  day,  &  nexte 
weeke  I  should  know  more.  I  mett  S'.  Edw  :  Sands  on  Wedens- 
day  night ;  he  wished  me  to  be  at  the  Virginia  Courte  y*  nexte 
Wedensday,  wher  I  purpose  to  be.  Thus  loath  to  be  troubl- 
some  at  present,  I  hope  to  have  somewhate  nexte  week  of 
certentie  concerning  you.     I  coinitte  you  to  y*  Lord.    Yours, 

S.  B. 

[24]  These  things  being  long  in  agitation,  &  mes- 
sengers passing  too  and  againe  aboute  them,  after  all 
their  hopes  they  were  long  delayed  by  many  rubs  that 
fell  in  y®  way ;  for  at  y®  returne  of  these  messengers 
into  England  they  found  things  farr  otherwise  then 
they  expected.  For  y®  Virginia  Counsell  was  now  so 
disturbed  with  factions  and  quarrels  amongst  them 
selves,  as  no  bussines  could  well  goe  forward.  The 
which  may  the  better  appear  in  one  of  ye  messengers 
letters  as  followeth. 

To  his  loving  freinds,  &c. 
I  had  thought  long  since  to  have  write  unto  you,  but  could 
not  effecte  y'  which  I  aimed  at,  neither  can  yet  sett  things  as 
I  wished  ;  yet,  notwithstanding,  I  doubt  not  but  M^  B.  hath 
writen  to  M^  Robinson.  But  I  thinke  my  selfe  bound  also 
to  doe  something,  least  I  be  thought  to  neglecte  you.  The 
maine  hinderance  of  our  proseedings  in  y^  Virginia  bussines, 
is  y^  dissentions  and  factious,  as  they  terme  it,  amongs  y^ 
Counsell   &   Company  of  Virginia ;    which    are    such,  as    that 


1619.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  47 

ever  since  we  came  up  no  busines  could  by  them  be  dis- 
patched. The  occasion  of  this  trouble  amongst  them  is,  for 
that  a  while  since  S"'.  Thomas  Smith,  repining  at  his  many 
offices  &  troubls,  wished  y^  Company  of  Virginia  to  ease  him 
of  his  office  in  being  Treasurer  &  G-over''.  of  y^  Virginia  Com- 
pany. Wereupon  y'  Company  tooke  occasion  to  dismisse  him, 
and  chose  S^  Edwin  Sands  Treasure""  &  Gover""  of  y*  Company. 
He  having  60.  voyces,  S^  John  Worstenholme  16.  voices,  and 
Alderman  Johnsone  24.  But  S"".  Thomas  Smith,  when  he  saw 
some  parte  of  his  honour  lost,  was  very  angrie,  &  raised  a 
faction  to  cavill  &  contend  aboute  y*  election,  and  sought  to 
taxe  S'.  Edwin  with  many  things  that  might  both  disgrace  him, 
and  allso  put  him  by  his  office  of  Governour.  In  which  con- 
tentious they  yet  stick,  and  are  not  fit  nor  readie  to  intermedle 
in  any  bussines  ;  and  what  issue  things  will  come  to  we  are 
not  yet  certaine.  It  is  most  like  S^  Edwin  will  carrie  it  away, 
and  if  he  doe,  things  will  goe  well  in  Virginia ;  if  otherwise, 
they  will  goe  ill  enough  allways.  We  hope  in  some  2.  or  3. 
Court  days  things  will  setle.  Mean  space  I  thinke  to  goe 
downe  into  Kente,  &  come  up  againe  aboute  14.  days,  or  3. 
weeks  hence  ;  except  either  by  these  afforesaid  contentions, 
or  by  y*  ille  tidings  from  Vii'ginia,  we  be  wholy  discouraged, 
of  which  tidings  I  am  now  to  speake. 

Captaine  Argoll  is  come  home  this  weeke  (he  upon  notice 
of  y*  intente  of  y^  Counsell,  came  away  before  S^  Georg 
Yeardley  came  ther,  and  so  ther  is  no  small  dissentiou).  But 
his  tidings  are  ill,  though  his  person  be  wellcome.  He  saith 
M^  Blackwells  shipe  came  not  ther  till  March,  but  going 
towards  winter,  they  had  still  norwest  winds,  which  carried 
them  to  the  southward  beyond  their  course.  And  y*  m""  of 
y"  ship  &  some  6.  of  y®  mariners  dicing,  it  seemed  they  could 
not  find  y*  bay,  till  after  long  seeking  &  beating  aboute.  M^ 
Blackwell  is  dead,  &  M^  Maggner,  y"  Captain;  yea,  ther  are 
dead,  he  saith,  130.  persons,  one  &  other  in  y'  ship  ;  it  is  said 


48  HISTORY   OF  [chap.  V. 

ther  was  in  all  an  180.  persons  in  y''  ship,  so  as  they  were 
packed  togeather  like  herings.  They  had  amongst  them  y^ 
fluxe,  and  allso  wante  of  fresh  water ;  so  as  it  is  hear  rather 
woudred  at  y'  so  many  are  alive,  then  that  so  many  are  dead. 
The  marchants  hear  say  it  was  M^  Blackwells  faulte  to  pack 
so  many  in  y^  ship ;  yea,  &  ther  were  great  mutteriugs  &  repin- 
ings  amongst  them,  and  upbraiding  of  M^  Blackwell,  for  his 
dealing  and  dispossing  of  them,  when  they  saw  how  he  had 
dispossed  of  them,  &  how  he  insulted  over  them.  Yea,  y® 
streets  at  Gravsend  runge  of  their  extreame  quarrelings,  cry- 
ing out  one  of  another.  Thou  hast  brought  me  to  this,  and,  I 
may  thanke  the  for  this.  Heavie  newes  it  is,  and  I  Avould  be 
glad  to  heare  how  farr  it  will  discourage.  I  see  none  hear  dis- 
couraged much,  [25]  but  rather  desire  to  larne  to  beware  by 
other  mens  harmes,  and  to  amend  that  wherin  they  have  failed. 
As  we  desire  to  serve  one  another  in  love,  so  take  heed  of 
being  inthraled  by  any  imperious  persone,  espetially  if  they  be 
discerned  to  have  an  eye  to  them  selves.  It  doth  often  trouble 
me  to  thinke  that  in  this  bussines  we  are  all  to  learne  and  none 
to  teach  ;  but  better  so,  then  to  depend  upon  such  teachers  as 
M"".  Blackwell  was.  Such  a  strategeme  he  once  made  for  M^ 
Johnson  &  his  people  at  Emden,  w"*"  was  their  subversion.  But 
though  he  ther  clenlily  (yet  unhonstly)  plucked  his  neck  out 
of  y*'  collar,  yet  at  last  his  foote  is  caught.  Hear  are  no 
letters  come,  y*"  ship  captain  Argole  came  in  is  yet  in  y"  west 
parts  ;  all  y'  we  hear  is  but  his  report ;  it  seemeth  he  came 
away  secretly.  The  ship  }''  M'.  Blackwell  went  in  will  be  hear 
shortly.  It  is  as  M'.  Robinson  once  said  ;  he  thought  we  should 
hear  no  good  of  them. 

M^  B.  is  not  well  at  this  time  ;  whether  he  will  come  back 
to  you  or  goe  into  y*^  north,  I  yet  know  not.  For  my  selfe, 
I  hope  to  see  an  end  of  this  bussines  ere  I  come,  though  I  am 
sorie  to  be  thus  from  you  ;  if  things  had  gone  roundly  forvA'ard, 
I  should  have  been  with  you  within  these   14.  days.     I  pray 


1619.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  49 

God  directe  us,  and  give  uS'  that  spirite  which  is  fitting  for 
such  a  bussines.  Thus  having  suinarily  pointed  at  things  w*^'' 
M^  Brewster  (I  thinke)  hath  more  largly  write  of  to  M^  Robin- 
son, I  leave  you  to  the  Lords  protection. 

Yours  in  all  readines,  &c.  London,  May  8. 

RoBART  CusHMAN.  An°:  1619. 

A  word  or  tow  by  way  of  digression  touching  this 
M''.  Blackwell ;  he  was  an  elder  of  y^  church  at  Am- 
sterdam, a  man  well  known  of  most  of  them.  He 
declined  from  y®  trueth  w'*"  M^  Johnson  &  y*^  rest, 
and  went  with  him  when  y^^  parted  assunder  in  y* 
wofull  maner,  w*^*^  brought  so  great  dishonour  to  God, 
scandal  1  to  y^  trueth,  &  outward  ruine  to  them  selves 
in  this  world.  But  I  hope,  notwithstanding,  through 
y*  mercies  of  y®  Lord,  their  souls  are  now  at  rest  with 
him  in  y®  heavens,  and  y'  they  are  arrived  in  y*^  Haven 
of  hapines ;  though  some  of  their  bodies  were  thus 
buried  in  y'^  terrable  seas,  and  others  sunke  under  y® 
burthen  of  bitter  afflictions.  He  with  some  others  had 
prepared  for  to  goe  to  Virginia.  And  he,  with  sundrie 
godly  citizens,  being  at  a  private  meeing  (I  take  it  a 
fast)  in  London,  being  discovered,  many  of  them  were 
apprehended,  wherof  M''.  Blackwell  was  one ;  but  he 
so  glosed  w^*^  y*^  bps,*  and  either  dissembled  or  flatly 
denyed  y®  trueth  which  formerly  he  had  maintained ; 
and  not  only  so,  but  very  unworthily  betrayed  and 
accused   another  godly  man  who  had  escaped,  that  so 

*  Bishops. 


50  HISTORY   OF  [chap.  V. 

he  might  slip  his  own  neck  out  of  y*"  collar,  &  to 
obtaine  his  owne  freedome  brought  others  into  bonds. 
Wherupon  he  so  wone  y*^  bps  favour  (but  lost  y*^  Lord's) 
as  he  was  not  only  dismiste,  but  in  open  courte  y*"  arch- 
bishop gave  him  great  applause  and  his  sollemne  bless- 
ing to  proseed  in  his  vioage.  But  if  such  events  follow 
y®  bps  blessing,  happie  are  they  y*  misse  y®  same ;  it 
is  much  better  to  keepe  a  good  conscience  and  have 
y^  Lords  blessing,  whether  in  life  or  death. 

But  see  how  y*"  man  thus  apprehended  by  M"".  Black- 
wells  means,  writs  to  a  freind  of  his. 

Right  dear  freind  &  christian  brother,  M"".  Carver,  I  salute 
you  &  yours  in  y*  Lord,  &c.  As  for  my  owne  presente  con- 
dition, I  doubt  not  but  you  well  understand  it  ere  this  by  our 
brother  Maistersone,  who  should  have  tasted  of  y^  same  cupp, 
had  his  place  of  residence  &  his  person  been  as  well  knowne 
as  my  selfe.  Some  what  I  have  written  to  Jf*".  Cushman  how 
y'  matter  still  continues.  I  have  petitioned  twise  to  M'.  Sherives, 
and  once  to  my  Lord  Cooke,  and  have  used  such  reasons  to 
move  them  to  pittie,  that  if  they  were  not  overruled  by  some 
others,  I  suppose  I  should  soone  gaine  my  libertie  ;  as  that  1 
was  a  yonge  man  living  by  my  [26]  credite,  indebted  to  diverse 
in  our  citie,  living  at  more  then  ordinarie  charges  in  a  close  & 
tedious  prison  ;  besids  great  rents  abroad,  all  my  bussines  lying 
still,  my  only  servante  lying  lame  in  y'^  countrie,  my  wife  being 
also  great  with  child.  And  yet  no  answer  till  y*^  lords  of  his 
majesties  Counsell  gave  consente.  Howbeit,  M''.  Blackwell,  a 
man  as  deepe  in  this  action  as  I,  was  delivered  at  a  cheaper 
rate,  with  a  great  deale  less  adoe  ;  yea,  with  an  addition  of 
y*  Archp:  blessing.  I  am  sorie  for  M'.  Blackwels  weaknes,  I 
wish  it  may  prove  no  worse.     But  yet  he   &  some  others  of 


1618.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  51 

them,  before  their  going,  were  not  sorie,  but  thought  it  was  for 
y"  best  that  I  was  nominated,  not  because  y^  Lord  sanctifies  evill 
to  good,  but  that  y*^  action  was  good,  yea  for  y^  best.  One 
reason  I  well  remember  he  used  was,  because  this  trouble 
would  encrease  y^  Virginia  plantation,  in  that  now  people  be- 
gane  to  be  moi'e  generally  inclined  to  goe  ;  and  if  he  had  not 
nomminated  some  such  as  I,  he  had  not  bene  free,  being  it  was 
knowne  that  diverse  citizens  besids  them  selves  were  ther. 
I  expecte  an  answer  shortly  what  they  intende  conscerning 
me;  I  purpose  to  write  to  some  others  of  you,  by  whom  you 
shall  know  the  certaintie.  Thus  not  haveiug  further  at  present 
to  acquaint  you  withall,  coiiiendiug  niyselfe  to  your  prairs,  I 
cease,  &  comitte  you  and  us  all  to  y''  Lord. 

From  my  chamber  in  Wodstreete  Compter. 

Your  freiud,  &  brother  in  bonds, 

Sabin  Stabesmore. 

Sept^:  4.  An°:  1618. 

But  thus  much  by  y^  way,  which  may  be  of  instruc- 
tion &  good  use. 

But  at  last,  after  all  these  things,  and  their  long 
attendance,  they  had  a  patent  granted  them,  and  con- 
firmed under  y®  Companies  seale ;  but  these  devissions 
and  distractions  had  shaken  of  many  of  ther  pretended 
freinds,  and  disappointed  them  of  much  of  their  hoped 
for  &  profiered  means.  By  the  advise  of  some  freinds 
this  pattente  was  not  taken  in  y*"  name  of  any  of  their 
owne,  but  in  y*^  name  of  M'".  John  Wincob  (a  religious 
gentleman  then  belonging  to  y*"  Countess  of  Lincoline ) , 
who  intended  to  goe  with  them.  But  God  so  disposed 
as  he  never  went,  nor  they  ever  made  use  of  this  patente, 


52  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  YI. 

which  had  cost  them  so  much  labour  and  charge,  as  by 
y®  sequell  will  appeare.  This  patente  being  sente  over 
for  them  to  veiw  &  consider,  as  also  the  passages  aboute 
y®  propossitions  between  them  &  such  marchants  & 
freinds  as  should  either  goe  or  adventure  with  them, 
and  espetially  with  those  *  on  whom  y''-^  did  cheefly  de- 
pend for  shipping  and  means,  whose  proffers  had  been 
large,  they  were  requested  to  fitt  and  prepare  them 
selves  with  all  speed.  A  right  emblime,  it  may  be, 
of  y**  uncertine  things  of  this  world ;  y*  when  men  have 
toyld  them  selves  for  them,  they  vanish  into  smoke. 

The  6.  Chap. 

Gonscerning  y^  agreements  and  artichles  between  them, 
and  such  marchants  &  others  as  adventured  moneys; 
with  other  things  falling  out  aboute  making  their 
provissions. 

Upon  y*^  receite  of  these  things  by  one  of  their  mes- 
sengers, they  had  a  sollemne  meeting  and  a  day  of 
humilliation  to  seeke  y®  Lord  for  his  direction ;  and 
their  pastor  tooke  this  texte,  1  Sam.  23.  3,  4.  And 
David's  men  said  unto  him,  see,  we  be  afraid  hear  in 
Judah,  how  much  more  if  we  come  to  Keilah  against 
y^  host  of  the  Phillistines9  Tlien  David  asked  counsell 
of  y^  Lord  againe,  &c.  From  which  texte  he  taught 
many   things    very    aptly,    and    befitting    ther    present 

*  M^  Tho ;  Weston,  &c. 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  53 

occasion  and  condition,  strengthing  them  against  their 
fears  and  perplexities,  and  incouraging  them  in  their 
resolutions.  [27]  After  which  they  concluded  both 
what  number  and  what  persons  should  prepare  them 
selves  to  goe  with  y*^  first ;  for  all  y'  were  willing  to 
have  gone  could  not  gett  ready  for  their  other  affairs 
in  so  shorte  a  time ;  neither  if  all  could  have  been 
ready,  had  ther  been  means  to  have  trasported  them 
alltogeather.  Those  that  staled  being  y''  greater  num- 
ber required  y®  pastor  to  stay  with  them ;  and  indeede 
for  other  reasons  he  could  not  then  well  goe,  and  so 
it  was  y"  more  easilie  yeelded  unto.  The  other  then 
desired  y''  elder,  M'".  Brewster,  to  goe  with  them,  which 
was  also  condescended  unto.  It  was  also  agreed  on 
by  mutuall  consente  and  covenante,  that  those  that 
went  should  be  an  absolute  church  of  them  selves, 
as  well  as  those  y*^  staid ;  seing  in  such  a  dangrous 
vioage,  and  a  removall  to  such  a  distance,  it  might 
come  to  pass  they  should  (for  y"  body  of  them)  never 
meete  againe  in  this  world ;  yet  with  this  proviso,  that 
as  any  of  y'^  rest  came  over  to  them,  or  of  y*"  other 
returned  upon  occasion,  they  should  be  reputed  as  mem- 
bers without  any  further  dismission  or  testimoniall. 
It  was  allso  promised  to  those  y'  wente  first,  by  y" 
body  of  y  rest,  that  if  y*"  Lord  gave  them  life,  &  meas, 
&  opportunitie,  they  would  come  to  them  as  soone  as 
they  could. 

Aboute  this   time,  whilst   they  were   perplexed  with 


54  HISTORY   OF  [chap.  VI. 

y*"  proseedings  of  y^  Virginia  Company,  &  y®  ill  news 
from  thence  aboute  M''.  Blackwell  &  his  company,  and 
making  inquirey  about  y*^  hiring  &  buying   of  shiping 
for  their  vioage,  some  Dutchmen  made  them  faire  offers 
aboute  goeing  with  them.    Also  one  M^  Thomas  Weston, 
a  m^'chant  of  London,  came  to  Leyden  aboute  y*=  same 
time,  (who  was  well  aquainted  with  some  of  them,  and 
a  furtherer  of  them  in  their  former  proseedings,)  have- 
ins:  much  conferance  w^*"  M'".    Robinson  &  other  of  y^ 
cheefe  of  them,  pers waded  them  to  goe  on  (as  it  seems) 
&  not  to  medle  with  y''  Dutch,  or  too  much  to  depend 
on  y''  Virginia  Company ;  for  if  that  failed,  if  they  came 
to  resolution,  he  and  such  marchants  as  were  his  freinds 
(togeather   with   their   owne    means)    would    sett   them 
forth ;   and  they  should  make  ready,  and  neither  feare 
wante   of  shipping  nor  money ;    for  what   they  wanted 
should  be  provided.     And,  not  so  much  for   him   selfe 
as  for  y*"  satisfing  of  such  frends  as  he  should  procure 
to  adventure  in  this  bussines,  they  were  to  draw  such 
articls  of  agreemente,  and  make  such  propossitions,  as 
might  y'^  better  induce  his    freinds    to    venture.     Upon 
which  (after  y''  formere  conclusion)  articles  were  drawne 
&  agreed  unto,  and  were  showne  unto  him,  and  approved 
by  him ;  and  afterwards  by  their  messenger  (M^  John 
Carver)  sent  into  England,  who,  togeather  with  Hobart 
Cushman,  were  to  receive  y  moneys  &  make  provissione 
both  for  shiping  &  other  things  for  y''  vioage ;  with  this 
charire,  not  to  exseede  their  coEaission,  but  to  proseed 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  55 

according  to  y®  former  articles.  Also  some  were  chossen 
to  doe  j""  like  for  such  things  as  were  to  be  prepared 
there;  so  those  that  weare  to  goe,  prepared  them  selves 
with  all  speed,  and  sould  of  their  estats  and  (such  as 
were  able)  put  in  their  moneys  into  y®  commone  stock, 
which  was  disposed  by  those  appointed,  for  y*^  making 
of  generall  provissions.  Aboute  this  time  also  they 
had  heard,  both  by  M^  Weston  and  others,  y*  sundrie 
Hon''':  Lords  had  obtained  a  large  grante  from  y®  king, 
for  y®  more  northerly  parts  of  that  countrie,  derived 
out  of  y^  Virginia  patente,  and  wholy  secluded  from 
their  Govermente,  and  to  be  called  by  another  name, 
viz.  New-England.  Unto  which  M''.  Weston,  and  y^ 
cheefe  of  them,  begane  to  incline  it  was  [28]  best  for 
them  to  goe,  as  for  other  reasons,  so  cheefly  for  y-  hope 
of  present  profite  to  be  made  by  y^  fishing  that  was 
found  in  y*  countrie. 

But  as  in  all  bussineses  y"  acting  parte  is  most  diffi- 
culte,  espetially  wher  y®  worke  of  many  agents  must 
concurr,  so  it  was  found  in  this ;  for  some  of  those 
y*  should  have  gone  in  England,  fell  of  &  would  not 
goe ;  other  marchants  &  freinds  y*  had  offered  to  ad- 
venture their  moneys  withdrew,  and  pretended  many 
excuses.  Some  disliking  they  wente  not  to  Guiana ; 
others  againe  would  adventure  nothing  excepte  they 
wente  to  Virginia.  Some  againe  (and  those  that  were 
most  relied  on)  fell  in  utter  dislike  with  Virginia,  and 
would  doe  nothing  if  they  wente  thither.     In  y"  midds 


56  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  VI. 

of  these  distractions,  they  of  Leyden,  who  had  put  of 
their  estats,  and  laid  out  their  moneys,  were  brought 
into  a  greate  streight,  fearing  what  issue  these  things 
would  come  too ;  but  at  length  y^  generalitie  was  swaid 
to  this  latter  opinion. 

But  now  another  difficultie  arose,  for  M^  Weston 
and  some  other  that  were  for  this  course,  either  for 
their  better  advantage  or  rather  for  y"*  drawing  on  of 
others,  as  they  pretended,  would  have  some  of  those 
conditions  altered  y*  were  first  agreed  on  at  Leyden. 
To  which  y'^  2.  agents  sent  from  Leyden  (or  at  least 
one  of  them  who  is  most  charged  with  it)  did  con- 
sents ;  seeing  els  y'  all  was  like  to  be  dashte,  & 
y®  opportunitie  lost,  and  y'  they  which  had  put  of 
their  estats  and  paid  in  their  moneys  were  in  hazard 
to  be  undon.  They  presumed  to  conclude  with  y® 
marchants  on  those  termes,  in  some  things  contrary 
to  their  order  &  comission,  and  without  giving  them 
notice  of  y"^  same ;  yea,  it  was  conceled  least  it  should 
make  any  furder  delay ;  which  was  y''  cause  afterward 
of  much  trouble  &  contention. 

It   will   be   meete   I   here    inserte    these    conditions, 
which  are  as  foloweth. 


An°:  1620.  July  1. 

1.  The  adventurers  &  planters  doe  agree,  that  every  person 
that  goeth  being  aged  16.  years  &  upward,  be  rated  at  10"., 
and  tea  pounds  to  be  accounted  a  single  share. 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  57 

2.  That  he  that  goeth  in  person,  and  furnisheth  him  selfe 
out  with  10''.  either  in  money  or  other  provissions,  be  accounted 
as  haveing  20".  in  stock,  and  in  y®  devission  shall  receive  a 
double  share. 

3.  Tlie  persons  transported  &  y^  adventurers  shall  continue 
their  joynt  stock  &  partnership  togeather,  y®  space  of  7.  years, 
(excepte  some  unexpected  impedimente  doe  cause  y"  whole 
company  to  agree  otherwise,)  during  which  time,  all  profits  & 
benifits  that  are  gott  by  trade,  trafflck,  trucking,  working,  fish- 
ing, or  any  other  means  of  any  person  or  persons,  remaine  still 
in  y^  coinone  stock  untill  y''  division. 

4.  That  at  their  coiniug  ther,  they  chose  out  such  a  number 
of  fitt  persons,  as  may  furnish  their  ships  and  boats  for  fishing 
upon  y''  sea ;  imploying  the  rest  in  their  severall  faculties  upon 
y^  land  ;  as  building  houses,  tilling,  and  planting  y^  ground, 
&  makeing  shuch  coriiodities  as  shall  be  most  usefull  for  y* 
coUonie. 

5.  That  at  y*  end  of  y*'  7.  years,  y"  capitall  &  profits,  viz. 
the  houses,  lands,  goods  and  chatles,  be  equally  devided  be- 
twixte  y*  adventurers,  and  planters ;  w'^''  done,  every  man 
shall  be  free  from  other  of  them  of  any  debt  or  detrimente 
concerning  this  adventure. 

[29]  6.  Whosoever  cometh  to  y"*  colonic  herafter,  or  putteth 
any  iuto  y**  stock,  shall  at  the  ende  of  y''  7.  years  be  alowed 
proportionably  to  y^  time  of  his  so  doing. 

7.  He  that  shall  carie  his  wife  &  children,  or  servants,  shall 
be  alowed  for  everie  person  now  aged  16.  years  &  upward,  a 
single  share  in  y^  devision,  or  if  he  provid  them  necessaries, 
a  duble  share,  or  if  they  be  between  10.  year  old  and  16.,  then 
2.  of  them  to  be  reconed  for  a  person,  both  in  trasportation 
and  devision. 

8.  That  such  children  as  now  goe,  &  are  under  y*  age  of 
ten  years,  have  noe  other  shar  in  y"  devision,  but  50.  acers  of 
unmanured  land. 


58  HISTORY   OF  [chap.  VI. 

9.  That  such  persons  as  die  before  y^  7.  years  be  expired, 
their  executors  to  have  their  parte  or  sharr  at  y"  devision,  pro- 
portionably  to  y"  time  of  their  life  in  y^  collonie. 

10.  That  all  such  persons  as  are  of  this  collonie,  are  to  have 
their  meate,  drink,  apparell,  and  all  provissions  out  of  y^  coinon 
stock  &  goods  of  y^  said  collonie. 

The  cheefe  &  priiicipall  differences  betwene  these  & 
the  former  conditions,  stood  in  those  2.  points ;  that 
y*"  houses,  &  lands  improved,  espetialy  gardens  &  home 
lotts  should  remaine  undevided  wholy  to  y®  planters 
at  y*"  7.  years  end.  2'^,  y*  they  should  have  had  2. 
days  in  a  weeke  for  their  owne  private  imploymente, 
for  y*^  more  comforte  of  them  selves  and  their  families, 
espetialy  such  as  had  families.  But  because  letters 
are  by  some  wise  men  counted  y''  best  parte  of  histories, 
I  shall  shew  their  greevances  hereaboute  by  their  owne 
letters,  in  which  y®  passages  of  things  will  be  more 
truly  discerned. 

A  letter  of  M"".  Rohinsons  to  John  Carver. 

June  14.  1620.  N.  Stile. 
My  dear  freind  &  brother,  whom  with  yours  I  alwaise  re- 
member in  my  best  affection,  and  whose  wellfare  I  shall  never 
cease  to  colhend  to  God  by  my  best  &  most  earnest  praires. 
You  doe  throwly  understand  by  our  generall  letters  y*"  estate 
of  things  hear,  which  indeed  is  very  pitifull ;  espetialy  by  wante 
of  shiping,  and  not  seeing  means  lickly,  much  less  certaine,  of 
having  it  provided  ;  though  withall  ther  be  great  want  of  money 
&  means  to  doe  needfuU  things.  W.  Pickering,  you  know 
before  this,  will  not  defray  a  peny  hear ;  though  Robart  Cush- 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  59 

man  presumed  of  I  know  not  how  many  100''.  from  him,  & 
I  know  not  whom.  Yet  it  seems  strange  y'  we  should  be  put 
to  him  to  receive  both  his  &  his  partners  adventer,  and  yet 
M''.  Weston  write  unto  him,  y'  in  regard  of  it,  he  hath  drawne 
upon  him  a  100'',  mox-e.  But  ther  is  in  this  some  misterie, 
as  indeed  it  seems  ther  is  in  y^  whole  course.  Besids,  wheras 
diverse  are  to  pay  in  some  parts  of  their  moneys  yet  behinde, 
they  refuse  to  doe  it,  till  they  see  shiping  provided,  or  a  course 
taken  for  it.  Neither  doe  1  thinke  is  ther  a  man  hear  would 
pay  any  thing,  if  he  had  againe  his  money  in  his  purse.  You 
know  right  well  we  depended  on  j\F.  Weston  alone,  and  upon 
such  means  as  he  would  procure  for  this  commone  bussines  ; 
and  when  we  had  iu  hand  another  course  with  y"  Dutchmen, 
broke  it  of  at  his  motion,  and  upon  y''  conditions  by  him  shortly 
after  propounded.  He  did  this  in  his  love  I  know,  but  things 
appeare  not  answerable  from  him  hitherto.  That  he  should 
have  first  have  put  in  his  moneys,  is  thought  by  many  to  have 
been  but  fitt,  but  y'  1  can  well  excuse,  he  being  a  marchante 
and  haveing  use  of  it  to  his  benefite  ;  wheras  others,  if  it  had 
been  in  their  hands,  would  have  consumed  it.  [30]  But  y'  he 
should  not  but  have  had  either  shipping  ready  before  this  time, 
or  at  least  certaine  means,  and  course,  and  y''  same  kuowne  to 
us  for  it,  or  have  taken  other  order  otherwise,  cannot  in  my 
conscience  be  excused.  1  have  heard  y'  when  he  hath  been 
moved  in  the  bussines,  he  hath  put  it  of  from  him  selfe,  and 
referred  it  to  y^  others  ;  *  and  would  come  to  Georg  Morton, 
&  enquire  news  of  him  aboute  things,  as  if  he  had  scarce  been 
some  accessarie  unto  it.  Wether  he  hath  failed  of  some  helps 
from  others  which  he  expected,  and  so  be  not  well  able  to  goe 
through  with  things,  or  whether  he  hath  feared  least  you  should 
be  ready  too  soone  &  so  encrease  y^  charge  of  shiping  above 
y'  is  meete,  or  whether  he  have  thought  by  withhoulding  to  put 

*  Towthers  in  the  manuscript,  an  illegibly  written  word,  doubtless  intended 
for  "5"=  others." 


60  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  VI. 

US  upon  straits,  thinking  y'  therby  M^  Brewer  and  M^  Picker- 
ing would  be  drawne  by  importunitie  to  doe  more,  or  what 
other  misterie  is  in  it,  we  know  not ;  but  sure  we  are  y'  things 
are  not  answerable  to  such  an  occasion.  M^  Weston  maks 
himselfe  mery  with  our  endeavors  about  buying  a  ship,  but 
we  have  done  nothing  in  this  but  with  good  reason,  as  I  am 
perswaded,  nor  yet  that  I  know  in  any  thing  els,  save  in  those 
tow;  y^  one,  that  we  imployed  Robart  Cushman,  who  is  known 
(though  a  good  man,  &  of  spetiall  abilities  in  his  kind,  yet) 
most  unfitt  to  deale  for  other  men,  by  reason  of  his  singularitie, 
and  too  great  indifferancie  for  any  conditions,  and  for  (to  speak 
truly)  that*  we  have  had  nothing  from  him  but  ternies  &  pre- 
sumptions. The  other,  y'  we  have  so  much  relyed,  by  implicite 
faith  as  it  were,  upon  generalities,  without  seeing  y*"  perticuler 
course  &  means  for  so  waghtie  an  affaire  set  down  unto  us. 
For  shiping,  M^  Weston,  it  should  seeme,  is  set  upon  hireiug, 
which  yet  I  wish  he  may  presently  effecte  ;  but  I  see  litle  hope 
of  help  from  hence  if  so  it  be.  Of  M''.  Brewer  you  know  what 
to  expecte.  I  doe  not  thinke  M^  Pickering  will  ingage,  ex- 
cepte  in  y^  course  of  buying,  in  former  letters  specified.  Aboute 
y^  conditions,  you  have  our  reasons  for  our  judgments  of  what  is 
agreed.  And  let  this  spetially  be  borne  in  minde,  y*  the  greatest 
parte  of  y*"  Collonie  is  like  to  be  imployed  constantl}',  not  upon 
dressing  ther  perticuler  land  &  building  houses,  but  upon  fish- 
ing, trading,  &c.  So  as  y^  land  &  house  will  be  but  a  trifell 
for  advantage  to  y®  adventurers,  and  yet  the  devission  of  it 
a  great  discouragmente  to  y^  planters,  who  would  with  singuler 
care  make  it  comfortable  with  borowed  houres  from  their  sleep. 
The  same  consideration  of  coi5one  imploymente  constantly  by 
the  most  is  a  good  reason  not  to  have  y*^  2.  dales  in  a  weeke 
denyed  y*^  few  planters  for  private  use,  which  yet  is  subordinate 
to  coinone  good.  Consider  also  how  much  unfite  that  you  & 
your  liks  must  serve  a  new  prentishipe  of  7.  years,  and  not  a 

*  This  word  is  enclosed  in  brackets  in  the  manuscript. 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  61 

claies  freedome  from  taske.  Send  me  word  what  persons  are 
to  goe,  who  of  usefull  faculties,  &  how  many,  &  perticulerJy 
of  every  thing.  I  know  you  wante  not  a  niinde.  I  am  sorie 
you  have  not  been  at  London  all  this  while,  but  y"^  provissions 
could  not  wante  you.  Time  will  suffer  me  to  write  no  more ; 
fare  you  &  yours  well  allways  in  y"  Lord,  in  whom  I  rest. 
Yours  to  use, 

John  Robinson. 

An  other  letter  from  sundrie  of  them  at  y"  same  tiyne. 

[31]  To  their  loving  freinds  John  Carver  and  Robart  Cush- 
man,  these,  &c. 

Good  brethereu,  after  salutations,  &c.  "We  received  diverse 
letters  at  y"  coming  of  M^  Nash  &  our  pilott,  which  is  a  great 
incouragraente  unto  us,  and  for  whom  we  hop  after  times  will 
minister  occasion  of  praising  God  ;  and  indeed  had  you  not 
sente  him,  many  would  have  been  ready  to  faiute  and  goe 
backe.  Partly  in  respecte  of  y^  new  conditions  which  have  bene 
taken  up  by  you,  which  all  men  are  against,  and  partly  in 
regard  of  our  owne  iuabillitie  to  doe  any  one  of  those  many 
waightie  bussiueses  you  re f err  to  us  here.  For  y"  former 
wherof,  wheras  Robart  Cushman  desirs  reasons  for  our  dislike, 
promising  therupou  to  alter  y®  same,  or  els  saing  we  should 
thinke  he  hath  no  brains,  we  desire  him  to  exercise  them 
theriu,  referiug  him  to  our  pastors  former  reasons,  and  them 
to  y''  censure  of  y'^  godly  wise.  But  our  desires  are  that  you 
will  not  entangle  your  selvs  and  us  in  any  such  unreasonable 
courses  as  those  are,  viz.  y'  the  marchants  should  have  y*^  halfe 
of  mens  houses  and  lands  at  y*^  dividente  ;  and  that  persons 
should  be  deprived  of-y'^  2.  days  in  a  weeke  agreed  upon,  yea 
every  momente  of  time  for  their  owne  perticuler ;  by  reason 
wherof  we  cannot  conceive  why  any  should  carie  servants  for 
their  own  help  and  comfort ;  for  that  we  can  require  no  more 
of  them  then  all  men  one  of  another.     This  we  Ijave  only  by 


62  HISTORY   OF  [chap.  VI. 

relation  from  M'.  Nash,  &  not  from  any  writing  of  your  owne, 
&  therfore  hope  you  have  not  proceeded  farr  in  so  great  a 
thing  without  us.  But  requiring  you  not  to  exseed  the  bounds 
of  your  coiiiission,  which  was  to  proceed  upon  y^  things  or  con- 
ditions agred  upon  and  expressed  in  writing  (at  your  going 
over  about  it),  we  leave  it,  not  without  marveling,  tliat  you' 
selfe,  as  you  write,  knowing  how  smale  a  thing  troubleth  our 
consultations,  and  how  few,  as  you  fear,  understands  the 
busnes  aright,  should  trouble  us  with  such  matters  as  these 
are,  &c. 

Salute  M'.  "Weston  from  us,  in  whom  we  hope  we  are  not 
deceived ;  we  pray  j'ou  make  known  our  estate  unto  him,  and 
if  you  thinke  good  shew  him  our  letters,  at  least  tell  him  (y' 
under  God)  we  much  relie  upon  him  &  put  our  confidence  in 
him  ;  and,  as  your  selves  well  know,  that  if  he  had  not  been 
an  adventurer  with  us,  we  had  not  taken  it  in  hand ;  presuming 
that  if  he  had  not  scene  means  to  accomplish  it,  he  would  not 
have  begune  it ;  so  we  hope  in  our  extremitie  he  will  so  farr 
help  us  as  our  expectation  be  no  way  made  frustrate  concern- 
ing him.  Since  therfore,  good  brethren,  we  have  plainly 
opened  y*  state  of  things  with  us  in  this  matter,  you  will,  &c. 
Thus  beseeching  y^  Allmightie,  who  is  allsufficiente  to  raise 
us  out  of  this  depth  of  dificulties,  to  assiste  us  herein  ;  raising 
such  means  by  his  providence  and  fatherly  care  for  us,  his  pore 
children  &  servants,  as  we  may  with  comforte  behould  y^  hand 
of  our  God  for  good  towards  us  in  this  our  bussines,  which  we 
undertake  in  his  name  &  fear,  we  take  leave  &  remaine 

Your  perplexed,  yet  hopfull 

June  10.  New  Stille,  bretheren. 

An":  1620.  S.  F.    E.  W.    W.  B.    J.  A.* 

*  In  Governor  Bradford's  Collection  of  Letters,  these  subscribers  are  thus 
wrote  out  at  length  :  Samuel  Fuller,  "William  Bradford,  Isaac  Allerton, 
Ed.  Winslow.  —  Prince. 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  63 


A  letter  of  Rohart  Cushmans  to  them. 

Brethern,  I  understand  by  letters  &  passagess  y'  have  come 
to  me,  that  ther  are  great  discontents,  &  dislike  of  my  proceed- 
ings amongst  you.  Sorie  I  am  to  hear  it,  yet  contente  to  beare 
it,  as  not  doubting  but  y'  partly  hy  writing,  and  more  princi- 
pally by  word  when  we  shall  come  togeather,  I  shall  satisfie 
any  reasonable  man.  I  have  been  perswaded  [32]  by  some, 
espetialy  this  bearer,  to  come  and  clear  things  unto  you  ;  but 
as  things  now  stand  I  canot  be  absente  one  day,  excepte  I 
should  hazard  all  y^  viage.  Neither  conceive  I  any  great  good 
would  come  of  it.  Take  then,  brethern,  this  as  a  step  to  give 
you  contente.  First,  for  your  dislike  of  y^  alteration  of  one 
clause  in  y^  conditions,  if  you  conceive  it  right,  ther  can  be  no 
blame  lye  on  me  at  all.  For  y*"  articles  first  brought  over  by 
John  Carver  were  never  scene  of  any  of  y*"  adventurers  hear, 
excepte  M^  Weston,  neither  did  any  of  them  like  them  because 
of  that  clause  ;  nor  M''.  Weston  him  selfe,  after  he  had  well 
considered  it.  But  as  at  y"  first  ther  was  500''.  withdrawne  by 
S^  Georg  Farrer  and  his  brother  upon  that  dislike,  so  all  y* 
rest  would  have  withdrawne  (JVP.  Weston  excepted)  if  we  had 
not  altered  y'  clause.  Now  whilst  we  at  Leyden  conclude  upon 
points,  as  we  did,  we  reckoned  without  our  host,  which  was 
not  my  falte.  Besids,  I  shewed  you  by  a  letter  y**  equitie  of 
y*  condition,  &  our  inconveniences,  which  might  be  sett  against 
all  M"'.  Rob:  inconveniences,  that  without  y*^  alteration  of  y' 
clause,  we  could  neither  have  means  to  gett  thither,  nor  supplie 
wherby  to  subsiste  when  we  were  ther.  Yet  notwithstanding 
all  those  reasons,  which  were  not  mine,  but  other  mens  wiser 
then  my  selfe,  without  answer  to  any  one  of  them,  here  cometh 
over  many  quirimonies,  and  complaints  against  me,  of  lording 
it  over  my  brethern,  and  making  conditions  fitter  for  theeves 
&  bondslaves  then  honest  men,  and  that  of  my  owne  head  I 
did  what  I  list.    And  at  last  a  paper  of  reasons,  framed  against 


64  HISTORY   OF  [chap.  VI. 

y*  clause  in  y^  conditions,  which  as  y*"^  were  delivered  me  open, 
so  my  answer  is  open  to  you  all.  And  first,  as  they  are  no 
other  but  inconveniences,  such  as  a  man  might  frame  20.  as 
great  on  y^  other  side,  and  yet  prove  nor  disprove  nothing  by 
them,  so  they  misse  &  mistake  both  y''  very  ground  of  y^  article 
and  nature  of  y^  project.  For,  first,  it  is  said,  that  if  ther  had 
been  no  divission  of  houses  &  lands,  it  had  been  better  for  y* 
poore.  True,  and  y'  showeth  y*  inequalitie  of  y*  condition  ;  we 
should  more  respecte  him  y*  ventureth  both  his  money  and  his 
person,  then  him  y'  ventureth  but  his  person  only. 

2.  Consider  wheraboute  we  are,  not  giveing  almes,  but 
furnishing  a  store  house  ;  no  one  shall  be  porer  then  another 
for  7.  years,  and  if  any  be  rich,  none  can  be  pore.  At  y*'  least, 
we  must  not  in  such  bussines  crie.  Pore,  pore,  mercie,  mercie. 
Charitie  hath  it  life  in  wraks,  not  in  venturs  ;  you  are  by  this 
most  in  a  hopefull  pitie  of  makeing,  therfore  complaine  not  be- 
fore you  have  need. 

3.  This  will  hinder  y''  building  of  good  and  faire  houses, 
contrarie  to  y*^  advise  of  pollitiks.  A.  So  we  would  have  it; 
our  purpose  is  to  build  for  y*^  presente  such  houses  as,  if  need 
be,  we  may  with  litle  greefe  set  a  fire,  and  rune  away  by  the 
lighte  ;  our  riches  shall  not  be  in  pompe,  but  in  strenght ;  if 
God  send  us  riches,  we  will  imploye  them  to  provid  more  men, 
ships,  munition,  &c.  You  may  see  it  amongst  the  best  pollitiks, 
that  a  coiiionwele  is  readier  to  ebe  then  to  flow,  when  once  fine 
houses  and  gay  cloaths  come  up. 

4.  The  Gove'  may  prevente  excess  in  building.  A.  But  if 
it  be  on  all  men  beforehand  resolved  on,  to  build  mean  houses, 
y^  Gove""  laboure  is  spared. 

5.  All  men  are  not  of  one  condition.  A.  If  b}'  condition 
you  mean  wealth,  you  are  mistaken  ;  if  you  mean  by  condi- 
tion, qualities,  then  I  say  he  that  is  not  contente  his  neighbour 
shall  have  as  good  a  house,  fare,  means,  &c.  as  him  selfe,  is 
not  of  a  good  qualitie.     2'^.    Such  retired  persons,  as  have  an 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  65 

eie  only  to  them  selves,  are  fitter  to  come  wher  catching  is, 
then  closing ;  and  are  fitter  to  live  alone,  then  in  any  societie, 
either  civill  or  religious. 

6.  It  will  be  of  litle  value,  scarce  worth  5**.  A.  Ti-ue,  it 
may  be  not  worth  halfe  5".  [33]  If  then  so  smale  a  thing 
will  content  them,  why  strive  we  thus  aboute  it,  and  give 
them  occasion  to  suspecte  us  to  be  worldly  &  covetous?  I 
will  not  say  what  I  have  heard  since  these  complaints  came 
first  over. 

7.  Our  freinds  with  us  y'  adventure  mind  not  their  owne 
profite,  as  did  y^  old  adventurers.  A.  Then  they  are  better 
then  we,  who  for  a  litle  matter  of  profite  are  readie  to  draw 
back,  and  it  is  more  apparente  biethern  looke  too  it,  that  make 
profite  your  maine  end ;  repente  of  this,  els  goe  not  least  you 
be  like  Jonas  to  Tarshis.  2'^.  Though  some  of  them  mind 
not  their  profite,  yet  others  doe  mind  it;  and  why  not  as  well 
as  we?  venturs  are  made  by  all  sorts  of  men,  and  we  must 
labour  to  give  them  all  contente,  if  we  can. 

8.  It  will  break  y*"  course  of  coiSunitie,  as  may  be  showed 
by  many  reasons.  A.  That  is  but  said,  and  I  say  againe,  it 
will  best  foster  comunion,  as  may  be  showed  by  many  reasons. 

9.  Great  profite  is  like  to  be  made  by  trucking,  fishing,  &c. 
A.  As  it  is  better  for  them,  so  for  us  ;  for  halfe  is  ours,  besids 
our  living  still  upon  it,  and  if  such  profite  in  y'  way  come,  our 
labour  shall  be  y®  less  on  y"  land,  and  our  houses  and  lands 
must  &  will  be  of  less  value. 

10.  Our  hazard  is  greater  then  theirs,  A.  True,  but  doe 
they  put  us  upon  it?  doe  they  urge  or  egg  us?  hath  not 
y®  motion  &  resolution  been  always  in  our  selves?  doe  they 
any  more  then  in  seeing  us  resolute  if  we  had  means,  help  us 
to  means  upon  equall  termes  &  conditions?  If  we  will  not 
goe,  they  are  content  to  keep  their  moneys.  Thus  I  have 
pointed  at  a  way  to  loose  those  knots,  which  I  hope  you  will 
consider  seriously,  and  let  me  have  no  more  stirre  about  them. 


66  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  VI. 

Now  furder,  I  hear  a  noise  of  slavish  conditions  by  me  made  ; 
but  surly  this  is  all  that  I  have  altered,  and  reasons  I  have  sent 
you.  If  you  mean  it  of  y^  2.  days  in  a  week  for  perticuler,  as 
some  insinuate,  you  are  deceived  ;  you  may  have  3.  days  in  a 
week  for  me  if  you  will.  And  when  I  have  spoken  to  y^  ad- 
venturers of  times  of  working,  they  have  said  they  hope  we  are 
men  of  discretion  &  conscience,  and  so  fitte  to  be  trusted  our 
selves  with  that.  But  indeed  y^  ground  of  our  proceedings  at 
Leyden  was  mistaken,  and  so  here  is  nothing  but  tottering 
every  day,  &c. 

As  for  them  of  Amsterdam  I  had  thought  they  would  as 
soone  have  gone  to  Rome  as  with  us  ;  for  our  libertie  is  to 
them  as  ratts  bane,  and  their  riggour  as  bad  to  us  as  y^  Spanish 
Inquision.  If  any  practise  of  mine  discourage  them,  let  them 
yet  draw  back  ;  I  will  undertake  they  shall  have  their  money 
againe  presently  paid  hear.  Or  if  the  company  thinke  me  to 
be  y®  Jonas,  let  them  cast  me  of  before  we  goe  ;  I  shall  be  con- 
tent to  stay  with  good  will,  having  but  y^  cloaths  on  my  back  ; 
only  let  us  have  quietnes,  and  no  more  of  these  clamors  ;  full 
litle  did  I  expecte  these  things  which  are  now  come  to  pass,  &c. 

Yours,  R.    CUSHMAN. 

But  whether  this  letter  of  his  ever  came  to  their 
hands  at  Leyden  I  well  know  not ;  I  rather  thinke  it 
was  staied  by  M"".  Carver  &  kept  by  him,  forgiving 
offence.  But  this  which  follows  was  ther  received ; 
both  which  I  thought  pertenent  to  recite. 

Another  of  his  to  y'  aforesaid^  June  11.  1620.* 
Salutations,  &c.     I    received   your  ler,  yesterday,  by  John 
Turner,  with  another  y^    same  day  from  Amsterdam  by  ]VF. 

*  June  11.  0.  S.  is  Lord's  day,  and  therefore  't  is  likely  the  date  of  this 
letter  should  be  June  10,  the  same  with  the  date  of  the  letter  following.  —  Prince. 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  67 

W.  savouring  of  y""  place  whenc  it  came.  And  indeed  the 
many  discouragements  I  find  her,  togeather  with  y''  demurrs 
and  retirings  ther,  had  made  me  to  say,  I  would  give  up  my 
accounts  to  John  Carver,  &  at  his  comeing  aquainte  him  fully 
with  all  courses,  and  so  leave  it  quite,  with  only  y^  pore  cloaths 
on  my  back.  But  gathering  up  my  selfe  by  further  considera- 
tion, [34]  I  resolved  yet  to  make  one  triall  more,  and  to 
aquainte  M"".  Weston  with  y*"  fainted  state  of  our  bussines  ;  and 
though  he  hath  been  much  discontented  at  some  thing  amongst 
us  of  late,  which  hath  made  him  often  say,  that  save  for  his 
promise,  he  would  not  meadle  at  all  with  y^  bussines  any  more, 
yet  considering  how  farr  we  were  plunged  into  maters,  &  how 
it  stood  both  on  our  credits  &  undoing,  at  y*  last  he  gathered 
up  him  selfe  a  litle  more,  &  coming  to  me  2.  hours  after,  he 
tould  me  he  would  not  yet  leave  it.  And  so  advising  togeather 
we  resolved  to  hire  a  ship,  and  have  tooke  liking  of  one  till 
Monday,  about  60.  laste,  for  a  greater  we  cannot  gett,  excepte 
it  be  tow  great ;  but  a  fine  ship  it  is.  And  seeing  our  neer 
freinds  ther  are  so  streite  lased,  we  hope  to  assure  her  without 
troubling  them  any  further ;  and  if  y''  ship  fale  too  small,  it 
fitteth  well  y'  such  as  stumble  at  strawes  allready,  may  rest 
them  ther  a  while,  least  worse  blocks  come  in  y*^  way  ere  7. 
years  be  ended.  If  you  had  beaten  this  bussines  so  throuly 
a  month  agoe,  and  write  to  us  as  now  you  doe,  we  could  thus 
have  done  much  more  conveniently.  But  it  is  as  it  is  ;  I  hope 
our  freinds  ther,  if  they  be  quitted  of  y*^  ship  hire,  will  be  in- 
dusced  to  venture  y"  more.  All  y'  I  now  require  is  y'  salt  and 
netts  may  ther  be  boughte,  and  for  all  y''  rest  we  will  here  pi'o- 
vid  it ;  yet  if  that  will  not  be,  let  them  but  stand  for  it  a  month 
or  tow,  and  we  will  take  order  to  pay  it  all.  Let  M^  Reinholds 
tarie  ther,  and  bring  y^  ship  to  Southampton.  We  have  hired 
another  pilote  here,  one  M'.  Clarke,  who  went  last  year  to 
Virginia  with  a  ship  of  kine. 

You  shall  here  distinctly  by  John  Turner,  who  I  thinke  shall 


68  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  VI. 

come  hence  on  Tewsday  night.  I  had  thought  to  have  come 
with  him,  to  have  auswerd  to  my  complaints  ;  but  I  shal  lerne 
to  pass  litle  for  their  censurs ;  and  if  I  had  more  minde  to  goe 
&  dispute  &  expostulate  with  them,  then  I  have  care  of  this 
waightie  bussines,  I  were  like  them  who  live  by  clamours  & 
jangling.  But  neither  my  mind  nor  my  body  is  at  libertie  to 
doe  much,  for  I  am  fettered  with  bussines,  and  had  rather  study 
to  be  quiet,  then  to  make  answer  to  their  exceptions.  If  men 
be  set  on  it,  let  them  beat  y®  eair ;  I  hope  such  as  are  my  sin- 
ceire  freiuds  will  not  thinke  but  I  can  give  some  reason  of  my 
actions.  But  of  your  mistaking  aboute  y''  mater,  &  other 
things  tending  to  this  bussines,  I  shall  nexte  informe  you 
more  distinctly.  Mean  space  entreate  our  freinds  not  to  be 
too  bussie  in  answering  matters,  before  they  know  them.  If 
I  doe  such  things  as  I  caiiot  give  reasons  for,  it  is  like  you 
have  sett  a  foole  aboute  your  bussines,  and  so  turue  y'^  reproof e 
to  your  selves,  &  send  an  other,  and  let  me  come  agaiue  to  my 
Combes.  But  setting  a  side  my  naturall  infirmities,  I  refuse 
not  to  have  my  cause  judged,  both  of  God,  &  all  indifferent 
men  ;  and  when  we  come  togeather  I  shall  give  accounte  of 
my  actions  hear.  The  Lord,  who  judgeth  justly  without 
respect  of  persons,  see  into  y**  equitie  of  my  cause,  and  give 
us  quiet,  peacable,  and  patient  minds,  in  all  these  turmoiles, 
and  sanctifie  unto  us  all  crosses  whatsoever.  And  so  I  take 
my  leave  of  you  all,  in  all  love  &  affection. 

I  hope  we  shall  gett  all  hear  ready  in  14,  days. 

Your  pore  brother, 

June  11.  1620.  Robart  Cushsian. 


Besids  these  things,  ther  fell  out  a  differance  amongs 
those  3.  that  received  [35]  the  moneys  &  made  y*^  pro- 
vissions  in  England ;  for  besids  these  tow  formerly  men- 
tioned sent  from  Ley  den  for  this  end,  viz.  M^  Carver 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  69 

&  Kobart  Cushman,  ther  was  one  chosen  in  Enorland 
to  be  joyned  with  them,  to  make  y^  provisions  for 
y*^  vioage ;  his  name  was  M^  Martin,  he  came  from 
Billirike  in  Essexe,  from  which  parts  came  sundrie 
others  to  goe  with  them,  as  also  from  London  &  other 
places ;  and  therfore  it  was  thought  meete  &  conveniente 
by  them  in  Holand  that  these  strangers  that  were  to 
goe  with  them,  should  apointe  one  thus  to  be  joyned 
with  them,  not  so  much  for  any  great  need  of  their 
help,  as  to  avoyd  all  susspition,  or  jelosie  of  any 
partiallitie.  And  indeed  their  care  for  giving  offence, 
both  in  this  &  other  things  afterward,  turned  to  great 
inconvenience  unto  them,  as  in  y^  sequell  will  apeare ; 
but  however  it  shewed  their  equall  &  honest  minds. 
The  provissions  were  for  y^  most  parte  made  at  South- 
hamton,  contrarie  to  M"".  Westons  &  Robert  Cushmas 
mind  (whose  counsells  did  most  concure  in  all  things). 
A  touch  of  which  things  I  shall  give  in  a  letter  of  hia 
to  M^  Carver,  and  more  will  appear  afterward. 

To  his  loving  freind  M"".  John  Carver,  these,  &e. 

Loving  freind,  I  have  received  from  you  some  letters,  full 
of  affection  &  complaints,  and  what  it  is  you  would  have  of 
me  I  know  not ;  for  your  crieing  out,  Negligence,  negligence, 
negligence,  I  marvell  why  so  negligente  a  man  was  used  in 
y*  bussines.  Yet  know  you  y'  all  that  I  have  power  to  doe 
hear,  shall  not  be  one  hower  behind,  I  warent  you.  You  have 
reference  to  M''.  Weston  to  help  us  with  money,  more  then  his 
adventure  ;  wher  he  protesteth  but  for  his  promise,  he  would 
not  have  done  any  thing.     He  saith  we  take  a  heady  course, 


70  HISTORY   OF  [chap.  VI. 

.and  is  offended  y'  our  provissions  are  made  so  farr  of  ;  as  also 
that  he  was  not  made  aquainted  with  our  quantitie  of  things  ; 
and  saith  y'  in  now  being  in  3.  places,  so  farr  remote,  we  will, 
with  going  up  &  downe,  and  wrangling  &  expostulating,  pass 
over  y*  soiner  before  we  will  goe.     And  to  speake  y"  trueth, 
ther  is  fallen  already  amongst  us  a  flatt  schisme  ;  and  we  are 
redier  to  goe  to  dispute,  then  to  sett    forwarde    a   voiage.    I 
have  received  from  Leyden  since  you  wente  3.  or  4.  letters 
directed  to  you,  though  they  only  conscerne   me.     I  will  not 
trouble  you  with  them.     1  always  feared  y"  event  of  y*"  Amster- 
damers  striking  in  with  us.     I   trow  you  must  excomunicate 
me,  or  els  you  must  goe  without  their  companie-,  or  we  shall 
wante  no  quareling  ;  but  let  them  pass.     We  have  reckoned, 
it  should  seeme,  without  our  host;   and,  counting  upon  a  150. 
persons,  ther  cannot  be  founde  above  1200*'.    &  odd  moneys 
of  all  y''  venturs  you  can  reckone,  besids  some  cloath,  stock- 
ings, &  shoes,  which  are  not  counted ;  so  we  shall  come  shorte 
at  least  3.  or  400*'.     I  would  have  had  some  thing  shortened 
at  first  of  beare  &  other  provissions  in  hope  of  other  adventurs, 
&  now  we  could  have,  both  in  Amsterd:  &  Kente,  beere  inough 
to  serve  our  turne,  but  now  we  cannot  accept  it  without  preju- 
dice.    You  fear  we  have  begune  to  build  &  shall  not  be  able 
to  make  an  end  ;  indeed,  our  courses  were  never  established  by 
counsell,  we  may  therfore  justly  fear  their  standing.    Yea,  ther 
was  a  [36]  schisme  amongst  us  3.  at  y^  first.     You  wrote  to 
M'.  Martin,  to  preveute  y*"  making  of  y"  provissions  in  Kente, 
which  he  did,  and  sett  downe  his  resolution  how  much  he  would 
have  of  every  thing,  without  respecte  to  any  counsell  or  excep- 
tion.    Surely  he  y*  is  in  a  societie  &  yet  regards  not  counsell, 
may  better  be  a  king  then  a  cousorte.     To  be  short,  if  ther 
be  not  some  other  dispossition  setled  unto  then  yet  is,  we  y' 
should  be  partners  of  humilitie  and  peace,  shall  be  examples 
of  jangling  &  insulting.     Yet  your  money  which  you  ther  must 
have,  we  will  get  provided  for  you  instantly.     500''.   you  say 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  71 

will  serve  ;  for  y*  rest  which  hear  &  in  Holand  is  to  be  used, 
we  may  goe  scratch  for  it.  For  M'.*  Crabe,  of  whom  you  write, 
he  hath  promised  to  goe  with  us,  yet  I  tell  you  I  shall  not  be 
without  feare  till  I  see  him  shipped,  for  he  is  much  opposed, 
yet  I  hope  he  will  not  faile.  Thinke  y*"  best  of  all,  and  bear 
with  patience  what  is  wanting,  and  y*"  Lord  guid  us  all. 

Your  loving  freind, 
London,  June  10.  Robart  Cushman. 

An":  1620. 

I  have  bene  y"  larger  in  these  things,  and  so  shall 
crave  leave  in  some  like  passages  following,  (thoug 
in  other  things  I  shal  labour  to  be  more  contracte,) 
that  their  children  may  see  with  what  difficulties  their 
fathers  wrastled  in  going  throng  these  things  in  their 
first  beginings,  and  how  God  brought  them  along  not- 
withstanding all  their  weaknesses  &  infirmities.  As 
allso  that  some  use  may  be  made  hereof  in  after  times 
by  others  in  such  like  waightie  imployments ;  and  here- 
with I  will  end  this  chapter. 

The  7.  Chap. 

Of  their  departure  from  Ley  den,  and  other  things  (her 
ahoute,  with  their  arivall  at  South  hamton,  were  they 
all  mete  togeather,  and  toolce  in  ther  provissions. 

At  length,  after  much  travell  and  these  debats,  all 
things  were  got  ready  and  provided.  A  smale  ship  f 
was  bought,  &  fitted  in  Holand,  which  was  intended  as 

*  He  was  a  minister.  t  Of  some  60  tune. 


72  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  VII. 

to  serve  to  help  to  transport  them,  so  to  stay  in  y<= 
cuntrie  and  atend  upon  fishing  and  shuch  other  affairs 
as  might  be  for  j''  good  &  benefite  of  y*^  colonic  when 
they  came  ther.  Another  was  hired  at  London,  of 
burden  about  9.  score;  and  all  other  things  gott  in 
readines.  So  being  ready  to  departe,  they  had  a  day 
of  solleme  humiliation,  their  pastor  taking  his  texte 
from  Ezra  8.  21.  And  ther  at  ]f  river,  by  Ahava,  1 
proclaimed  a  fast,  that  we  might  humble  ourselves  before 
our  God,  and  seeke  of  him  a  right  way  for  us,  and 
for  our  children,  and  for  all  our  substance.  Upon  which 
he  spente  a  good  parte  of  y*'  day  very  profitably,  and 
suitable  to  their  presente  occasion.  The  rest  of  the 
time  was  spente  in  powering  out  prairs  to  y^  Lord  with 
great  fervencie,  mixed  with  abundance  of  tears.  And 
y^  time  being  come  that  they  must  departe,  they  were 
accompanied  with  most  of  their  brethren  out  of  y"" 
citie,  unto  a  towne  sundrie  miles  of  called  Delfes-Haven, 
wher  the  ship  lay  ready  to  receive  them.  So  they  lefte 
y*  goodly  &  pleasante  citie,  which  had  been  ther  resting 
place  near  12.  years ;  but  they  knew  they  were  pil- 
grimes,*  &  looked  not  much  on  those  things,  but  lift 
up  their,  eyes  to  j"  heavens,  their  dearest  cuntrie,  and 
quieted  their  spirits.  "When  they  [37]  came  to  y*^ 
place  they  found  y®  ship  and  all  things  ready ;  and 
shuch  of  their  freinds  as  could  not  come  with  them 
followed  after  them,  and  sundrie  also  came  from    Am- 

*  Heb.  11. 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  73 

sterdame  to  see  them  shipte  and  to  take  their  leave 
of  them.  That  night  was  spent  with  litle  sleepe  by 
y"  most,  but  with  freindly  entertainmente  &  christian 
discourse  and  other  reall  expressions  of  true  christian 
love.  The  next  day,  the  wind  being  faire,  they  wente 
aborde,  and  their  freinds  with  them,  where  truly  dolfull 
was  y*"  sight  of  that  sade  and  mournfuU  parting ;  to  see 
what  sighs  and  sobbs  and  praires  did  sound  amongst 
them,  what  tears  did  gush  from  every  eye,  &  pithy 
speeches  peirst  each  harte ;  that  sundry  of  y"  Dutch 
strangers  y*  stood  on  y*^  key  as  spectators,  could  not 
refraine  from  tears.  Yet  comfortable  &  sweete  it  was 
to  see  shuch  lively  and  true  expressions  of  dear  &  un- 
fained  love.  But  y''  tide  (which  stays  for  no  man) 
caling  them  away  y'  were  thus  loath  to  departe,  their 
Reve*^:  pastor  falling  downe  on  his  knees,  (and  they 
all  with  him,)  with  watrie  cheeks  comended  them  with 
most  fervente  praiers  to  the  Lord  and  his  blessing. 
And  then  with  mutuall  imbrases  and  many  tears,  they 
tooke  their  leaves  one  of  an  other ;  which  proved  to 
be  y''  last  leave  to  many  of  them. 

Thus  hoysing  saile,*  with  a  prosperus  winde  they 
came  in  short  time  to  Southhamton,  wher  they  found 
the  bigger  ship  come  from  London,  lying  ready,  w*^ 
all  the  rest  of  their  company.  After  a  joyfull  well- 
come,  and  mutuall  congratulations,  with  othe""  frendly 
entertainements,  they  fell  to  parley  aboute  their  bussi- 

*  This  was  about  22.  of  July. 


74  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  VII. 

nes,  how  to  dispatch  with  y''  best  expedition ;  as  allso 
with  their  agents,  aboute  j^  alteration  of  y''  conditions. 
M^  Carver  pleaded  he  was  imployed  hear  at  Hamton, 
and  knew  not  well  what  y^  other  had  don  at  London. 
M"".  Cushman  answered,  he  had  done  nothing  but  what 
he  was  urged  too,  partly  by  y''  grounds  of  equity,  and 
more  espetialy  by  necessitie,  other  wise  all  had  bene 
dasht  and  many  undon.  And  in  y**  begining  he 
aquainted  his  felow  agents  here  with,  who  consented 
unto  him,  and  left  it  to  him  to  execute,  and  to  receive 
y*^  money  at  London  and  send  it  downe  to  them  at 
Hamton,  wher  they  made  y*^  provissions ;  the  which  he 
accordingly  did,  though  it  was  against  his  minde,  & 
some  of  y®  marchants,  y'  they  were  their  made.  And 
for  giveing  them  notise  at  Ley  den  of  this  change,  he 
could  not  well  in  regarde  of  y^  shortnes  of  y*"  time ; 
againe,  he  knew  it  would  trouble  them  and  hinder 
y®  bussines,  which  was  already  delayed  overlong  in 
regard  of  y®  season  of  y*^  year,  which  he  feared  they 
would  find  to  their  cost.  But  these  things  gave  not 
contente  at  presente.  M^  Weston,  likwise,  came  up 
from  London  to  see  them  dispatcht  and  to  have  y® 
conditions  confirmed ;  but  they  refused,  and  answered 
him,  that  he  knew  right  well  that  these  were  not 
according  to  y*^  first  agreemente,  neither  could  they 
yeeld  to  them  without  y®  consente  of  the  rest  that 
were  behind.  And  indeed  they  had  spetiall  charge 
when   they  came  away,  from  the    cheefe    of  those  that 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  75 

were  behind,  not  to  doe  it.  At  which  he  was  much 
offended,  and  tould  them,  they  must  then  looke  to 
stand  on  their  owne  leggs.  So  he  returned  in  dis- 
pleasure, and  this  was  y®  first  ground  of  discontent 
betweene  them.  And  wheras  ther  wanted  well  near 
100*'.  to  clear  things  at  their  going  away,  he  would 
not  take  order  to  disburse  a  penie,  but  let  them  shift 
as  they  could.  [38]  So  they  were  forst  to  selle  of 
some  of  their  provissions  to  stop  this  gape,  which 
was  some  3.  or  4.  score  firkins  of  butter,  which  com- 
oditie  they  might  best  spare,  haveing  provided  too 
large  a  quantitie  of  y'  kind.  Then  they  write  a  leter 
to  y*  marchants  &  adventures  aboute  y*"  diferances 
concerning  y®  conditions,  as  foloweth. 

Aug.  3.  An°:  1620. 
Beloved  freinds,  scry  we  are  that  ther  should  be  occasion 
of  writing  at  all  unto  you,  partly  because  we  ever  expected 
to  see  y^  most  of  you  hear,  but  espetially  because  ther  should 
any  differance  at  all  be  conceived  betweene  us.  But  seing 
it  faleth  out  that  we  cannot  conferr  togeather,  we  thiuke  it 
meete  (though  brefly)  to  show  you  y**  just  cause  &  reason  of 
our  differing  from  those  articles  last  made  by  Robart  Cushman, 
without  our  comission  or  knowledg.  And  though  he  might 
propound  good  ends  to  himselfe,  yet  it  no  way  justifies  his 
doing  it.  Our  maine  diference  is  in  y*^  5.  &  9.  article,  con- 
cerning y^  deviding  or  holding  of  house  and  lands  ;  the  injoy- 
ing  wherof  some  of  your  selves  well  know,  was  one  spetiall 
motive,  amongst  many  other,  to  provoke  us  to  goe.  This 
was  thought  so  reasonable,  y'  when  y^  greatest  of  you  in 
adventure  (whom  we  have  much  cause  to  respecte),  when  he 


76  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  VII. 

propounded  conditions  to  us  freely  of  his  owne  accorde,  he 
set  this  downe  for  one  ;  a  coppy  wherof  we  have  sent  unto 
you,  with  some  additions  then  added  by  us ;  which  being 
liked  on  both  sids,  and  a  day  set  for  y*^  paimente  of  moneys, 
those  of  Holland  paid  in  theirs.  After  y',  Robart  Cushman, 
M'.  Peirce,  &  M^  Martine,  brought  them  into  a  better  forme, 
&  write  them  in  a  booke  now  extaute  ;  and  upon  Robarts 
shewing  them  and  delivering  M'.  Mullins  a  coppy  therof  under 
his  hand  (which  we  have),  he  payd  in  his  money.  And  we 
of  Holland  had  never  seen  other  before  our  coming  to  Hamton, 
but  only  as  one  got  for  him  selfe  a  private  coppy  of  them  ; 
upon  sight  wherof  we  manyfested  uter  dislike,  but  had  put 
of  our  estats  &  were  ready  to  come,  and  therfore  was  too  late 
to  rejecte  y*  vioage.  Judge  therfore  we  beseech  you  indifer- 
ently  of  things,  and  if  a  faulte  have  bene  coiSited,  lay  it  wher 
it  is,  &  not  upon  us,  who  have  more  cause  to  stand  for  y*  one, 
then  you  have  for  y*  other.  We  never  gave  Robart  Cushman 
comission  to  make  any  one  article  for  us,  but  only  sent  him 
to  receive  moneys  upon  articles  before  agreed  on,  and  to 
further  y*^  provissions  till  John  Carver  came,  and  to  assiste 
him  in  it.  Yet  since  you  conceive  your  selves  wronged  as 
well  as  we,  we  thought  meete  to  add  a  branch  to  y''  end  of 
our  9.  article,  as  will  allmost  heale  that  wound  of  it  selfe, 
which  you  conceive  to  be  in  it.  But  that  it  may  appeare  to 
all  men  y*  we  are  not  lovers  of  our  selves  only,  but  desire 
also  y'^  good  &  inriching  of  our  freinds  who  have  adventured 
your  moneys  with  our  persons,  we  have  added  our  last  article 
to  y*  rest,  promising  you  againe  by  leters  in  y^  behalfe  of  the 
whole  company,  that  if  large  profits  should  not  arise  within 
y*'  7.  years,  y'  we  will  continue  togeather  longer  with  you,  if 
y*  Lord  give  a  blessing.*  This  we  hope  is  sufficente  to  satisfle 
any  in  this  case,  espetialy  freinds,  since  we  are  asured  y'  if 
the  whole  charge  was  devided  into  4.  parts,  3.  of  them  will 

*  It  was  well  for  them  y'  this  was  not  accepted. 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  77 

not  stand  upon  it,  nether  doe  regarde  it,  &c.  We  are  in 
sliuch  a  streate  at  presents,  as  we  are  forced  to  sell  away  60''. 
worth  of  our  provissions  to  cleare  y^  Haven,  &  withal!  put  our 
selves  upon  great  extremities,  scarce  haveiug  any  butter,  no 
oyle,  not  a  sole  to  mend  a  shoe,  [39]  nor  every  man  a  sword 
to  his  side,  wanting  many  muskets,  much  armoure,  &c.  And 
yet  we  are  willing  to  expose  our  selves  to  shuch  eminente 
dangers  as  are  like  to  insue,  &  trust  to  y^  good  providence 
of  God,  rather  then  his  name  &  truth  should  be  evill  spoken 
of  for  us.  Thus' saluting  all  of  you  in  love,  and  beseeching 
y^  Lord  to  give  a  blesing  to  our  eudeavore,  and  keepe  all  our 
harts  in  y^  bonds  of  peace  &  love,  we  take  leave  &  rest, 

Yours,  &c. 
Aug.  3.  1620. 

It  was  subscribed  with  many  names  of  y®  cheefest 
of  y*^  company. 

At  their  parting  M"".  Robinson  write  a  leter  to  y® 
whole  company,  which  though  it  hath  already  bene 
printed,  yet  I  thought  good  here  likwise  to  inserte 
it ;  as  also  a  breefe  leter  writ  at  y*"  same  time  to  M^ 
Carver,  in  which  y''  tender  love  &  godly  care  of  a  true 
pastor  appears. 

My  dear  Brother,  —  1  received  inclosed  in  your  last  leter 
y*  note  of  information,  w"^  I  shall  carefuly  keepe  &  make  use 
of  as  ther  shall  be  occasion.  I  have  a  true  feeling  of  your 
perplexitie  of  mind  &  toyle  of  body,  but  I  hope  that  you  who 
have  allways  been  able  so  plentifully  to  administer  comforte 
unto  others  in  their  trials,  are  so  well  furnished  for  your  selfe 
as  that  farr  greater  difficulties  then  you  have  yet  undergone 
(though  I  conceive  them  to  have  been  great  enough)   cannot 


78  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  VII. 

oppresse  you,  though  they  press  you,  as  y^  Aspostle  speaks. 
The  sph'ite  of  a  man  (sustained  by  y^  spirite  of  God)  will  sus- 
taine  his  infirmitie,  I  dout  not  so  will  yours.  And  y®  beter 
much  when  you  shall  iujoye  y*^  presence  &  help  of  so  many 
godly  &  wise  brethereu,  for  y*^  bearing  of  part  of  your  burthen, 
who  also  will  not  admitte  into  their  harts  y^  least  thought  of 
suspition  of  any  y"'  least  negligence,  at  least  presumption,  to 
have  been  in  you,  what  so  ever  they  thiuke  in  others.  Now 
what  shall  I  say  or  write  unto  you  &  your  goodwife  my  loving 
sister?  even  only  this,  I  desire  (&  allways  shall)  unto  you 
from  y^  Lord,  as  unto  my  owne  soule  ;  and  assure  your  selfe 
y'  my  harte  is  with  you,  and  that  I  will  not  forslowe  my  bodily 
coming  at  y®  first  oppertunitie.  I  have  writen  a  large  leter  to 
y^  whole,  and  am  sorie  I  shall  not  rather  speak  then  write  to 
them  ;  &  the  more,  considering  y^  wante  of  a  preacher,  which 
I  shall  also  make  sume  spurr  to  my  hastening  after  you.  I 
doe  ever  coiiiend  my  best  affection  unto  you,  which  if  I  thought 
you  made  an}'  doubte  of,  I  would  express  in  more,  &  y^  same 
more  ample  &  full  words.  And  y*^  Lord  in  whom  you  trust  & 
whom  you  serve  ever  in  this  bussines  &  journey,  guid  you  with 
his  hand,  protecte  you  with  his  winge,  and  shew  you  &  us  his 
salvation  in  y*'  end,  &  bring  us  in  y*^  mean  while  togeather  in 
y^  place  desired,  if  shuch  be  his  good  will,  for  his  Christs  sake. 
Amen.  Yours,  &c. 

July  27.  1620.  Jo:   R. 

This   was   y^  last   letter   y*  M^  Carver  lived   to    see 
from  him.     The  other  follows. 

*  Lovinge  Christian  friends,  I  doe  hartily  &  in  y^  Lord  salute 
you  all,  as  being  they  with  whom  I  am  presente  in  my  best 

•  This  letter  is  omitted  in   Governor  Bradford's   Collection   of  Letters. — 
Prince. 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  79 

affection,  aud  most  ernest  longings  after  you,  though  I  be 
constrained  for  a  while  to  be  bodily  absente  from  you.  I  say 
constrained,  God  knowing  how  willingly,  &  much  rather  then 
otherwise,  I  would  have  borne  my  part  with  you  in  this  first 
brunt,  were  I  not  by  strong  necessitie  held  back  for  y*"  present. 
Make  accounte  of  me  in  y*"  mean  while,  as  of  a  man  devided  in 
my  selfe  with  great  paine,  and  as  (naturall  bonds  set  a  side) 
having  my  beter  parte  with  [40]  you.  And  though  I  doubt 
not  but  in  your  godly  wisdoms,  you  both  foresee  &  resolve 
upon  y'  which  concerneth  your  presente  state  &  condition, 
both  severally  &  joyntly,  yet  have  I  thought  it  but  my  duty 
to  add  some  furder  spurr  of  provocation  unto  them,  who  rune 
allready,  if  not  because  you  need  it,  yet  because  I  owe  it  in 
love  &  dutie.  And  first,  as  we  are  daly  to  renew  our  repent- 
ance with  our  God,  espetially  for  our  sines  known,  and  gener- 
ally for  our  unknowne  trespasses,  so  doth  y^  Lord  call  us  in 
a  singuler  maner  upon  occasions  of  shuch  difficultie  &  danger 
as  lieth  upon  you,  to  a  both  more  narrow  search  &  carefull 
reformation  of  your  ways  in  his  sight;  least  he,  calling  to 
remembrance  our  sines  forgotten  by  us  or  unrepented  of,  take 
advantage  against  us,  &  in  judgmente  leave  us  for  y^  same 
to  be  swalowed  up  in  one  danger  or  other;  wheras,  on  the 
contrary,  sine  being  taken  away  by  ernest  repentance  &  y* 
pardon  therof  from  y^  Lord  sealed  up  unto  a  mans  conscience 
by  his  spirite,  great  shall  be  his  securitie  and  peace  in  all 
dangers,  sweete  his  comforts  in  all  distresses,  with  hapie 
deliverance  from  all  evill,  whether  in  life  or  in  death. 

Now  next  after  this  heavenly  peace  with  God  &  our  owne 
consciences,  we  are  carefully  to  provide  for  peace  with  all  men 
what  in  us  lieth,  espetially  with  our  associats,  &  for  y'  watch- 
fullnes  must  be  had,  that  we  neither  at  all  in  our  selves  doe 
give,  no  nor  easily  take  offence  being  given  by  others.  Woe 
be  unto  y''  world  for  offences,  for  though  it  be  necessarie  (con- 
sidering y*  malice  of  Satan  &  mans  corruption)  that  offences 


80  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  VII. 

come,  yet  woe  unto  y^  man  or  woman  either  by  whom  y^  offence 
Cometh,  saith  Christ,  Mat.  18.  7.  And  if  offences  in  y^  un- 
seasonable use  of  things  in  them  selves  indifferent,  be  more 
to  be  feared  then  death  itself e,  as  y''  Apostle  teacheth,  1.  Cor. 
9.  15.  how  much  more  in  things  simply  evill,  in  which  neither 
honour  of  God  nor  love  of  man  is  thought  worthy  to  be  re- 
garded. Neither  yet  is  it  sufficiente  y'  we  keepe  our  selves 
by  y*  grace  of  God  from  giveing  offence,  exepte  withall  we  be 
armed  against  y"  taking  of  them  when  they  be  given  by  others. 
For  how  unperfect  &  lame  is  y"'  work  of  grace  in  y'  pei'son, 
who  wants  charritie  to  cover  a  multitude  of  offences,  as  y^ 
scriptures  speake.  Neither  are  you  to  be  exhorted  to  this 
grace  only  upon  y^  comone  grounds  of  Christianitie,  which 
are,  that  persons  ready  to  take  offence,  either  wante  charitie, 
to  cover  offences,  of  wisdome  duly  to  waigh  humane  frailtie ; 
or  lastly,  are  grosse,  though  close  hipocrites,  as  Christ  our 
Lord  teacheth,  Mat.  7.  1,  2,  3,  as  indeed  in  my  owne  expe- 
rience, few  or  none  have  bene  found  which  sooner  give  offence, 
then  shuch  as  easily  take  it;  neither  have  they  ever  proved 
sound  &  profitable  members  in  societies,  which  have  uurished 
this  touchey  bumor.  But  besids  these,  ther  are  diverse  motives 
provoking  you  above  others  to  great  care  &  conscience  this 
way  :  As  first,  you  are  many  of  you  strangers,  as  to  y^  per- 
sons, so  to  y'^  infirmities  one  of  another,  &  so  stand  in  ueede 
of  more  watchfullnes  this  way,  least  when  shuch  things  fall 
out  in  men  &  women  as  you  suspected  not,  you  be  inordinatly 
affected  with  them ;  which  doth  require  at  your  hands  much 
wisdome  &  charitie  for  y'^  covering  &  preventing  of  incident 
offences  that  way.  And  lastly,  your  intended  course  of  civill 
comunitie  will  minister  continuall  occasion  of  offence,  &  will 
be  as  fuell  for  that  fire,  excepte  you  dilligently  quench  it  with 
brotherly  forbearance.  And  if  taking  of  offence  causlesly  or 
easilie  at  mens  doings  be  so  carefuly  to  be  avoyded,  how  much 
more  heed  is  to  be  taken  y'  we  take  not  offence  at  God  him 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  81 

self e,  which  yet  we  certaiuly  doe  so  ofte  as  we  doe  murmure 
at  his  providence  in  our  crosses,  or  beare  impatiently  shuch 
afflictions  as  wherwith  he  pleaseth  to  visite  us.  Store  up 
therfore  patience  against  y^  evill  day,  without  which  we  take 
offence  at  y®  Lord  him  selfe  in  his  holy  &  just  works. 

A  4.  thing  ther  is  carfully  to  be  provided  for,  to  witte,  that 
with  your  coinone  imployments  you  joyne  comone  affections 
truly  bente  upon  y^  generall  good,  avoyding  as  a  deadly 
[41]  plague  of  your  both  coinone  &  spetiall  comfort  all  re- 
tirednes  of  minde  for  proper  advantage,  and  all  singularly 
affected  any  maner  of  way ;  let  every  man  represe  in  him 
selfe  &  y^  whol  body  in  each  person,  as  so  many  rebels 
against  y^  coinone  good,  all  private  respects  of  mens  selves, 
not  sorting  with  y*  generall  conveniencie.  And  as  men  are 
carfull  not  to  have  a  new  house  shaken  with  any  violence 
before  it  be  well  setled  &  y®  parts  firmly  knite,  so  be  you, 
I  beseech  you,  brethren,  much  more  carfull,  y'  the  house  of 
God  which  you  are,  and  are  to  be,  be  not  shaken  with  un- 
necessarie  novelties  or  other  oppositions  at  y*  first  setling 
therof. 

Lastly,  wheras  you  are  become  a  body  politik,  using  amongst 
your  selves  civill  govermente,  and  are  not  furnished  with  any 
persons  of  spetiall  eminencie  above  y*  rest,  to  be  chosen  by  you 
into  office  of  goverment,  let  your  wisdome  &  godlines  appeare, 
not  only  in  chusing  shuch  persons  as  doe  entirely  love  and  will 
promote  y*  comone  good,  but  also  in  yeelding  unto  them  all 
due  honour  &  obedience  in  their  lawfuU  administrations  ;  not 
behoulding  in  them  y*'  ordinarinesse  of  their  persons,  but  Gods 
ordinance  for  your  good,  not  being  like  y*  foolish  multitud 
who  more  honour  y*"  gay  coate,  then  either  y'^  vertuous  minde 
of  y®  man,  or  glorious  ordinance  of  y"  Lord.  But  you  know 
better  things,  &  that  y"  image  of  y^  Lords  power  &  authoritie 
which  y"=  magistrate  beareth,  is  honourable,  in  how  meane  per- 
sons soever.     And  this  dutie  you  both  may  y*"  more  willingly 


82  HISTORY   OF  [chap.  VII. 

and  ought  y^  more  conscionably  to  performe,  because  you  are 
at  least  for  y^  present  to  have  only  them  for  your  ordinarie 
governours,  which  your  selves  shall  make  choyse  of  for  that 
worke. 

Sundrie  other  things  of  importance  I  could  put  you  in  minde 
of,  and  of  those  before  mentioned,  in  more  words,  but  I  will 
not  so  farr  wrong  your  godly  minds  as  to  thinke  you  heedless 
of  these  things,  ther  being  also  diverce  among  you  so  well  able 
to  admonish  both  them  selves  &  others  of  what  concerneth 
them.  These  few  things  therfore,  &  y"  same  in  few  words, 
I  doe  ernestly  coinend  unto  your  care  &  conscience,  joyning 
therwith  my  daily  incessante  prayers  unto  y*  Lord,  y'  he  who 
hath  made  y*  heavens  &  y''  earth,  y^  sea  and  all  rivers  of 
waters,  and  whose  providence  is  over  all  his  workes,  espetially 
over  all  his  dear  children  for  good,  would  so  guide  &  gard 
you  in  your  wayes,  as  inwardly  by  his  Spirite,  so  outwardly 
by  y*  hand  of  his  power,  as  y'  both  you  &  we  also,  for  &  with 
you,  may  have  after  matter  of  praising  his  name  all  y^  days 
of  your  and  our  lives.  F'are  you  well  in  him  in  whom  you 
trust,  and  in  whom  I  rest. 

An  unfained  wellwiller  of  your  hapie 
success  in  this  hopefull  voyage, 

John  Robinson. 


This  letter,  though  large,  yet  being  so  frutfull  in 
it  selfe,  and  suitable  to  their  occation,  I  thought  meete 
to  inserte  in  this  place. 

All  things  being  now  ready,  &  every  bussines  dis- 
patched, the  company  was  caled  togeather,  and  this 
letter  read  amongst  them,  which  had  good  acceptation 
with  all,  and  after  fruit  with  many.  Then  they  ordered 
&  distributed  their   company  for  either  shipe,  as   they 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  83 

conceived  for  y*'  best.  And  chose  a  Gov'^  &  2.  or  3. 
assistants  for  each  shipe,  to  order  y^  people  by  y""  way, 
and  see  to  y®  dispossing  of  there  provissions,  and  shuch 
like  affairs.  All  which  was  not  only  with  y"  liking 
of  y*  maisters  of  y"  ships,  but  according  to  their 
desires.  Which  being  done,  they  sett  sayle  from 
thence  aboute  y®  5.  of  August;  but  what  befell  them 
further  upon  y*"  coast  of  England  will  appeare  in  y^ 
nexte  chapter. 

The  8.  Chap. 

Off  the  trouhls  that  befell  them  on  the  waste,  and  at  sea 
being  forced,  after  much  trouble,  to  leave  one  of  ther 
ships  (&  some  of  their  companie  behind  them. 
[42]  Being  thus  put  to  sea  they  had  not  gone  farr, 
but  M^  Reinolds  y*"  m^  of  y®  leser  ship  complained 
that  he  found  his  ship  so  leak  as  he  durst  not  put 
further  to  sea  till  she  was  mended.  So  y''  m'.  of  y® 
biger  ship  (caled  M^  Jonas)  being  consulted  with,  they 
both  resolved  to  put  into  Dartmouth  &  have  her  ther 
searched  &  mended,  which  accordingly  was  done,  to 
their  great  charg  &  losse  of  time  and  a  faire  winde. 
She  was  hear  thorowly  searcht  from  steme  to  sterne, 
some  leaks  were  found  &  mended,  and  now  it  was 
conceived  by  the  workmen  &  all,  that  she  was  suffi- 
ciente,  &  they  might  proceede  without  either  fear  or 
danger.  So  with  good  hopes  from  hence,  they  put 
to   sea   againe,  conceiving  they  should  goe  comfortably 


84  HISTORY  OF  [chap.  VIH. 

on,  not  looking  for  any  more  lets  of  this  kind ;  but 
it  fell  out  otherwise,  for  after  they  were  gone  to  sea 
againe  above  100.  leagues  without  the  Lands  End, 
houlding  company  togeather  all  this  while,  the  m"".  of 
y"  small  ship  complained  his  ship  was  so  leake  as  he 
must  beare  up  or  sinke  at  sea,  for  they  could  scarce 
free  her  with  much  pumping.  So  they  came  to  con- 
sultation againe,  and  resolved  both  ships  to  bear  up 
backe  againe  &  put  into  Plimoth,  which  accordingly 
was  done.  But  no  spetiall  leake  could  be  founde,  but 
it  was  judged  to  be  y^  generall  weaknes  of  y"  shipe, 
and  that  shee  would  not  prove  sufficiente  for  the  voiage. 
Upon  which  it  was  resolved  to  dismise  her  &  parte  of 
y®  companie,  and  proceede  with  y''  other  shipe.  The 
which  (though  it  was  greevous,  &  caused  great  dis- 
couragmente)  was  put  in  execution.  So  after  they 
had  tooke  out  such  provission  as  y*^  other  ship  could 
well  stow,  and  concluded  both  what  number  and  what 
persons  to  send  bak,  they  made  another  sad  parting, 
y"  one  ship  going  backe  for  London,  and  y'^  other  was 
to  proceede  on  her  viage.  Those  that  went  bak  were 
for  the  most  parte  such  as  were  willing  so  to  doe, 
either  out  of  some  discontente,  or  feare  they  conceived 
of  y''  ill  success  of  y''  vioage,  seeing  so  many  croses 
befale,  &  the  year  time  so  farr  spente ;  but  others,  in 
regarde  of  their  owne  weaknes,  and  charge  of  many 
yonge  children,  were  thought  least  usefull,  and  most 
unfite  to  bear  y*"  brunte  of  this  hard   adventure ;    unto 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  85 

which  worke  of  God,  and  judgmente  of  their  brethern, 
they  were  contented  to  submite.  And  thus,  like  Gedions 
armie,  this  small  number  was  devided,  as  if  y*'  Lord  by 
this  worke  of  his  providence  thought  these  few  to  many 
for  ye  great  worke  he  had  to  doe.  But  here  by  the  way 
let  me  show,  how  afterward  it  was  found  y*  the  leaknes 
of  this  ship  was  partly  by  being  over  masted,  and  too 
much  pressed  with  sayles  ;  for  after  she  was  sould  & 
put  into  her  old  trime,  she  made  many  viages  &  per- 
formed her  service  very  sufficiently,  to  y*^  great  profite 
of  her  owners.  But  more  espetially,  by  the  cuning  & 
deceite  of  y^  m^  &  his  company,  who  were  hired  to 
stay  a  whole  year  in  y''  cuntrie,  and  now  fancying  dis- 
like &  fearing  wante  of  victeles,  they  ploted  this  strate- 
gem  to  free  them  selves ;  as  afterwards  was  knowne,  & 
by  some  of  them  confessed.  For  they  apprehended 
y*  the  greater  ship,  being  of  force,  &  in  whom  most 
of  y®  provissions  were  stowed,  she  would  retayne 
enough  for  her  selfe,  what  soever  became  of  them  or 
y"  passengers  ;  &  indeed  shuch  speeches  had  bene  cast 
out  by  some  of  them ;  and  yet,  besids  other  incourag- 
ments,  y''  cheefe  of  them  that  came  from  Leyden  wente 
in  this  shipe  to  give  y''  m''.  contente.  But  so  strong 
was  self  love  &  his  fears,  as  he  forgott  all  duty  and 
[43]  former  kindnesses,  &  delt  thus  falsly  with  them, 
though  he  pretended  otherwise.  Amongest  those  that 
returned  was  M"".  Cushman  &  his  familie,  whose  hart 
&   courage  was   gone   from  them   before,   as   it   seems, 


86  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  VIII. 


though  his  body  was  with  them  till  now  he  departed; 
as  may  appear  by  a  passionate  letter  he  write  to  a 
freind  in  London  from  Dartmouth,  whilst  y^  ship  lay 
ther  a  mending;  the  which,  besids  y®  expressions  of  his 
owne  fears,  it  shows  much  of  y®  providence  of  God  work- 
ing for  their  good  beyonde  man's  expectation,  &  other 
things  concerning:  their  condition  in  these  streats.  I  will 
hear  relate  it.  And  though  it  discover  some  infirmities 
in  him  (as  who  under  temtation  is  free),  yet  after  this  he 
continued  to  be  a  spetiall  instrumente  for  their  good,  and 
to  doe  y*"  ofiices  of  a  loving  freind  &  faithfull  brother 
unto  them,  and  pertaker  of  much  comforte  with  them. 
The  letter  is  as  followth. 

To  his  loving  friend  Ed:  S.*  at  Henige  House  in  y^  Duks  Place, 

these,  &c. 

Dartmouth,  Aug.  17. 

Loving  friend,  my  most  kind  remembrance  to  you  &  your 
wife,  with  loving  E.  M,  &c.  whom  in  this  world  I  never  looke 
to  see  againe.  For  besids  y^  eminente  dangers  of  this  viage, 
which  are  no  less  then  deadly,  an  infirmitie  of  body  hath  ceased 
me,  which  will  not  in  all  lic^lyhoode  leave  me  till  death.  What 
to  call  it  I  know  not,  but  it  is  a  bundle  of  lead,  as  it  were, 
crushing  my  harte  more  &  more  these  14.  days,  as  that  ail- 
though  I  doe  y"  acctions  of  a  liveing  man,  yet  I  am  but  as 
dead  ;  but  y^  will  of  God  be  done.  Our  pinass  will  not  cease 
leaking,  els  I  thiuke  we  had  been  halfe  way  at  Virginia, 
our  viage  hither  hath  been  as  full  of  crosses,  as  our  selves 
have  been  of  crokednes.     We  put  in  hear  to  trime  her,  &   I 

*  In  Governor  Bradford's  Collection  of  Letters,  this  is  Edward  Soathworth.— 
Prince. 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  87 

thinke,  as  others  also,  if  we  had  stayed  at  sea  but  3.  or  4. 
howers  more,  shee  would  have  sunke  right  downe.  And 
though  she  was  twise  triined  at  Hamton,  yet  now  shee  is 
open  and  leakie  as  a  seive  ;  and  ther  was  a  borde,  a  man 
might  have  puld  of  with  his  fingers,  2  foote  longe,  wher 
y®  water  came  in  as  at  a  mole  hole.  We  lay  at  Hamton  7. 
days,  in  fair  weather,  waiting  for  her,  and  now  we  lye  hear 
waiting  for  her  in  as  faire  a  wind  as  can  blowe,  and  so.  have 
done  these  4.  days,  and  are  like  to  lye  4.  more,  and  by  y' 
time  y^  wind  will  happily  turne  as  it  did  at  Hampton.  Our 
victualls  will  be  halfe  eaten  up,  I  thinke,  before  we  goe  from 
the  coaste  of  England,  and  if  our  viage  last  longe,  we  shall 
not  have  a  months  victialls  when  we  come  in  y*  countrie. 
Neare  700'".  hath  bene  bestowed  at  Hampton,  upon  what  I 
know  not.  M^  Martin,  saith  he  neither  can  nor  will  give 
any  accounte  of  it,  and  if  he  be  called  upon  for  accounts 
he  crieth  out  of  unthankfullnes  for  his  paines  &  care,  that 
we  are  susspitious  of  him,  and  flings  away,  &  will  end  noth- 
ing. Also  he  so  insulteh  over  our  poore  people,  with  shuch 
scorne  &  contempte,  as  if  they  were  not  good  enough  to  wipe 
his  shoes.  It  would  break  your  hart  to  see  his  dealing,*  and 
y*  mourning  of  our  people.  They  complaine  to  me,  &  alass  ! 
I  can  doe  nothing  for  them ;  if  I  speake  to  him,  he  flies 
in  my  face,  as  mutinous,  and  saith  no  complaints  shall  be 
heard  or  received  but  by  him  selfe,  and  saith  they  are  for- 
warde,  &  waspish,  discontented  people,  &  I  doe  ill  to  hear 
them.  Ther  are  others  y'  would  lose  all  they  have  put  in, 
or  make  satisfaction  for  what  they  have  had,  that  they  might 
departe  ;  but  he  will  not  hear  them,  nor  suffer  them  to  goe 
ashore,  least  thej'^  should  rune  away.  The  sailors  also  are 
so  offended  at  his  ignorante  bouldnes,  in  medling  &  con- 
trouling  in  things  he  knows  not  what  belongs  too,  as  y'  some 
threaten  to  misscheefe  him,  others  say  they  will  leave  y®  shipe 

*  He  was  governour  in  y^  biger  ship,  &  M"'.  Cushman  assistante. 


HISTORY    OF  [chap.  VIII. 


&  goe  their  way.  But  at  y"  best  this  cometh  of  it,  y'  he  maks 
him  selfe  a  scorne  &  laughing  stock  unto  them.  As  for  M^ 
Weston,  excepte  grace  doe  greatly  swaye  with  him,  he  will 
hate  us  ten  times  more  then  ever  he  loved  us,  for  not  con- 
firming y^  conditions.  But  now,  since  some  pinches  have 
taken  them,  they  begine  to  reveile  y'=  trueth,  &  say  M"".  Robin- 
son was  in  y'^  falte  who  charged  them  never  to  consente  to 
those  .conditions,  nor  chuse  me  into  office,  but  indeede  apointed 
them  to  chose  them  they  did  chose.*  But  he  &  they  will  rue 
too  late,  they  may  [44]  now  see,  &  all  be  ashamed  when  it 
is  too  late,  that  they  were  so  ignorante,  yea,  &  so  inordinate 
in  their  courses.  I  am  sure  as  they  were  resolved  not  to  scale 
those  conditions,  I  was  not  so  resolute  at  Hampton  to  have  left 
y'  whole  bussines,  excepte  they  would  scale  them,  &  better  y* 
vioage  to  have  bene  broken  of  then,  then  to  have  brought  such 
miserie  to  our  selves,  dishonour  to  God,  &  detrimente  to  our 
loving  freinds,  as  now  it  is  like  to  doe.  4.  or  5.  of  y'  cheefe 
of  them  which  came  from  Leyden,  came  resolved  never  to  goe 
on  those  conditions.  And  M^  Martine,  he  said  he  never  re- 
ceived no  money  on  those  conditions,  he  was  not  beholden  to 
y'^  marchants  for  a  pine,  they  were  bloudsuckers,  &  I  know  not 
what.  Simple  man,  he  indeed  never  made  any  conditions  w'*" 
the  marchants,  nor  ever  spake  with  them.  But  did  all  that 
money  flie  to  Hampton,  or  was  it  his  owne?  Who  will  goe  & 
lay  out  money  so  rashly  &  lavishly  as  he  did,  and  never  know 
how  he  comes  by  it,  or  on  what  conditions  ?  2'^.  I  tould  him 
of  y'  alteration  longe  agoe,  &  he  was  contente  ;  but  now  he 
dominires,  &  said  I  had  betrayed  them  into  y"  hands  of  slaves  ; 
he  is  not  beholden  to  them,  he  can  set  out  2.  ships  him  selfe 
to  a  viage.  When,  good  man?  He  hath  but  50".  in,  &  if  he 
should  give  up  his  accounts  he  would  not  have  a  penie  left 
him,  as  I  am  persuaded,!  &c.      Freind,  if  ever  we  make  a 


*  I  thinke  he  was  deceived  in  these  things, 
t  This  was  found  true  afterward. 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  89 

plantation,  God  works  a  mirakle ;  especially  considering  how 
scante  we  shall  be  of  victualls,  and  most  of  all  ununited 
amongst  our  selves,  &  devoyd  of  good  tutors  &  regimente. 
Violence  will  break  all.  Wher  is  y^  meek  &  humble  spirite 
of  Moyses?  &  of  Nehemiah  who  reedified  y*  wals  of  Jerusa- 
lem, &  y®  state  of  Israeli?  Is  not  y*"  sound  of  Rehoboams 
braggs  daly  hear  amongst  us?  Have  not  y"  philosophers  and 
all  wise  men  observed  y',  even  in  setled  coiiione  welths,  vio- 
lente  governours  bring  either  them  selves,  or  people,  or  boath, 
to  ruine  ;  how  much  more  in  y®  raising  of  conione  wealths, 
when  y''  morter  is  yet  scarce  tempered  y'  should  bind  y® 
wales.  If  I  should  write  to  you  of  all  things  which  pro- 
miscuously fore  rune  our  ruine,  I  should  over  charge  my  weake 
head  and  greeve  your  tender  hart ;  only  this,  I  pray  you  pre- 
pare for  evill  tidings  of  us  ever}"^  day.  But  pray  for  us  in- 
stantly, it  may  be  y®  Lord  will  be  yet  entreated  one  way  or 
other  to  make  for  us.  I  see  not  in  reason  how  we  shall 
escape  even  y"  gasping  of  hunger  starved  persons  ;  but  God 
can  doe  much,  &  his  will  be  done.  It  is  better  for  me  to 
dye,  then  now  for  me  to  bear  it,  which  I  doe  daly,  &  ex- 
pecte  it  howerly ;  haveing  received  y''  sentance  of  death, 
both  within  me  &  without  me.  Poore  William  King  &  my 
selfe  doe  strive  *  who  shall  be  meate  first  for  y*^  fishes  ;  but 
we  looke  for  a  glorious  resurrection,  knowing  Christ  Jesus 
after  y"  flesh  no  more,  but  looking  unto  y"  joye  y'  is  before 
us,  we  will  endure  all  these  things  and  accounte  them  light 
in  comparison  of  y'  joye  we  hope  for.  Remember  me  in  all 
love  to  our  freinds  as  if  I  named  them,  whose  praiers  I 
desire  ernestly,  &  wish  againe  to  see,  but  not  till  I  can  with 
more  comforte  looke  them  in  y^  face.  The  Lord  give  us 
that  true  comforte  which  none  can  take  from  us.  I  had  a 
desire  to  make  a  breefe  relation  of  our  estate  to  some  freind. 

*  In  the  manuscript  it  is  "  strive  dayly,"  but  a  pen  has  been  drawn  through 
the  latter  word. 


90  HISTORY   or  [chap.  IX. 

I  doubte  not  but  your  wisdome  will  teach  you  seasonably  to 
utter  things  as  here  after  you  shall  be  called  to  it.  That 
which  I  have  writen  is  treue,  &  many  things  more  which  I 
have  forborne.  I  write  it  as  upon  my  life,  and  last  confes- 
sion in  England.  What  is  of  use  to  be  spoken  [45]  of 
presently,  you  may  speake  of  it,  and  what  is  fitt  to  conceile, 
conceall.  Pass  by  my  weake  maner,  for  my  head  is  weake, 
&  my  body  feeble,  y^  Lord  make  me  strong  in  him,  &  keepe 

both  you  &  yours. 

Your  loving  freind, 

Rob  ART    CUSHMAN. 

Dartmouth,  Aug.  17.  1620. 

These  being  his   conceptions    &  fears  at  Dartmouth, 
they  must  needs  be  much  stronger  now  at  Plimoth. 


The  9.  Chap. 

Of  their  vioage,  &  how  they  passed  y*  sea,  and  of  their 
safe  arrivall  at  Cape  Codd. 

Sept^':  6.  These  troubls  being  blowne  over,  and  now 
all  being  compacte  togeather  in  one  shipe,*  they  put 
to  sea  againe  with  a  prosperus  winde,  which  continued 
diverce  days  togeather,  which  was  some  incourag- 
mente  unto  them ;  yet  according  to  y®  usuall  maner 
many  were  afflicted  with  sea-sicknes.  And  I  may  not 
omite  hear  a  spetiall  worke  of  Gods  providence.  Ther 
was  a  proud  &  very  profane  yonge  man,  one  of  y^ 
sea-men,  of  a   lustie,  able  body,  which   made   him  the 

*  For  Governor  Bradford's  list  of  passengers  in  the  Mayflower,  see  Appendix, 
No.  I. 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  91 

more  hauty ;  he  would  allway  be  contemning  y^  poore 
people  in  their  sicknes,  &  cursing  them  dayly  with 
greeous  execrations,  and  did  not  let  to  tell  them,  that 
he  hoped  to  help  to  cast  halfe  of  them  over  board 
before  they  came  to  their  jurneys  end,  and  to  make 
mery  with  what  they  had ;  and  if  he  were  by  any 
gently  reproved,  he  would  curse  and  swear  most 
bitterly.  But  it  plased  God  before  they  came  halfe 
seas  over,  to  smite  this  yong  man  with  a  greeveous 
disease,  of  which  he  dyed  in  a  desperate  maner,  and 
so  was  him  selfe  y®  first  y*  was  throwne  overbord. 
Thus  his  curses  light  on  his  owne  head ;  and  it  was 
an  astonishmente  to  all  his  fellows,  for  they  noted  it 
to  be  y*"  just  hand  of  God  upon  him. 

After  they  had  injoyed  faire  winds  and  weather  for 
a  season,  they  were  incountred  many  times  with  crosse 
winds,  and  mette  with  many  feirce  stormes,  with  which 
y^  shipe  was  shroudly  shaken,  and  her  upper  works 
made  very  leakie ;  and  one  of  the  maine  beames  in 
y^  midd  ships  was  bowed  &  craked,  which  put  them 
in  some  fear  that  y®  shipe  could  not  be  able  to  per- 
forme  y*"  vioage.  So  some  of  y®  cheefe  of  y^  com- 
pany, perceiveing  y*^  mariners  to  feare  y*"  suffisiencie 
of  y^  shipe,  as  appeared  by  their  mutterings,  they 
entred  into  serious  consulltation  with  y*"  m^  &  other 
officers  of  y"^  ship,  to  consider  in  time  of  y'^  danger; 
and  rather  to  returne  then  to  cast  them  selves  into  a 
desperate   &   inevitable    perill.      And    truly    ther    was 


92  HISTOEY   OF  [chap.  IX. 

great  distraction  &  differance  of  opinion  amongst  y^ 
mariners  them  selves ;  faine  would  they  doe  what 
could  he  done  for  their  wages  sake,  (being  now  halfe 
the  seas  over,)  and  on  y*'  other  hand  they  were  loath 
to  hazard  their  lives  too  desperatly.  But  in  examen- 
ing  of  all  opinions,  the  m^  &  others  affirmed  they 
knew  y^  ship  to  be  stronge  &  firme  under  water ;  and 
for  the  buckling  of  y*'  maine  beame,  ther  was  a  great 
iron  scrue  y®  passengers  brought  out  of  Holland,  which 
would  raise  y*^  beame  into  his  place ;  y®  which  being 
done,  the  carpenter  &  m"".  affirmed  that  with  a  post 
put  under  it,  set  firme  in  y*^  lower  deck,  &  otherways 
bounde,  he  would  make  it  sufficiente.  And  as  for  y® 
decks  &  uper  workes  they  would  calke  them  as  well 
as  they  could,  and  though  with  y''  workeing  of  y*^  ship 
they  [46]  would  not  longe  keepe  stanch,  yet  ther 
would  otherwise  be  no  great  danger,  if  they  did  not 
overpress  her  with  sails.  So  they  comited  them  selves 
to  y®  will  of  God,  &  resolved  to  proseede.  In  sundrie 
of  these  stormes  the  winds  were  so  feirce,  &  y'^  seas 
so  high,  as  they  could  not  beare  a  knote  of  saile,  but 
were  forced  to  hull,  for  diverce  days  togither.  And 
in  one  of  them,  as  they  thus  lay  at  hull,  in  a  mighty 
storme,  a  lustie  yonge  man  (called  John  Rowland) 
coming  upon  some  occasion  above  y*^  grattings,  was, 
with  a  seele  of  y®  shipe  throwne  into  [y*"]  sea ;  but 
it  pleased  God  y*  he  caught  hould  of  y''  top-saile 
halliards,    which    hunge    over    board,    &    rane    out    at 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  93 

length ;  yet  he  held  his  hould  (though  he  was  sundrie 
fadomes  under  water)  till  he  was  hald  up  by  y*^  same 
rope  to  y*^  brime  of  y*^  water,  and  then  with  a  boat 
hooke  &  other  means  got  into  y®  shipe  againe,  &  his 
life  saved ;  and  though  he  was  something  ill  with  it, 
yet  he  lived  many  years  after,  and  became  a  profitable 
member  both  in  church  &  comone  wealthe.  In  all  this 
viage  ther  died  but  one  of  y*^  passengers,  which  was 
William  Butten,  a  youth,  servant  to  Samuell  Fuller, 
when  they  drew  near  y'^  coast.  But  to  omite  other 
things,  (that  I  may  be  breefe,)  after  longe  beating  at 
sea  they  fell  with  that  land  which  is  called  Cape  Cod ; 
the  which  being  made  &  certainly  knowne  to  be  it, 
they  were  not  a  litle  joyfull.  After  some  deliberation 
had  amongst  them  selves  &  with  y°  m'".  of  y*^  ship,  they 
tacked  aboute  and  resolved  to  stande  for  y*^  southward 
(y**  wind  &  weather  being  faire)  to  finde  some  place 
aboute  Hudsons  river  for  their  habitation.  But  after 
they  had  sailed  y'  course  aboute  halfe  y^  day,  they 
fell  amongst  deangerous  shoulds  and  roring  breakers, 
and  they  were  so  farr  intangled  ther  with  as  they 
conceived  them  selves  in  great  danger ;  &  j'^  wind 
shrinking  upon  them  withall,  they  resolved  to  bear 
up  againe  for  the  Cape,  and  thought  them  selves  hapy 
to  gett  out  of  those  dangers  before  night  overtooke 
them,  as  by  Gods  providence  they  did.  And  y°  next 
day  they  gott  into  y""  Cape-harbor  wher  they  ridd  in 
sattie.     A  word  or  too  by  y*^  way  of  this  cape ;  it  was 


94  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  IX. 

thus  first  named  by  Capten  Gosnole  &  his  company,* 
An°:  1602,  and  after  by  Capten  Smith  was  caled  Cape 
James ;  but  it  retains  y*^  former  name  amongst  sea- 
men. Also  y'  pointe  which  first  shewed  those  danger- 
ous shoulds  unto  them,  they  called  Pointe  Care,  & 
Tuckers  Terrour;  but  y®  French  &  Dutch  to  this  day 
call  it  Malabarr,  by  reason  of  those  perilous  shoulds, 
and  y®  losses  they  have  sufiered  their. 

Being  thus  arived  in  a  good  harbor  and  brought  safe 
to  land,  they  fell  upon  their  knees  &  blessed  y®  God 
of  heaven,  who  had  brought  them  over  y®  vast  & 
furious  ocean,  and  delivered  them  from  all  y*'  periles 
&  miseries  therof,  againe  to  set  their  feete  on  y®  firme 
and  stable  earth,  their  proper  elemente.  And  no  mar- 
veil  if  they  were  thus  joyefull,  seeing  wise  Seneca 
was  so  afiected  with  sailing  a  few  miles  on  y^  coast 
of  his  owne  Italy;  as  he  affirmed, f  that  he  had  rather 
remaine  twentie  years  on  his  way  by  land,  then  pass 
by  sea  to  any  place  in  a  short  time ;  so  tedious  & 
dreadfull  was  y^  same  unto  him. 

But  hear  I  cannot  but  stay  and  make  a  pause,  and 
stand  half  amased  at  this  poore  peoples  presente  con- 
dition ;  and  so  I  thinke  will  the  reader  too,  when  he 
well  considers  [47  j  y®  same.  Being  thus  passed  y® 
vast  ocean,  and  a  sea  of  troubles  before  in  their  prep- 
aration (as  may  be  remembred  by  y*  which  wente 
before),  they  had   now   no    freinds   to  wellcome  them, 

•  Because  y^y  tooke  much  of  y'  fishe  ther.  f  Epist :  53. 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  95 

nor  inns  to  entertaine  or  refresh  their  weatherbeaten 
bodjs,  no  houses  or  much  less  townes  to  repaire  too, 
to  seeke  for  succoure.  It  is  recorded  in  scripture  * 
as  a  mercie  to  y^  apostle  &  his  shipwraked  company, 
y*  the  barbarians  shewed  them  no  smale  kindnes  in 
refreshing  them,  but  these  savage  barbarians,  when 
they  mette  with  them  (as  after  will  appeare)  were 
readier  to  fill  their  sids  full  of  arrows  then  other- 
wise. And  for  y®  season  it  was  winter,  and  they 
that  know  y*"  winters  of  y*  cuntrie  know  them  to  be 
sharp  &  violent,  &  subjecte  to  cruell  &  feirce  stormes, 
deangerous  to  travill  to  known  places,  much  more  to 
serch  an  unknown  coast.  Besids,  what  could  they  see 
but  a  hidious  &  desolate  wildernes,  full  of  wild  beasts 
&  willd  men?  and  what  multituds  ther  might  be  of 
them  they  knew  not.  Nether  could  they,  as  it  were, 
goe  up  to  y^  tope  of  Pisgah,  to  vew  from  this  willder- 
nes  a  more  goodly  cuntrie  to  feed  their  hops ;  for 
which  way  soever  they  turnd  their  eys  (save  up- 
ward to  y^  heavens)  they  could  have  litle  solace  or 
content  in  respecte  of  any  outward  objects.  For 
sumer  being  done,  all  things  stand  upon  them  with 
a  wetherbeaten  face ;  and  y**  whole  countrie,  full  of 
woods  &  thickets,  represented  a  wild  &  savage  heiw. 
If  they  looked  behind  them,  ther  was  y*"  mighty 
ocean  which  they  had  passed,  and  was  now  as  a 
maine    barr   &   goulfe   to    seperate    them    from    all    y* 

•  Act.  28. 


96  HISTORY   OF  [CHAP.  IX. 

civill  parts  of  y*^  world.  If  it  be  said  they  had  a 
ship  to  sucour  them,  it  is  trew ;  but  what  heard 
they  daly  from  y'^  m^  &  company?  but  y*  with 
speede  they  should  looke  out  a  place  with  their 
shallop,  wher  they  would  be  at  some  near  distance ; 
for  y®  season  was  shuch  as  he  would  not  stirr  from 
thence  till  a  safe  harbor  was  discovered  by  them 
wher  they  would  be,  and  he  might  goe  without 
danger ;  and  that  victells  consumed  apace,  but  he 
must  &  would  keepe  sufficient  for  them  selves  & 
their  returne.  Yea,  it  was  muttered  by  some,  that 
if  they  gott  not  a  place  in  time,  they  would  turne 
them  &  their  goods  ashore  &  leave  them.  Let  it 
also  be  considred  what  weake  hopes  of  supply  & 
succoure  they  left  behinde  them,  y'  might  bear  up 
their  minds  in  this  sade  condition  and  trialls  they 
were  under ;  and  they  could  not  but  be  very  smale. 
It  is  true,  indeed,  y*^  aflfections  &  love  of  their 
brethren  at  Leyden  was  cordiall  &  entire  towards 
them,  but  they  had  litle  power  to  help  them,  or 
them  selves ;  and  how  y*^  case  stode  betweene  them 
&  y*'  marchants  at  their  coming  away,  hath  allready 
been  declared.  What  could  now  sustaine  them  but 
y®  spirite  of  God  &  his  grace?  May  not  &  ought 
not  the  children  of  these  fathers  rightly  say :  Our 
faithers  were  Englishmen  which  came  over  this  great 
ocean,    and   were   ready   to  perish    in   this    ivilldernes;* 

*  Deu :  26.  5,  7. 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  97 

but  they  cried  unto  1/  Lord, .  and  he  heard  their  voyce, 
and  looked  on  their  adversitie,  &c.  Let  them  therfore 
praise  y*  Lord,  because  he  is  good,  &  his  mercies  en- 
dure for  ever.*  Yea,  let  them  which  have  been  redeemed 
of  y^  Lord,  shew  hoiv  he  hath  delivered  them  from  y* 
hand  of  y^  oppressour.  WJien  they  wandered  in  y' 
deserte  willdernes  out  of  y^  way,  and  found  no  citie 
to  dwell  in,  both  hungrie,  (&  thirstie,  their  sowle  was 
overwhelmed  in  them.  Let  them  confess  before  y^  Lord 
his  loving  hindnes,  and  his  wonderfall  works  before  y* 
sons  of  men. 

The  10.  Chap. 

Showing  how  they  sought  out  a  place  of  habitation,  and 
what  befell  them  theraboute. 

[48]  Being  thus  arrived  at  Cap-Cod  y®  11.  of 
November,  and  necessitie  calling  them  to  looke  out 
a  place  for  habitation,  (as  well  as  the  maisters  & 
mariners  importunitie,)  they  having  brought  a  large 
shalop  with  them  out  of  England,  stowed  in  quarters 
in  y'^  ship,  they  now  gott  her  out  &  sett  their  carpenters 
to  worke  to  trime  her  up  ;  but  being  much  brused  & 
shatered  in  y*^  shipe  w"'  foule  weather,  they  saw  she 
would  be  longe  in  mending.  Wherupon  a  few  of 
them  tendered  them  selves  to  goe  by  land  and  dis- 
covere  those  nearest  places,  whilst  j'^  shallop  was  in 
mending;    and   y''   rather   because    as    they    wente    into 

*  107Psa:  V.  1,2,  4,  5,8. 


98  HISTORY   OF  [chap.  X. 

y*  harbor  ther  seemed  to  be  an  opening  some  2.  or 
3  leagues  of,  which  y*^  maister  judged  to  be  a  river. 
It  was  conceived  ther  might  be  some  danger  in  y^ 
attempte,  yet  seeing  them  resolute,  they  were  per- 
mited  to  goe,  being  16.  of  them  well  armed,  under 
y*^  conduct  of  Captain  Standish,  having  shuch  instruc- 
tions given  them  as  was  thought  meete.  They  sett 
forth  y*"  15.  of  Nove*"^:  and  when  they  had  marched 
aboute  y'^  space  of  a  mile  by  y*"  sea  side,  they  espied 
5.  or  6.  persons  with  a  dogg  coming  towards  them, 
who  were  salvages ;  but  they  fled  from  them,  &  raiie 
up  into  y^  woods,  and  y*'  English  followed  them, 
partly  to  see  if  they  could  speake  with  them,  and 
partly  to  discover  if  ther  might  not  be  more  of  them 
lying  in  ambush.  But  y^  Indeans  seeing  them  selves 
thus  followed,  they  againe  forsooke  the  woods,  &  rane 
away  on  y^  sands  as  hard  as  they  could,  so  as  they 
could  not  come  near  them,  but  followed  them  by  y® 
tracte  of  their  feet  sundrie  miles,  and  saw  that  they 
had  come  the  same  way.  So,  night  coming  on,  they 
made  their  randevous  &  set  out  their  sentinels,  and 
rested  in  quiete  y'  night,  and  the  next  morning  fol- 
lowed their  tracte  till  they  had  headed  a  great  creake, 
&  so  left  the  sands,  &  turned  an  other  way  into  y^ 
woods.  But  they  still  followed  them  by  geuss,  hope- 
ing  to  find  their  dwellings  ;  but  they  soone  lost  both 
them  &  them  selves,  falling  into  shuch  thickets  as 
were    ready  to   tear  their  cloaths  &  armore  in  peeces, 


1620.  J  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  99 

but  were  most  distresed  for  wante  of  drinke.  But 
at  length  they  found  water  &  refreshed  them  selves, 
being  y*'  first  New-England  water  they  drunke  of,  and 
was  now  in  thir  great  thirste  as  ple'asante  unto  them 
as  wine  or  bear  had  been  in  for-times.  Afterwards 
they  directed  their  course  to  come  to  y^  other  [49] 
shore,  for  they  knew  it  was  a  necke  of  land  they 
were  to  crosse  over,  and  so.  at  length  gott  to  y® 
sea-side,  and  marched  to  this  supposed  river,  &  by 
y^  way  found  a  pond  of  clear  fresh  water,  and  shortly 
after  a  good  quantitie  of  clear  ground  wher  y'^  Indeans 
had  formerly  set  corne,  and  some  of  their  graves. 
And  proceeding  furder  they  saw  new-stuble  wher 
corne  had  been  set  y°  same  year,  also  they  found 
wher  latly  a  house  had  been,  wher  some  planks  and 
a  great  ketle  was  remaining,  and  heaps  of  sand  newly 
padled  with  their  hands,  which  they,  digging  up,  found 
in  them  diverce  faire  Indean  baskets  filled  with  corne, 
and  some  in  eares,  faire  and  good,  of  diverce  collours, 
which  seemed  to  them  a  very  goodly  sight,  (haveing 
never  seen  any  shuch  before).  This  was  near  y*^  place 
of  that  supposed  river  they  came  to  seeck ;  unto  which 
they  wente  and  found  it  to  open  it  selfe  into  2.  armes 
with  a  high  cliffe  of  sand  in  y'^  enterance,  but  more 
like  to  be  crikes  of  salte  water  then  any  fresh,  for 
ought  they  saw ;  and  that  ther  was  good  harborige 
for  their  shalope ;  leaving  it  further  to  be  discovered 
by   their   shalop   when    she  was   ready.      So  their   time 


1318'S^^ 


100  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  X. 

limeted  them  being  expired,  they  returned  to  y®  ship, 
least  they  should  be  in  fear  of  their  saftie ;  and  tooke 
with  them  parte  of  y"  corne,  and  buried  up  y*'  rest, 
and  so  like  y^  men  from  Eshcoll  carried  with  them 
of  y*  fruits  of  y®  land,  &  showed  their  breethren ;  of 
which,  &  their  returne,  they  were  marvelusly  glad,  and 
their  harts  incouraged. 

After  this,  y*"  shalop  being  got  ready,  they  set  out 
againe  for  y''  better  discovery  of  this  place,  &  y"  m*". 
of  y®  ship  desired  to  goe  him  selfe,  so  ther  went 
some  30.  men,  but  found  it  to  be  no  harbor  for 
ships  but  only  for  boats ;  ther  was  allso  found  2. 
of  their  houses  covered  with  matts,  &  sundrie  of 
their  implements  in  them,  but  y*^  people  were  rune 
away  &  could  not  be  seen ;  also  ther  was  found 
more  of  their  corne,  &  of  their  beans  of  various 
collours.  The  corne  &  beans  they  brought  away, 
purposing  to  give  them  full  satisfaction  when  they 
should  meete  with  any  of  them  (as  about  some  6. 
months  afterward  they  did,  to  their  good  contente). 
And  here  is  to  be  noted  a  spetiall  providence  of 
God,  and  a  great  mercie  to  this  poore  people,  that 
hear  they  gott  seed  to  plant  them  corne  y*^  next 
year,  or  els  they  might  have  starved,  for  they  had 
none,  nor  any  liklyhood  to  get  any  [50]  till  y*"  season 
had  beene  past  (as  y*  sequell  did  manyfest).  Neither 
is  it  lickly  they  had  had  this,  if  y*"  first  viage  had 
not   been    made,   for   the    ground    was    now   all  covered 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  101 

with  snow,  &  hard  frozen.  But  the  Lord  is  never 
wanting  unto  his  in  their  greatest  needs ;  let  his  holy 
name  have  all  y®  praise. 

The  month  of  November  being  spente  in  these  affairs, 
&  much  foule  weather  falling  in,  the  6.  of  Desein'':  they 
sente  out  their  shallop  againe  with  10.  of  their  prin- 
cipall  men,  &  some  sea  men,  upon  further  discovery, 
intending  to  circulate  that  deepe  bay  of  Cap-codd. 
The  weather  was  very  could,  &  it  frose  so  hard  as 
y''  sprea  of  y*^  sea  lighting  on  their  coats,  they  were 
as  if  they  had  been  glased ;  yet  that  night  betimes 
they  gott  dowue  into  y*'  botome  of  y''  bay,  and  as 
they  drue  nere  y*^  shore  they  saw  some  10.  or  12. 
Indeans  very  busie  aboute  some  thing.  They  landed 
aboute  a  league  or  2.  from  them,  and  had  much  a 
doe  to  put  a  shore  any  wher,  it  lay  so  full  of  flats. 
Being  landed,  it  grew  late,  and  they  made  them  selves 
a  barricade  with  loggs  &  bowes  as  well  as  they  could 
in  y'^  time,  &  set  out  their  sentenill  &  betooke  them 
to  rest,  and  saw  y®  smoake  of  y*^  fire  y''  savages  made 
y*  night.  When  morning  was  come  they  devided  their 
company,  some  to  coaste  along  j'^  shore  in  y*'  boate, 
and  the  rest  marched  throw  y'^  woods  to  see  y'=  land, 
if  any  fit  place  might  be  for  their  dwelling.  They 
came  allso  to  y''  place  wher  they  saw  the  Indans  y® 
night  before,  &  found  they  had  been  cuting  up  a  great 
fish  like  a  grampus,  being  some  2.  inches  thike  of 
fate  like    a   hogg,   some    peeces   wher   of  they  had   left 


102  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  X. 

by  y«  way;  and  y®  shallop  found  2.  more  of  these 
fishes  dead  on  y'  sands,  a  thing  usuall  after  storms 
in  y*  place,  by  reason  of  y"  great  flats  of  sand  that 
lye  of.  So  they  ranged  up  and  doune  all  y'  day, 
but  found  no  people,  nor  any  place  they  liked.  When 
y''  sune  grue  low,  they  hasted  out  of  y''  woods  to  meete 
with  their  shallop,  to  whom  they  made  signes  to  come 
to  them  into  a  creeke  hardby,  the  which  they  did  at 
highwater;  of  which  they  were  very  glad,  for  they  had 
not  seen  each  other  all  y'  day,  since  y**  morning.  So 
they  made  them  a  barricado  (as  usually  they  did  every 
night)  with  loggs,  staks,  &  thike  pine  bowes,  y*^  height 
of  a  man,  leaving  it  open  to  leeward,  partly  to  shelter 
them  from  y''  could  &  wind  (making  their  fire  in  y^ 
midle,  &  lying  round  aboute  it),  and  partly  to  defend 
them  from  any  sudden  assaults  of  y**  savags,  if  they 
should  surround  them.  So  being  very  weary,  they 
betooke  them  to  rest.  But  aboute  midnight^  [^1]  they 
heard  a  hideous  &  great  crie,  and  their  sentinell  caled, 
"  Arme,  arme";  so  they  bestired  them  &  stood  to  their 
armes,  &  shote  of  a  cupple  of  moskets,  and  then  the 
noys  seased.  They  concluded  it  was  a  companie  of 
wolves,  or  such  like  willd  beasts ;  for  one  of  y*^  sea 
men  tould  them  he  had  often  heard  shuch  a  noyse  in 
New-found  land.  So  they  rested  till  about  5.  of  y® 
clock  in  the  morning;  for  y*'  tide,  &  ther  purposs  to 
goe  from  thence,  made  them  be  stiring  betimes.  So 
after  praier   they  prepared   for    breakfast,  and   it   being 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  103 

day  dawning,  it  was  thought  best  to  be   earring  things 
downe   to   y®   boate.       But    some    said   it  was    not   best 
to    Carrie   y*^  armes    downe,  others    said   they  would   be 
the  readier,  for  they  had  laped  them  up    in  their  coats 
from   y®    dew.       But    some    3.    or   4.    would    not    cary 
theirs  till  they   wente  them    selves,  yet   as   it   fell   out, 
y*^    water    being    not    high    enough,    they    layed    them 
downe    on   y®    banke    side,    &    came    up    to    breakfast. 
But   presently,    all   on   y'^   sudain,    they   heard    a    great 
&    strange    crie,    which    they    knew    to    be    the     same 
voyces    they   heard    in    y'^    night,    though    they   varied 
their    notes,    &    one    of    their    company    being    abroad 
came    runing   in,    &   cried,    "Men,  Indeans,   Indeans"; 
and    w*all,    their   arowes    came    flying    amongst    them. 
Their  men  rane  with  all  speed  to   recov^er  their  armes, 
as   by   y*^   good   providence    of   God   they    did.      In   y*^ 
mean  time,  of  those  that  were  ther  ready,  tow  muskets 
were    discharged   at   them,    &    2.    more   stood   ready   in 
y^    enterance    of    ther    randevoue,    but    were    comanded 
not   to    shoote   till   they  could  take  full  aime  at   them ; 
&  y"  other   2.   charged  againe  with  all    speed,  for   ther 
were    only  4.  had    armes   ther,   &  defended  y'^   baricado 
which  was  first  assalted.     The   crie    of  y''  Indeans  was 
dreadfull,  espetially  when  they  saw   ther   men    rune  out 
of  y*^   randevoue  towourds   y*"   shallop,  to    recover  their 
armes,  the  Indeans    wheeling   aboute    upon   them.     But 
some  runing   out    with    coats    of  malle    on,  &    cutlasses 
in  their  hands,  they  soone  got  their  armes,  &  let  flye 


104  HISTORY   OF  [chap.  X. 

amongs  them,  and  quickly  stopped  their  violence.  Yet 
ther  was  a  lustie  man,  and  no  less  valiante,  stood  be- 
hind a  tree  within  halfe  a  musket  shot,  and  let  his 
arrows  flie  at  them.  He  was  seen  shoot  3.  arrowes, 
which  were  all  avoyded.  He  stood  3,  shot  of  a 
musket,  till  one  taking  full  aime  at  him,  and  made 
y®  barke  or  splinters  of  y*'  tree  fly  about  his  ears, 
after  which  he  gave  an  extraordinary  shrike,  and  away 
they  wente  all  of  them.  They  left  some  to  keep  y® 
shalop,  and  followed  them  aboute  a  quarter  of  a  mille, 
and  shouted  once  or  twise,  and  shot  of  2.  or  3.  peces, 
&  so  returned.  This  they  did,  that  they  might  con- 
ceive that  they  were  not  [52]  afirade  of  them  or  any 
way  discouraged.  Thus  it  pleased  God  to  vanquish 
their  enimies,  and  give  them  deliverance ;  and  by 
his  spetiall  providence  so  to  dispose  that  not  any  one 
of  them  were  either  hurte,  or  hitt,  though  their 
arrows  came  close  by  them,  &  on  every  side  them, 
and  sundry  of  their  coats,  which  hunge  up  in  y® 
barricado,  were  shot  throw  &  throw.  Aterwards  they 
gave  God  soUamne  thanks  &  praise  for  their  deliver- 
ance, &  gathered  up  a  bundle  of  their  arrows,  & 
sente  them  into  England  afterward  by  y^  m"".  of  y^ 
ship,  and  called  that  place  y*"  first  encounter.  From 
hence  they  departed,  &  costed  all  along,  but  discerned 
no  place  likly  for  harbor ;  &  therfore  hasted  to  a 
place  that  their  pillote,  (one  M'".  Coppin  who  had 
bine  in  y*"  cuntrie  before)   did  assure  them  was  a   good 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  105 

harbor,  which  he  had  been  in,  and  they  might  fetch 
it  before  night ;  of  which  they  were  glad,  for  it  be- 
gane  to  be  foule  weather.  After  some  houres  sailing, 
it  begane  to  snow  &  raine,  &  about  y^  midle  of  y*^ 
afternoone,  y®  wind  increased,  &  y*^  sea  became  very 
rough,  and  they  broake  their  rudder,  &  it  was  as  much 
as  2.  men  could  doe  to  steere  her  with  a  cupple  of 
oares.  But  their  pillott  bad  them  be  of  good  cheere, 
for  he  saw  y®  harbor ;  but  y"^  storme  increasing,  & 
night  drawing  on,  they  bore  what  saile  they  could  to 
gett  in,  while  they  could  see.  But  her  with  they 
broake  their  mast  in  3.  peeces,  &  their  saill  fell  over 
bord,  in  a  very  grown  sea,  so  as  they  had  like  to 
have  been  cast  away ;  yet  by  Gods  mercie  they  re- 
covered them  selves,  &  having  y''  floud  with  them, 
struck  into  y''  harbore.  But  when  it  came  too,  y^ 
pillott  was  deceived  in  y®  place,  and  said,  y*  Lord 
be  mercifuU  unto  them,  for  his  eys  never  saw  y* 
place  before ;  &  he  &  the  m^  mate  would  have  rune 
her  ashore,  in  a  cove  full  of  breakers,  before  y'^  winde. 
But  a  lusty  seaman  which  steered,  bad  those  which 
rowed,  if  they  were  men,  about  with  her,  or  ells  they 
were  all  cast  away ;  the  which  they  did  with  speed. 
So  he  bid  them  be  of  good  cheere  &  row  lustly,  for 
ther  was  a  faire  sound  before  them,  &  he  doubted  not 
but  they  should  find  one  place  or  other  wher  they 
might  ride-  in  saftie.  And  though  it  was  ver?/  darkey 
and  rained  sore,  yet  in  y"   end   they  gott   under  y*^  lee 


106  HISTORY    OF  [chap.  X. 

of  a  smalle  Hand,  and  remained  ther  all  y*  night  in 
saftie.  But  they  knew  not  this  to  be  an  iland  till 
morning,  but  were  devided  in  their  minds ;  some  would 
keepe  y'*  boate  for  fear  they  might  be  amongst  y® 
Indians ;  others  were  so  weake  and  could,  they  could 
not  endure,  but  got  a  shore,  &  with  much  adoe  got 
fire,  (all  things  being  so  wett,)  and  y*^  rest  were  glad 
to  come  to  them ;  for  after  midnight  y®  wind  shifted 
to  the  [53]  north-west,  &  it  frose  hard.  But  though 
this  had  been  a  day  &  night  of  much  trouble  & 
danger  unto  them,  yet  God  gave  them  a  morning  of 
comforte  &  refreshing  (as  usually  he  doth  to  his  chil- 
dren), for  y*^  next  day  was  a  faire  sunshinig  day,  and 
they  found  them  sellvs  to  be  on  an  iland  secure  from 
y"  Indeans,  wher  they  might  drie  their*  stufe,  fixe  their 
peeces,  &  rest  them  selves,  and  gave  God  thanks  for 
his  mercies,  in  their  manifould  deliverances.  And  this 
being  the  last  day  of  y^  weeke,  they  prepared  ther  to 
keepe  y®  Sabalh.  On  Munday  they  sounded  y*"  harbor, 
and  founde  it  fitt  for  shipping ;  and  marched  into  y® 
land,  &  found  diverse  cornfeilds,  &  litle  runing  brooks, 
a  place  (as  they  supposed)  fitt  for  situation ;  at  least 
it  was  y''  best  they  could  find,  and  y®  season,  &  their 
presente  necessitie,  made  them  glad  to  accepte  of  it. 
So  they  returned  to  their  shipp  againe  with  this  news 
to  y'  rest  of  their  people,  which  did  much  comforte 
their  harts. 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  107 

On  y*  15.  of  Desenf:  they  wayed  anchor  to  goe  to 
y'^  place  they  had  discovered,  &  came  within  2.  leagues 
of  it,  but  were  faine  to  bear  up  againe ;  but  y^  16. 
day  y"  winde  came  faire,  and  they  arrived  safe  in  this 
harbor.  And  after  wards  tooke  better  view  of  y° 
place,  and  resolved  wher  to  pitch  their  dwelling ; 
and  y*"  25.  da)/  begane  to  erecte  y^  first  house  for 
comone   use  to   receive  them  and  their  goods. 


The  2.  Booke, 

The  rest  of  this  History  (if  God  give  me  life,  & 
opportunitie)  I  shall,  for  brevitis  sake,  handle  by  way 
of  annalls,  noteing  only  the  heads  of  principall  things, 
and  passages  as  they  fell  in  order  of  time,  and  may 
seeme  to  be  profitable  to  know,  or  to  make  use  of. 
And  this  may  be  as  y*^  2.  Booke. 

The  remainder  of  An":  1620. 

I  SHALL  a  litle  returne  backe  and  begine  with  a 
combination  made  by  them  before  they  came  ashore, 
being  y^  first  foundation  of  their  govermente  in  this 
place ;  occasioned  partly  by  y"  discontented  &  mutinous 
speeches  that  some  of  the  strangers  amongst  them  had 
let  fall  from  them  in  y""  ship  —  That  when  they  came 
a  shore  they  would  use  their  owne  libertie ;  for  none 
had  power  to  comand  them,  the  patente  they  had 
being  for  Virginia,  and  not  for  New-england,  which 
belonged  to  an  other  Goverment,  with  which  y^  Vir- 
ginia Company  had  nothing  to  doe.  And  partly  that 
shuch  an  [54]  acte  by  them  done  (this  their  condi- 
tion considered)  might  be  as  firme  as  any  patent,  and 
in  some  respects  more  sure. 

The  forme  was  as  folio weth. 


110  HISTORY   OF  [book  II. 

In  y"  name  of  God,  Amen.  We  whose  names  are  under- 
writen,  the  loyall  subjects  of  our  dread  soveraigne  Lord,  King 
James,  by  y*'  grace  of  God,  of  Great  Britaine,  Franc,  &  Ireland 
khig,  defender  of  y*"  faith,  &c.,  haveing  undertaken,  for  y"  glorie 
of  God,  and  advancemente  of  y^  Christian  faith,  and  honour  of 
our  king  &  countrie,  a  voyage  to  plant  y*  first  colonie  in  y* 
Northerne  parts  of  Virginia,  doe  by  these  presents  solemnly  & 
mutualy  in  y'^  presence  of  God,  and  one  of  another,  covenant 
&  combine  our  selves  togeather  into  a  civill  body  politick,  for 
our  better  ordering  &  preservation  &  furtherance  of  y^  ends 
aforesaid ;  and  by  vertue  hearof  to  enacte,  constitute,  and 
frame  such  just  &  equall  lawes,  ordinances,  acts,  constitu- 
tions, &  offices,  from  time  to  time,  as  shall  be  thought  most 
meete  &  convenient  for  y®  generall  good  of  y*^  Colonie,  unto 
which  we  promise  all  due  submission  and  obedience.  In  witnes 
wherof  we  have  hereunder  subscribed  our  names  at  Cap-Codd 
y^  11.  of  November,  in  y"  year  of  y^  raigne  of  our  soveraigue 
lord,  King  James,  of  England,  France,  &  Ireland  y®  eighteenth, 
and  of  Scotland  y**  fiftie  fourth.     An°:  Dom.  1620. 

After  this  they  chose,  or  rather  confirmed,  M'.  John 
Carver  (a  man  godly  &  well  approved  amongst  them) 
their  Governour  for  that  year.  And  after  they  had 
provided  a  place  for  their  goods,  or  comone  store, 
(which  were  long  in  unlading  for  want  of  boats, 
foulnes  of  winter  weather,  and  sicknes  of  diverce,) 
and  begune  some  small  cottages  for  their  habitation, 
as  time  would  admitte,  they  mette  and  consulted  of 
lawes  &  orders,  both  for  their  civill  &  military  Gov- 
ermente,  as  y''  necessitie  of  their  condition  did  re- 
quire, still  adding  therunto  as  urgent  occasion  in 
severall   times,  and   as   cases   did   require. 


[^»"^       "  ■  .>»u.,ii,i.npiiu,.iiH.M..iB  .UlijlHHIifiii      111   ..-.  it^..H||  I.  Ml  H      ^ll^UPmitJ  T-r^ 

f7l^  I^y -ffui-fn  AoTtc  ^/4"t.j  /^tV  co-ndt-f^c^  co-*\ft,i^^i^j  .y^^ij^/l^    | 
n-^c  ;for~>nZ  -yttas  OS  :fo^0-*z>f.'iA.  -  ' 

-^/ic  /ojic(^  Su.C\t^%  of  aiAt^  etvccnc^  Jev.^f&x^^^  /'ofdt  }^^  TamteS' 

:^('ajytS^f^-^S^   Cofo-rt-iz.  -w jK* /fr r-^*c^^«^  i^<^r^J   f^f  Vtr^-'^ictr-   Oq^- 
My  />fc/c  ^r-cfe-^^S  SoCcy^r^^J  (^^■^■^''^<^  -^y^Jt^fJk^cc   of  /{oc^.anei 

CoMJ-n-  ofrCo^c-^nft^r^j^y^cK^of^v^^e  of  o^^  So^.r^'^ 
^-'=1  c^  ?c^^/  yJ^SAs-fc^^k-^^'-  ^o-^  ■  1  ^xsJ\  I 

--/Cjy  ^«^   ^^/    Cc-^fi^efO^  of  fu-^cs,  t  ^^-c/.^^,  £oUfir^  -^^tr^ 

>n  o/At-r-    £^4:   t^^  -n^cv-^y  foa-n^  q-iAjt^^  (^oiAev-co^i^,  Pyy  ^V- 
'»»i.  j^*>t:  ^^jfi^^*<crt:y,    ff^nytj:  f  e^fi¥\_    ofj^i^-^^^,  <trtSr  -n'Oi-n^i^^ 


THE  Kr;/  Y--< 
f-PUBUC  L13RAHY 


ASTOR,  LENOX 
ITILDEN   FOUNOATION.'si 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  Ill 

In  these  hard  &  difBculte  beginings  they  found  some 
discontents    &    murmurings    arise    amongst    some,    and 
mutinous  speeches  &  carriags  in  other ;  but  they  were 
soone    quelled   &    overcome    by   y*"    wisdome,    patience, 
and  just   &   equall   carrage   of  things  by   y°   Gov'"   and 
better  part,   w^'^  clave  faithfully  togeather  in  y^  maine. 
But    that    which    was    most   sadd    &    lamentable    was, 
that   in    2.    or   3.    moneths    time    halfe    of    their    com- 
pany  dyed,    espetialy    in    Jan:    &   February,    being  y* 
depth    of  winter,    and    wanting   houses    &    other    com- 
forts ;    being    infected    with   y'^    scurvie     &    [55]    other 
diseases,   which   this   long   vioage   &    their   inacomodate 
condition   had   brought   upon   them ;    so    as    ther    dyed 
some   times    2.    or   3.    of  a   day,    in   y*"   foresaid    time ; 
that  of  100.  &  odd  persons,  scarce  50.  remained.     And 
of  these  in  y''   time    of  most   distres,  ther   was   but    6. 
or  7.  sound  persons,  who,  to  their  great   comendations 
be   it   spoken,    spared    no    pains,    night    nor    day,    but 
with   abundance   of    toyle    and    hazard    of    their    owne 
health,    fetched    them    woode,    made    them    fires,    drest 
them   meat,    made   their   beads,    washed  their    lothsome 
cl oaths,  cloathed   &   uncloathed   them ;    in   a   word,  did 
all  y''  homly  &  necessarie    offices    for   them    w*"''    dainty 
&  quesie  stomacks  cannot  endure   to   hear   named  ;   and 
all    this    willingly    &    cherfully,    without    any  grudging 
in   y''  least,  shewing  herein   their   true   love   unto  their 
freinds   &   bretheren.      A    rare    example   &   worthy   to 
be   remembred.      Tow    of  these    7.    were    M'.    William 


112  HISTORY   OF  [book  H. 

Brewster,  ther  reverend  Elder,  &  Myles  Standish,  ther 
Capteiu  &  military  comander,  unto  whom  my  selfe, 
&  many  others,  were  much  beholden  in  our  low  & 
sicke  condition.  And  yet  the  Lord  so  upheld  these 
persons,  as  in  this  generall  calamity  they  were  not  at 
all  infected  either  with  sicknes,  or  lamnes.  And  what 
I  have  said  of  these,  I  may  say  of  many  others  who 
dyed  in  this  generall  vissitation,  &  others  yet  living, 
that  whilst  they  had  health,  yea,  or  any  strength  con- 
tinuing, the}'  were  not  wanting  to  any  that  had  need 
of  them.  And  I  doute  not  but  their  recompence  is 
with  y''  Lord. 

But  I  may  not  hear  pass  by  an  other  remarkable 
passage  not  to  be  forgotten.  As  this  calamitie  fell 
among  y*^  passengers  that  were  to  be  left  here  to 
plant,  and  were  hasted  a  shore  and  made  to  drinke 
water,  that  y^  sea-men  might  have  y*  more  bear,  and 
one  *  in  his  sicknes  desiring  but  a  small  cann  of 
beere,  it  was  answered,  that  if  he  were  their  owne 
father  he  should  have  none ;  the  disease  begane  to 
fall  amongst  them  also,  so  as  allmost  halfe  of  their 
company  dyed  before  they  went  away,  and  many  of 
their  officers  and  lustyest  men,  as  y°  boatson,  gunner, 
3.  quarter-maisters,  the  cooke,  &  others.  At  w''*'  y^ 
m^  was  something  strucken  and  sent  to  y*  sick  a 
shore  and  tould  y"  Go''""  he  should  send  for  beer  for 
them   that   had   need   of    it,    though    he    drunke    water 

*  Which  was  this  author  him  selfe. 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  113 

homward  bound.  But  now  amongst  his  company  [56] 
ther  was  farr  another  kind  of  carriage  in  this  miserie 
then  amongst  y*^  passengers ;  for  they  that  before  had 
been  boone  companions  in  drinking  &  joyllity  in  y® 
time  of  their  health  &  wellfare,  begane  now  to  deserte 
one  another  in  this  calamitie,  saing  they  would  not 
hasard  ther  lives  for  them,  they  should  be  infected 
by  coming  to  help  them  in  their  cabins,  and  so,  after 
they  came  to  dye  by  it,  would  doe  litle  or  nothing 
for  them,  but  if  they  dyed  let  them  dye.  But  shuch 
of  y*"  passengers  as  were  yet  abord  shewed  them  what 
mercy  they  could,  w^''  made  some  of  their  harts  re- 
lente,  as  y"  boatson  (&  some  others),  who  was  a 
prowd  yonge  man,  and  would  often  curse  &  scofe  at 
y'  passengers ;  but  when  he  grew  weak,  they  had 
compassion  on  him  and  helped  him ;  then  he  con- 
fessed he  did  not  deserve  it  at  their  hands,  he  had 
abused  them  in  word  &  deed.  O !  saith  he,  you,  I 
now  see,  shew  your  love  like  Christians  indeed  one 
to  another,  but  we  let  one  another  lye  &  dye  like 
doggs.  Another  lay  cursing  his  wife,  saing  if  it  had 
not  ben  for  her  he  had  never  come  this  unlucky  viage, 
and  anone  cursing  his  felows,  saing  he  had  done  this 
&  that,  for  some  of  them,  he  had  spente  so  much, 
&  so  much,  amongst  them,  and  they  were  now  weary 
of  him,  and  did  not  help  him,  having  need.  Another 
gave  his  companion  all  he  had,  if  he  died,  to  help 
him    in    his  weaknes ;    he    went   and   got   a    litle    spise 


114  HISTORY    OF  [book   II. 

&  made  him  a  mess  of  meat  once  or  twise,  and  be- 
cause he  dyed  not  so  soone  as  he  expected,  he  went 
amonpfst  his  fellows,  &  swore  y*^  rogue  would  cousen 
him,  he  would  see  him  choaked  before  he  made  him 
any  more  meate ;  and  yet  y®  pore  fellow  dyed  before 
morning. 

All  this  while  y''  Indians  came  skulking  about  them, 
and  would  sometimes  show  them  selves  aloofe  of,  but 
when  any  aproached  near  them,  they  would  rune  away. 
And  once  they  stoale  away  their  tools  wher  they  had 
been  at  worke,  &  were  gone  to  diner.  But  about  y^ 
16.  of  March  a  certaine  Indian  came  bouldly  amongst 
them,  and  spoke  to  them  in  broken  English,  which 
they  could  well  understand,  but  marvelled  at  it.  At 
length  they  understood  by  discourse  with  him,  that  he 
was  not  of  these  parts,  but  belonged  to  y*^  eastrene 
parts,  wher  some  English-ships  came  to  fhish,  with 
whom  he  was  aquainted,  &  could  name  sundrie  of 
them  by  their  names,  amongst  whom  he  had  gott 
his  language.  He  became  proftable  to  them  [57]  in 
aquainting  them  with  many  things  concerning  y*^  state 
of  y^  cuntry  in  y''  east-parts  wher  he  lived,  which  was 
afterwards  profitable  unto  them ;  as  also  of  y*^  people 
hear,  of  their  names,  number,  &  strength ;  of  their 
situation  &  distance  from  this  place,  and  who  was 
cheefe  amongst  them.  His  name  was  Samasei;  he 
tould  them  also  of  another  Indian  whos  name  was 
Squanto,  a  native  of  this  place,   who  had  been  in  Eng- 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  115 

land  &  could  speake  better  English  then  him  selfe. 
Being,  after  some  time  of  entertainmente  &  gifts,  dis- 
mist,  a  while  after  he  came  againe,  &  5.  more  with 
him,  &  they  brought  againe  all  y*^  tooles  that  were 
stolen  away  before,  and  made  way  for  y^  coming  of 
their  great  Sachem,  called  Massasoyt;  who,  about  4. 
or  5.  days  after ^  came  with  the  cheefe  of  his  freinds 
&  other  attendance,  with  the  aforesaid  Squanto.  With 
whom,  after  frendly  entertainment,  &  some  gifts  given 
him,  they  made  a  peace  with  him  (which  hath  now 
continued  this  24.  years)   in   these  terms. 

1.  That  neither  he  nor  any  of  his,  should  injurie 
or  doe  hurte  to  any  of  their  peopl. 

2.  That  if  any  of  his  did  any  hurte  to  any  of 
theirs,  he  should  send  j"  offender,  that  they  might 
punish    him, 

3.  That  if  any  thing  were  taken  away  from  any  of 
theirs,  he  should  cause  it  to  be  restored ;  and  they 
should  doe  y''  like  to  his. 

4.  If  any  did  unjustly  warr  against  him,  they  would 
aide  him ;  if  any  did  warr  against  them,  he  should 
aide   them. 

5.  He  should  send  to  his  neighbours  confederats, 
to  certifie  them  of  this,  that  they  might  not  wrong 
them,  but  might  be  likewise  comprised  in  Y  condi- 
tions   of  peace. 

6.  That  when  ther  men  came  to  them,  they  should 
leave  their  bows  &  arrows  behind  them. 


116  HISTORY    OF  [book   II. 

After  these  things  he  returned  to  his  place  caled 
Sowams,  some  40.  mile  from  this  place,  but  Squanto 
contiued  with  them,  and  was  their  interpreter,  and 
was  a  spetiall  instrument  sent  of  God  for  their  good 
beyond  their  expectation.  He  directed  them  how  to 
set  their  corne,  wher  to  take  fish,  and  to  procure  other 
comodities,  and  was  also  their  pilott  to  bring  them  to 
unknowne  places  for  their  profitt,  and  never  left  them 
till  he  d3'ed.  He  was  a  native  [58]  of  this  place,  & 
scarce  any  left  alive  besids  him  selfe.  He  was  caried 
away  with  diverce  others  by  one  Hunt,  a  m"".  of  a 
ship,  who  thought  to  sell  them  for  slaves  in  Spaine ; 
but  he  got  away  for  England,  and  was  entertained  by 
a  marchante  in  London,  &  imployed  to  New-found- 
land  &  other  parts,  &  lastly  brought  hither  into  these 
parts  by  one  M^  Dernier,  a  gentle-man  imployed  by 
S^  Ferdinand©  Gorges  &  others,  for  discovery,  &  other 
designes  in  these  parts.  Of  whom  I  shall  say  some 
thing,  because  it  is  mentioned  in  a  booke  set  forth 
An":  1622.  by  y®  Presidente  &  Counsell  for  New-Eng- 
land,* that  he  made  y®  peace  betweene  y''  salvages 
of  these  parts  &  y^  English ;  of  which  this  planta- 
tion, as  it  is  intimated,  had  y''  benefite.  But  what  a 
peace  it  was,  may  apeare  by  what  befell  him  &  his 
men. 

This  M"".  Dermer  was  hear  the  same .  year  that  these 
people  came,  as  apears  by  a   relation  written  by  him, 

*  Page  17. 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  117 

&  given  me  by  a  freind,  bearing  date  June  30.  An": 
1620.  And  they  came  in  Novemb'':  following,  so  ther 
was  but  4.  months  diflferance.  In  which  relation  to 
his  honored  freind,  he  hath  these  passages  of  this  very 
place. 

I  will  first  begine  (saith  he)  w*  that  place  from  whence 
Squanto,  or  Tisqicantem,  was  taken  away  ;  w'^'^  in  Cap:  Smiths 
mape  is  called  Plimoth :  and  I  would  that  Plimoth  had  y''  like 
comodities.  I  would  that  the  first  plantation  might  hear  be 
seated,  if  ther  come  to  the  number  of  50.  persons,  or  upward. 
Otherwise  at  Charlton,  because  ther  y*  savages  are  lese  to  be 
feared.  The  Pocanawkits,  which  live  to  y*^  loest  of  Plimoth, 
bear  an  inveterate  malice  to  y"^  English,  and  are  of  more 
streingth  then  all  y*"  savags  from  thence  to  Penobscote.  Their 
desire  of  revenge  was  occasioned  by  an  English  man,  who  hav- 
ing many  of  them  on  bord,  made  a  great  slaughter  with  their 
murderers  &  smale  shot,  when  as  (they  say)  they  offered  no 
injurie  on  their  parts.  Whether  they  were  English  or  no,  it 
may  be  douted ;  yet  they  beleeve  they  were,  for  y**  Frenche 
have  so  possest  them ;  for  which  cause  Squanto  caTiot  deuey 
but  they  would  have  kiled  me  when  I  was  at  Namasket,  had 
he  not  entreated  hard  for  me.  The  soyle  of  y*^  borders  of 
[59]  this  great  bay,  may  be  compared  to  most  of  y''  planta- 
tions which  I  have  seene  in  Virginia.  The  land  is  of  diverce 
sorts ;  for  Patuxite  is  a  hardy  but  strong  soyle,  Naiosel  & 
SaughtugJitett  are  for  y*'  most  part  a  blakish  &  deep  mould, 
much  like  that  wher  groweth  y''  best  Tobaco  in  Virginia. 
In  y*"  botume  of  y'  great  bay  is  store  of  Codd  &  basse,  or 
mulett,  &c. 

But  above  all  he  comends  PacanawTcite  for  y"  richest 
soyle,  and  much  open  ground  fitt  fqr  English  graine,  &c. 


118  HISTORY    OF  [book    II. 

Massachussets  is  about  9.  leagues  from  Plimoth,  &  situate 
in  y^  mids  betweene  both,  is  full  of  ilands  &  peninsules  very 
fertill  for  y"  most  parte. 

With  sundrie  shuch  relations  which  I  forbear  to  tran- 
scribe, being  now  better  knowne  then  they  were  to  him. 

He  was  taken  prisoner  by  y''  Indeans  at  Manamoiak 
(a  place  not  farr  from  hence,  now  well  knowne).  He 
gave  them  what  they  demanded  for  his  liberty,  but 
when  they  had  gott  what  they  desired,  they  kept  him 
still  &  indevored  to  kill  his  men ;  but  he  was  freed 
by  seasing  on  some  of  them,  and  kept  them  bound 
till  they  gave  him  a  cannows  load  of  come.  Of 
which,  see  Purch:  lib.  9.  fol.  1778.  But  this  was 
An°:  1619. 

After  y''  writing  of  y*^  former  relation  he  came  to 
y"  He  of  Capawack  (which  lyes  south  of  this  place 
in  y-  way  to  Virginia),  and  j"  foresaid  Squanto  w*** 
him,  wher  he  going  a  shore  amongst  y*  In  dans  to 
trad,  as  he  used  to  doe,  was  betrayed  &  assaulted  by 
them,  &  all  his  men  slaine,  but  one  that  Tcept  the  boat; 
but  him  selfe  gott  abord  very  sore  wounded,  &  they 
had  cut  of  his  head  upon  y'^  cudy  of  his  boat,  had 
not  y"  man  reskued  him  with  a  sword.  And  so  they 
got  away,  &  made  shift  to  gett  into  Virginia,  wher 
he  dyed ;  whether  of  his  wounds  or  y"  diseases  of 
y*  cuntrie,  or  both  togeather,  is  uncertaine.  [60]  By 
all  which  it  may  appeare  how  farr  these  people  were 
from  peace,  and  with  what    danger   this    plantation  was 


1620.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  119 

begune,  save  as  y*  powerfull  hand  of  the  Lord  did 
protect  them.  These  things  *  were  partly  the  reason 
why  they  kept  aloofe  &  were  so  long  before  they 
came  to  the  English.  An  other  reason  (as  after  them 
selvs  made  know)  was  how  aboute  3.  years  before,  a 
French-ship  was  cast  away  at  Cap-Codd,  but  j"  men 
gott  ashore,  &  saved  their  lives,  and  much  of  their 
victails,  &  other  goods ;  but  after  y*  Indeans  heard 
of  it,  they  geathered  togeather  from  these  parts,  and 
never  left  watching  &  dogging  them  till  they  got 
advantage,  and  Jcild  them  all  but  3.  or  4.  which  they 
kept,  &  sent  from  one  Sachem  to  another,  to  make 
sporte  with,  and  used  them  worse  then  slaves ;  (of 
which  y*^  foresaid  M^  Dermer  redeemed  2.  of  them;) 
and  they  conceived  this  ship  was  now  come  to  re- 
venge it. 

Also,  (as  after  was  made  knowne,)  before  they  came 
to  y*'  English  to  make  freindship,  they  gott  all  the 
Powachs  of  y"  cuntrie,  for  3.  days  togeather,  in  a 
horid  and  divellish  maner  to  curse  &  execrate  them 
with  their  cunjurations,  which  asembly  &  service  they 
held   in   a    darke  &  dismale    swampe. 

But  to  returne.  The  spring  now  approaching,  it 
pleased  God  the  mortalitie  begane  to  cease  amongst 
them,  and  y''  sick  and  lame  recovered  apace,  which 
put  as  it  were  new  life  into  them ;  though  they  had 
borne  their  sadd  affliction  with   much   patience    &    con- 

*  Thing  in  the  manuscript. 


120  HISTORY    OF  [book   II. 

tentednes,  as  I  thinke  any  people  could  doe.  But  it 
was  y*^  Lord  which  upheld  them,  and  had  beforehand 
prepared  them ;  many  having  long  borne  y®  yoake,  yea 
from  their  youth.  Many  other  smaler  maters  I  omite, 
sundrie  of  them  having  been  allready  published  in  a 
Jurnall  made  by  one  of  y*^  company ;  and  some  other 
passages  of  jurneys  and  relations  allredy  published,  to 
which  I  referr  those  that  are  willing  to  know  them 
more  perticulerly.  And  being  now  come  to  y^  25. 
of  March  I  shall  begine  y®  year  1621. 

[61]  Anno.  1621. 
They  now  begane  to  dispatch  y®  ship  away  which 
brought  them  over,  which  lay  tille  aboute  this  time, 
or  y*"  begining  of  Aprill.  The  reason  on  their  parts 
why  she  stayed  so  long,  was  y''  necessitie  and  danger 
that  lay  upon  them,  for  it  was  well  towards  y*^  ende 
of  Desember  before  she  could  land  any  thing  hear,  or 
they  able  to  receive  any  thing  ashore.  Afterwards, 
y®  14.  of  Jan:  the  house  which  they  had  made  for  a 
generall  randevoze  by  casulty  fell  afire,  and  some  were 
faine  to  retire  abord  for  shilter.  Then  the  sicknes 
begane  to  fall  sore  amongst  them,  and  y''  weather  so 
bad  as  they  could  not  make  much  sooner  any  dispatch. 
Againe,  the  Gov'"  &  cheefe  of  them,  seeing  so  many 
dye,  and  fall  downe  sick  dayly,  thought  it  no  wisdom 
to  send  away  the  ship,  their  condition  considered,  and 
y*'    danger    they    stood    in    from    y"    ludeans,    till    they 


1621.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  121 

could  procure  some  shelter ;  and  therfore  thought  it 
better  to  draw  some  more  charge  upon  them  selves 
&  freinds,  then  hazard  all.  The  m^  and  sea-men  like- 
wise, though  before  they  hasted  y®  passengers  a  shore 
to  be  goone,  now  many  of  their  men  being  dead,  & 
of  y®  ablest  of  them,  (as  is  before  noted,)  and  of 
y®  rest  many  lay  sick  &  weake,  y^  m"".  durst  not  put 
to  sea,  till  he  saw  his  men  begine  to  recover,  and  y® 
hart  of  winter  over. 

Afterwards  they  (as  many  as  were  able)  began  to 
plant  ther  corne,  in  which  servise  Squanto  stood  them 
in  great  stead,  showing  them  both  y®  maner  how  to 
set  it,  and  after  how  to  dress  &  tend  it.  Also  he 
tould  them  excepte  they  gott  fish  &  set  with  it  (in 
these  old  grounds)  it  would  come  to  nothing,  and  he 
showed  them  y*  in  y*"  midle  of  Aprill  they  should  have 
store  enough  come  up  y*^  brooke,  by  which  they  be- 
gane  to  build,  and  taught  them  how  to  take  it,  and 
wher  to  get  other  provissions  necessary  for  them ;  all 
which  they  found  true  by  triall  &  experience.  Some 
English  seed  they  sew,  as  wheat  &  pease,  but  it  came 
not  to  good,  eather  by  y"  badnes  of  y®  seed,  or  latenes 
of  y*^  season,  or  both,  or  some  other  defecte. 

[62]  In  this  month  of  Aprill  whilst  they  were  bussie 
about  their  seed,  their  Gov""  (M"".  John  Carver)  came 
out  of  y''  feild  very  sick,  it  being  a  hott  day ;  he 
complained  greatly  of  his  head,  and  lay  downe,  and 
within  a  few  bowers  his    sences   failed,  so    as   he  never 


122  HISTORY    OF  [book    II. 

spake  more  till  he  dyed,  which  was  within  a  few  days 
after.  Whoss  death  was  much  lamented,  and  caused 
great  heavines  amongst  them,  as  ther  was  cause.  He 
was  buried  in  y*"  best  maner  they  could,  with  some 
vollies  of  shott  by  all  that  bore  armes ;  and  his  wife, 
being  a  weak  woman,  dyed  within  5.  or  6.  weeks  after 
him. 

Shortly  after  William  Bradford  was  chosen  Gove''  in 
his  stead,  and  being  not  yet  recoverd  of  his  lines, 
in  which  he  had  been  near  y*"  point  of  death,  Isaak 
Allerton  was  chosen  to  be  an  Asistante  unto  him, 
who,  by  renewed  election  every  year,  continued  sundry 
years  togeather,  which  I  hear  note  once  for  all. 

May  12.  was  y*^  first  mariage  in  this  place,  which, 
according  to  y®  laudable  custome  of  y^  Low-Cuntries, 
in  which  they  had  lived,  was  thought  most  requisite 
to  be  performed  by  the  magistrate,  as  being  a  civill 
thing,  upon  which  many  questions  aboute  inheritances 
doe  depende,  with  other  things  most  proper  to  their 
cognizans,  and  most  consonante  to  y*^  scripturs,  Ruth 
4.  and  no  wher  found  in  y'^  gospell  to  be  layed  on 
y^  ministers  as  a  part  of  their  office.  "This  decree 
or  law  about  mariage  was  published  by  y®  Stats  of 
y®  Low-Cuntries  An°:  1590.  That  those  of  any  re- 
ligion, after  lawfuU  and  open  publication,  coming  before 
y*  magistrats,  in  y"  Town  or  Stat-house,  were  to  be 
orderly  (by  them)  maried  one  to  another."  Petets 
Hist,    fol:    1029.       And    this    practiss    hath    continued 


1621.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  123 

amongst,  not  only  them,  but  hath  been  followed  by 
all  y"  famous  churches  of  Christ  in  these  parts  to 
this   time, — An'':   1646. 

Haveing:  in  some  sorte  ordered  their  bussines  at 
home,  it  was  thought  meete  to  send  some  abroad  to 
see  their  new  freind  Massasoyet,  and  to  bestow  upon 
him  some  gratuitie  to  bind  him  y''  faster  unto  them ; 
as  also  that  hearby  they  might  veiw  y^  countrie,  and 
see  in  what  maner  he  lived,  what  strength  he  had 
aboute  him,  and  how  y*^  ways  were  to  his  place,  if 
at  any  time  they  should  have  occasion.  So  y*  2.  o/" 
Julj/  they  sente  M^  Edward  Winslow  &  M""*  Hopkins, 
with  y*"  foresaid  Squanto  for  ther  guid,  who  gave  him 
a  suite  of  cloaths,  and  a  horsemans  coate,  with  some 
other  small  things,  which  were  kindly  accepted ;  but 
they  found  but  short  comons,  and  came  both  weary 
&  hungrie  home.  For  y""  Indeans  used  then  to  have 
nothing  [63]  so  much  corne  as  they  have  since  y® 
English  have  stored  them  with  their  hows,  and  seene 
their  Industrie  in  breaking  up  new  grounds  therwith. 
They  found  his  place  to  be  40.  7mles  from  hence,  y** 
soyle  good,  &  y*"  people  not  many,,  being  dead  & 
abundantly  wasted  in  y''  late  great  mortalitie  which 
fell  in  all  these  parts  aboute  three  years  before  y® 
coming  of  y'^  English,  wherin  thousands  of  them  dyed, 
they  not  being  able  to  burie  one  another ;  ther  sculs 
and  bones  were  found  in  many  places  lying  still  above 
ground,  where  their  houses    &    dwellings   had    been ;    a 


124  HISTORY    OF  [book    II. 

« 

very  sad  spectackle  to  behould.  But  they  brought 
word  that  y'^  Narighansets  lived  but  on  y*^  other  side 
of  that  great  bay,  &  were  a  strong  people,  &  many 
in  number,  living  compacte  togeather,  &  had  not  been 
at  all  touched  with  this  wasting  plague. 

Aboute  y''  later  end  of  this  month,  one  John  Billing- 
ton  lost  him  selfe  in  y*'  woods,  &  wandered  up  & 
downe  some  5.  days,  living  on  beries  &  what  he  could 
find.  At  length  he  light  on  an  Indean  plantation,  20. 
mils  south  of  this  place,  called  Manamef,  they  conveid 
him  furder  of,  to  JVawsett,  among  those  peopl  that  had 
before  set  upon  y®  English  when  they  were  costing, 
whilest  y*'  ship  lay  at  y®  Cape,  as  is  before  noted. 
But  y*'  Gove''  caused  him  to  be  enquired  for  among 
y*'  Indeans,  and  at  length  Massassoyt  sent  word  wher 
he  was,  and  y*^  Gove''  sent  a  shalop  for  him,  &  had 
him  delivered.  Those  people  also  came  and  made  their 
peace ;  and  they  gave  full  satisfaction  to  those  whose 
corne  they  had  found  &  taken  when  they  were  at  Cap- 
Codd. 

Thus  ther  peace  &  aquaintance  was  prety  well  estab- 
lisht  w*''  the  natives  aboute  them ;  and  ther  was  an 
other  Indean  called  Hobamack  come  to  live  amongst 
them,  a  proper  lustie  man,  and  a  man  of  accounte 
for  his  vallour  &  parts  amongst  y"  Indeans,  and  con- 
tinued very  faithfull  and  constant  to  y"  English  till 
he  dyed.  He  &  Squanto  being  gone  upon  bussines 
amonge   y®   Indeans,  at   their   returne    (whether   it   was 


1621.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  125 

out   of  envie   to   them    or  malice  to    the  English)   ther 
was   a  Sachem  called   Corbitant,  alyed   to    Massassoyte, 
but  never  any  good  freind   to   y^   English   to   this  day, 
mett  with  them  at  an  Indean  towne   caled   Namassakett 
14.    miles   to    y*"    west    of    this    place,    and    begane    to 
quarell  w"'   [64]  them,  and  offered  to  stabe  Hobamaciv ; 
but   being   a   lusty  man,  he    cleared   him    selfe    of  him, 
and  came  ruriing  away  all  sweating  and   tould   y"'  Gov"" 
what   had   befalne   him,  and   he   feared   they  had  killed 
Squanto,    for  they   threatened   them   both,    and    for   no 
other  cause  but  because    they  were    freinds   to   y"  Eng- 
lish,   and   servisable   unto   them.     Upon   this    y*"    Gove"" 
taking  counsell,  it  was  conceivd   not   fitt  to  be    borne ; 
for    if    they    should    suffer   their   freinds    &    messengers 
thus    to    be    wronged,    they    should    have    none    would 
cleave    unto   them,    or    give    them    any   inteligence,    or 
doe   them    serviss    afterwards ;    but    nexte    they    would 
fall  upon  them  selves.     Whereupon  it    was  resolved   to 
send    y*"    Captaine   &    14.   men    well    armed,  and  to  goe 
&  fall  upon  them  in  y*"  night ;    and   if  they  found  that 
Squanto   was  kild,  to   cut   of  Corbitants  head,  but   not 
to  hurt  any  but  those   that  had   a  hand   in    it.     Hoba- 
mack    was    asked    if    he    would    goe    &   be    their    guid, 
&  bring  them  ther  before    day.     He    said  he  would,  & 
bring  them  to    y''    house    wher   the    man    lay,  and  show 
them   which   was   he.       So    they    set    forth    y"    14.    of 
August,  and  beset  y*"   house   round ;    the    Captin  giving 
charg  to  let  none  pass    out,  entred   y*^    house  to  search 


126  HISTORY    OF  [book   II. 

for  him.  Bat  he  was  goone  away  that  day,  so  they 
mist  him ;  but  understood  y'  Squanto  was  alive,  & 
that  he  had  only  threatened  to  kill  him,  &  made  an 
offer  to  stabe  him  but  did  not.  So  they  withheld 
and  did  no  more  hurte,  &  y"  people  came  trembling, 
&  brought  them  the  best  provissions  they  had,  after 
they  were  aquainted  by  Hobamack  what  was  only  in- 
tended. Ther  was  3.  sore  wounded  which  broak  out 
of  y^  house,  and  asaid  to  pass  through  y®  garde. 
These  they  brought  home  with  them,  &  they  had 
their  wounds  drest  &  cured,  and  sente  home.  After 
this  they  had  many  gratulations  from  diverce  sachims, 
and  much  firmer  peace ;  yea,  those  of  y''  lies  of  Capa- 
wack  sent  to  make  frendship ;  and  this  Corbitant  him 
selfe  used  y*^  mediation  of  Massassoyte  to  make  his 
peace,  but  was  shie  to  come  neare  them  a  longe  while 
after. 

After  this,  y*^  18.  of  Sepemb'":  they  sente  out  ther 
shalop  to  the  Massachusets,  with  10.  men,  and  Squanto 
for  their  guid  and  [65]  interpreter,  to  discover  and 
veiw  that  bay,  and  trade  with  y"^  natives ;  the  which 
they  performed,  and  found  kind  entertaineraent.  The 
people  were  much  affraid  of  y*'  Tarentins,  a  people  to 
y*^  eastward  which  used  to  come  in  harvest  time  and 
take  away  their  corne,  &  many  times  kill  their  persons. 
They  returned  in  saftie,  and  brought  home  a  good 
quanty  of  beaver,  and  made  reporte  of  y^  place,  wish- 
ing they  had  been  ther  seated ;    (but  it  seems  y"  Lord, 


1621.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  127 

who  assignes  to  all  men  y"  bounds  of  their  habitations, 
had  apoynted  it  for  an  other  use).  And  thus  they 
found  y'^  Lord  to  be  with  them  in  all  their  ways,  and 
to  blesse  their  outo:oin2:s  &  incomino;s,  for  which  let 
his  holy  name  have  y''  praise  for  ever,  to  all  posteritie. 

They  begane  now  to  gather  in  y^  small  harvest  they 
had,  and  to  fitte  up  their  houses  and  dwellings  against 
winter,  being  all  well  recovered  in  health  &  strenght, 
and  had  all  things  in  good  plenty ;  for  as  some  were 
thus  imployed  in  affairs  abroad,  others  were  excersised 
in  fishing,  aboute  codd,  &  bass,  &  other  fish,  of  which 
y*^^  tooke  good  store,  of  which  every  family  had  their 
portion.  All  y*"  somer  ther  was  no  wante.  And  now 
begane  to  come  in  store  of  foule,  as  winter  aproached, 
of  which  this  place  did  abound  when  they  came  first 
(but  afterward  decreased  by  degrees).  And  besids 
water  foule,  ther  was  great  store  of  wild  Turkies,  of 
which  they  tooke  many,  besids  venison,  &c.  Besids 
they  had  aboute  a  peck  a  meale  a  weeke  to  a  person, 
or  now  since  harvest,  Indean  corne  to  y'  proportion. 
Which  made  many  afterwards  write  so  largly  of  their 
plenty  hear  to  their  freinds  in  England,  which  were 
not  fained,  but  true  reports. 

In  Novemb'',  about  y'  time  twelfe  month  that  them 
selves  came,  ther  came  in  a  small  ship  to  them  unex- 
pected or  loked  for,*  in  which  came  M^  Cushman  (so 
much   spoken  of  before)  and  with  him   35.   persons  to 

*  She  came  y"  9.  to  y"  Cap. 


128  HISTORY    or  [book    II. 

remaine  &  live  in  y  ■  plantation  ;  which  did  not  a  litle 
rejoyce  them.  And  they  when  they  came  a  shore  and 
found  all  well,  and  saw  plenty  of  vitails  in  every 
house,  were  no  less  glade.  For  most  of  them  were 
lusty  yonge  men,  and  many  of  them  wild  enough, 
who  litle  considered  whither  or  aboute  what  they 
wente,  till  they  came  into  y*"  harbore  at  Cap-Codd, 
and  ther  saw  nothing  but  a  naked  and  barren  place. 
They  then  begane  to  thinke  what  should  become  of 
them,  if  the  people  here  were  dead  or  cut  of  by  y® 
In  deans.  They  begane  to  consulte  (upon  some  speeches 
that  some  of  y**  sea-men  had  cast  out)  to  take  y*"  sayls 
from  y'"  yeard  least  y®  ship  l^Q^  should  gett  away  and 
leave  them  ther.  But  y''  m"".  hereing  of  it,  gave  them 
good  words,  and  tould  them  if  any  thing  but  well 
should  have  befallne  y*  people  hear,  he  hoped  he  had 
vitails  enough  to  cary  them  to  Virginia,  and  whilst  he 
had  a  bitt  they  should  have  their  parte ;  which  gave 
them  good  satisfaction.  So  they  were  all  landed  ;  but 
ther  was  not  so  much  as  bisket-cake  or  any  other 
victialls  *  for  them,  neither  had  they  any  beding,  but 
some  sory  things  they  had  in  their  cabins,  nor  pot, 
nor  pan,  to  drese  any  meate  in;  nor  overmany  cloaths, 
for  many  of  them  had  brusht  away  their  coats  &  cloaks 
at  Plimoth  as  they  came.  But  ther  was  sent  over  some 
burching-lane  suits  in  y*^  ship,  out  of  which  they  were 
supplied.       The    plantation    was   glad    of    this    addition 

*  Nay,  they  wei'e  faine  to  spare  j"  shipe  some  to  carry  her  home. 


1621.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  129 

of  strenght,  but  could  have  wished  that  many  of  them 
had  been  of  beter  condition,  and  all  of  them  beter 
furnished  with  provissions ;  but  y'  could  not  now  be 
helpte. 

In  this  ship  M''.  Weston  sent  a  large  leter  to  M^ 
Carver,  y^  late  Gove"",  now  deseased,  full  of  complaints 
&  expostulations  aboute  former  passagess  at  Hampton ; 
and  y*^  keeping  y®  shipe  so  long  in  y*^  country,  and 
returning  her  without  lading,  &c.,  which  for  brevitie 
I  omite.     The  rest  is  as  followeth. 


Part  of  Mr.    Westons  letter. 

I  durst  never  aquainte  y*^  adventurers  with  y^  alteration  of 
y^  conditions  first  agreed  on  betweene  us,  which  I  have  since 
been  very  glad  of,  for  I  am  well  assured  had  they  knowne  as 
much  as  I  doe,  they  would  not  have  adventured  a  halfe-peny 
of  what  was  necesary  for  this  ship.  That  you  sent  no  lading 
in  the  ship  is  wonderfull,  and  worthily  distasted.  I  know  you'^ 
weakues  was  the  cause  of  it,  and  I  beleeve  more  weaknes  of 
judgmente,  then  weaknes  of  hands.  A  quarter  of  y"  time  you 
spente  in  discoursing,  arguing,  &  consulting,  would  have  done 
much  more;  but  that  is  past,  &c.  If  you  mean,  bona  fide,  to 
performe  the  conditions  agreed  upon,  doe  us  y*^  favore  to  coppy 
them  out  faire,  and  subscribe  them  with  y*^  principall  of  your 
names.  And  likwise  give  us  accounte  as  perticulerly  as  you 
can  how  our  moneys  were  laid  out.  And  then  I  shall  be  able 
to  give  them  some  satisfaction,  whom  I  am  now  forsed  with 
good  words  to  shift  of.  And  consider  that  y^  life  of  the  bussi- 
nes  depends  on  y*  lading  of  this  ship,  which,  if  you  doe  to  any 
good  purpose,  that  I  may  be  freed  from  y®  great  sums  I  have 
disbursed  for  y^  former,  and  must  doe  for  the  later,  /  promise 


130  HISTORY    OF  [book   II. 

you  I  will  never  quit  y"  bussines,  tJwiigh  all  the  other  adventurers 

should. 

[67]  "We  have  procured  you  a  Charter,  the  best  we  could, 

which  is  beter  then  your  former,  and  with  less  limitation.     For 

any  thing  y'  is  els  worth  writting,  M"".   Cushman  can  iuforme 

you.     I  pray  write  instantly  for  j\F.  Robinson  to  come  to  you. 

And  so  praying  God  to  blesse  you  with  all  graces  nessessary 

both  for  this  life  &  that  to  come,  I  rest 

Your  very  loving  frend, 

Tho.  Weston. 
London,  July  6.  1621. 

This  ship  (caled  y^  Fortune)  was  speedily  dispatcht 
away,  being  laden  with  good  clapbord  as  full  as  she 
could  stowe,  and  2.  hoggsheads  of  beaver  and  otter 
skins,  which  they  gott  with  a  few  trifling  comodities 
brought  with  them  at  first,  being  alltogeather  unpro- 
vided for  trade ;  neither  was  ther  any  amongst  them 
that  ever  saw  a  beaver  skin  till  they  came  hear,  and 
were  informed  by  Squanto.  The  fraight  was  estimated 
to  be  worth  near  500*'.  M"".  Cushman  returned  backe 
also  with  this  ship,  for  so  Mr.  Weston  &  y*"  rest  had 
apoynted  him,  for  their  better  information.  And  he 
doubted  not,  nor  them  selves  neither,  but  they  should 
have  a  speedy  supply ;  considering  allso  how  by  M"". 
Cushmans  perswation,  and  letters  received  from  Ley- 
den,  wherin  they  willed  them  so  to  doe,  they  yeelded  * 
to  y*'  afforesaid  conditions,  and  subscribed  them  with 
their  hands.     But  it  proved    other    wise,  for   M"".    Wes- 

•  Yeeled  in  the  manuscript. 


1621.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  131 

ton,  who  had  made  y*  large  promise  in  his  leter,  (as 
is  before  noted,)  that  if  all  y"  rest  should  fall  of,  yet 
he  would  never  quit  y®  bussines,  but  stick  to  them, 
if  they  yeelded  to  y*'  conditions,  and  sente  some  lad- 
ing in  y*^  ship ;  and  of  this  M"".  Cushman  was  confi- 
dent, and  confirmed  y*^  same  from  his  mouth,  &  serious 
protestations  to  him  selfe  before  he  came.  But  all 
proved  but  wind,  for  he  was  y^  first  and  only  man 
that  forsooke  them,  and  that  before  he  so  much  as 
heard  of  y''  returne  of  this  ship,  or  knew  what  was 
done;  (so  vaine  is  y''  confidence  in  man.)  But  of  this 
more  in  its  place. 

A  leter  in  answer  to  his  write  to  M^  Carver,  was 
sente  to  him  from  y*^  Gov"",  of  which  so  much  as  is 
pertenente  to  y'^  thing  in  hand  I  shall  hear  inserte. 

S':  Your  large  letter  writea  to  M^  Carver,  and  dated  y^  6. 
of  July,  1621,  I  have  received  y^  10.  of  Novemb'',  wherin 
(after  y^  apologie  made  for  your  selfe)  you  lay  many  heavie 
imputations  upon  him  and  us  all.  Touching  him,  he  is  de- 
parted this  life,  and  now  is  at  rest  [68]  in  y"  Lord  from  all 
those  troubls  and  incoumbrances  with  which  we  are  yet  to 
strive.  He  needs  not  my  appologie  ;  for  his  care  and  pains 
was  so  great  for  y*^  commone  good,  both  ours  and  yours,  as 
that  therwith  (it  is  thought)  he  oppressed  him  selfe  and  short- 
ened his  days  ;  of  whose  loss  we  cannot  sufficiently  complaine. 
At  great  charges  in  this  adventure,  I  confess  you  have  beeue, 
and  many  losses  may  sustaine ;  but  y"^  loss  of  his  and  many 
other  honest  and  industrious  mens  lives,  cannot  be  vallewed 
at  any  prise.  Of  y**  one,  ther  may  be  hope  of  recovery,  but 
y^  other  no  recompence  can  make  good.     But  I  will  not  in- 


132  HISTORY    OF  [book   II. 

siste  in  generalls,  but  come  more  perticulerly  to  y^  things  them 
selves.  You  greatly  blame  us  for  keping  y^  ship  so  long  in 
y*  countrie,  and  then  to  send  her  away  emptie.  She  lay  5. 
weks  at  Cap-Codd,  whilst  with  many  a  weary  step  (after  a 
long  journey)  and  the  indurance  of  many  a  hard  brunte,  we 
sought  out  in  the  foule  winter  a  place  of  habitation.  Then 
we  went  in  so  tedious  a  time  to  make  provission  to  sheelter 
us  and  our  goods,  aboute  w'^'^  labour,  many  of  our  armes  & 
leggs  can  tell  us  to  this  day  we  were  not  necligent.  But  it 
pleased  God  to  vissite  us  then,  with  death  dayly,  and  with 
so  generall  a  disease,  that  the  living  were  scarce  able  to  burie 
the  dead  ;  and  y"  well  not  in  any  measure  suflSciente  to  tend 
y*  sick.  And  now  to  be  so  greatly  blamed,  for  not  fraighting 
y®  ship,  doth  indeed  goe  near  us,  and  much  discourage  us.  But 
you  say  you  know  we  will  pretend  weaknes  ;  and  doe  you  think 
we  had  not  cause?  Yes,  you  tell  us  you  beleeve  it,  but  it  was 
more  weaknes  of  judgmente,  then  of  hands.  Our  weaknes  herin 
is  great  we  confess,  therfore  we  will  bear  this  check  patiently 
amongst  y*  rest,  till  God  send  us  wiser  men.  But  they  which 
tould  you  we  spent  so  much  time  in  discoursing  &  consulting, 
&c.,  their  harts  can  tell  their  toungs,  they  lye.  They  cared 
not,  so  they  might  salve  their  owne  sores,  how  they  wounded 
others.  Indeed,  it  is  our  callamitie  that  we  are  (beyound  ex- 
pectation) yoked  with  some  ill  conditioned  people,  who  will 
never  doe  good,  but  corrupte  and  abuse  others,  &c. 

The  rest  of  y*  letter  declared  how  they  had  sub- 
scribed those  conditions  according  to  his  desire,  and 
sente  him  y*'  former  accounts  very  perticulerly ;  also 
how  y''  ship  was  laden,  and  in  what  condition  their 
affairs  stood ;  that  y^  coming  of  these  [69]  people 
would  bring  famine  upon  them  unavoydably,  if  they 
had   not  supply  in  time   (as    M'.  Cushman    could   more 


1621.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  133 

fully  informe  him  &  y®  rest  of  y®  adventurers).  Also 
that  seeing  he  was  now  satisfied  in  all  his  demands, 
that  ofiences  would  be  forgo  ten,  and  he  remember  his 
promise,  &c. 

After  y*"  departure  of  this  ship,  (which  stayed  not 
above  14.  days,)  the  Gove''  &  his  assistante  haveing 
disposed  these  late  coiners  into  severall  families,  as 
y^^  best  could,  tooke  an  exacte  accounte  of  all  their 
provissions  in  store,  and  proportioned  y*  same  to  y® 
number  of  persons,  and  found  that  it  would  not  hould 
out  above  6.  months  at  halfe  alowance,  and  hardly  that. 
And  they  could  not  well  give  less  this  winter  time  till 
fish  came  in  againe.  So  they  were  presently  put  to 
half  alowance,  one  as  well  as  an  other,  which  begane 
to  be  hard,  but  they  bore  it  patiently  under  hope  of 
supply. 

Sone  after  this  ships  departure,  y®  great  people  of 
y^  Narigansets,  in  a  braving  maner,  sente  a  messenger 
unto  them  with  a  bundl  of  arrows  tyed  aboute  with 
a  great  sneak-skine ;  which  their  interpretours  tould 
them  was  a  threatening  &  a  chaleng.  Upon  which 
y*  Gov%  with  y®  advice  of  others,  sente  them  a  round 
answere,  that  if  they  had  rather  have  warre  then  peace, 
they  might  begine  when  they  would ;  they  had  done 
them  no  wrong,  neither  did  y*'^  fear  them,  or  should 
they  find  them  unprovided.  And  by  another  messenger 
sente  y*'  sneake-skine  back  with  bulits  in  it ;  but  they 
would   not   receive   it,    but   sent   it   back   againe.       But 


134  HISTORY   OF  [book   II. 

these  things  I  doe  but  mention,  because  they  are  more 
at  large  aUready  put  forth  in  printe,  by  M^  Winslow, 
at  y"  requeste  of  some  freinds.  And  it  is  like  y^ 
reason  was  their  owne  ambition,  who,  (since  y""  death 
of  so  many  of  y*"  Indeans,)  thought  to  dominire  & 
lord  it  over  y''  rest,  &  conceived  y"  English  would  be  a 
barr  in  their  way,  and  saw  that  Massasoyt  took  sheil- 
ter  allready  under  their  wings. 

But  this  made  them  y'^  more  carefully  to  looke  to 
them  selves,  so  as  they  agreed  to  inclose  their  dwell- 
ings with  a  good  strong  pale,  and  make  flankers  in 
convenient  places,  with  gates  to  shute,  which  were 
every  night  locked,  and  a  watch  kept,  and  when  neede 
required  ther  was  also  warding  in  y^  day  time.  And 
y^  company  was  by  y®  Captaine  and  y*"  Gov""  [70]  ad- 
vise, devided  into  4.  squadrons,  and  every  one  had 
ther  quarter  apoynted  them,  unto  which  they  were  to 
repaire  upon  any  suddane  alarme.  And  if  ther  should 
be  any  crie  of  fire,  a  company  were  appointed  for  a 
gard,  with  muskets,  whilst  others  quenchet  y®  same,  to 
prevent  Indean  treachery.  This  was  accomplished  very 
cherfully,  and  y*'  towne  impayled  round  by  y®  begin- 
ing  of  March,  in  which  evry  family  had-  a  prety  garden 
plote  secured.  And  herewith  I  shall  end  this  year. 
Only  I  shall  remember  one  passage  more,  rather  of 
mirth  then  of  waight.  One  y*^  day  called  Chrismas- 
day,  y*"  Gov""  caled  them  out  to  worke,  (as  was  used,) 
but  y®  most  of  this  new-company  excused   them   selves 


1622.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  135 

and  said  it  wente  against  their  consciences  to  work  on 
y*  day.  So  y®  Gov''  tould  them  that  if  they  made  it 
mater  of  conscience,  he  would  spare  them  till  they 
were  better  informed.  So  he  led-away  y''  rest  and 
left  them ;  but  when  they  came  home  at  noone  from 
their  worke,  he  found  them  in  y*^  streete  at  play, 
openly ;  some  pitching  y*"  barr,  &  some  at  stoole-ball, 
and  shuch  like  sports.  So  he  went  to  them,  and  tooke 
away  their  implements,  and  tould  them  that  was  against 
his  conscience,  that  they  should  play  &  others  worke. 
If  they  made  y®  keeping  of  it  mater  of  devotion,  let 
them  kepe  their  houses,  but  ther  should  be  no  game- 
ing  or  revelling  in  y^  streets.  Since  which  time  noth- 
ing hath  been  atempted  that  way,  at  least  openly. 

Anno  1622. 
At  y^  spring  of  y®  year  they  had  apointed  y®  Massa- 
chusets  to  come  againe  and  trade  with  them,  and  be- 
gane  now  to  prepare  for  that  vioag  about  y®  later  end 
of  March.  But  upon  some  rumors  heard,  Hobamak, 
their  Indean,  tould  them  upon  some  jealocies  he  had, 
he  feared  they  were  joyned  w'^  y®  Narighansets  and 
might  betray  them  if  they  were  not  carefull.  He  inti- 
mated also  some  jealocie  of  Squanto,  by  what  he  gath- 
ered from  some  private  whisperings  betweene  him  and 
other  Indeans.  But  [71]  they  resolved  to  proseede, 
and  sente  out  their  shalop  with  10.  of  their  cheefe 
men   aboute   y*^   begining   of  Aprill,  and   both    Squanto 


136  HISTORY   OF  [book   II. 

&  Hobamake  with  them,  in  regarde  of  y®  jelocie  be- 
tweene  them.  But  they  had  not  bene  gone  longe,  but 
an  Indean  belonging  to  Squantos  family  came  runing 
in  seeming  great  fear,  and  tould  them  that  many 
of  y''  Narihgansets,  with  Corbytant,  and  he  thought 
also  Massasoyte,  were  coming  against  them ;  and  he 
gott  away  to  tell  them,  not  without  danger.  And 
being  examined  by  y®  Gov%  he  made  as  if  they  were 
at  hand,  and  would  still  be  looking  back,  as  if  they 
w^ere  at  his  heels.  At  which  the  Gov''  caused  them 
to  take  armes  &  stand  on  their  garde,  and  suppos- 
ing y*  boat  to  be  still  within  hearing  (by  reason  it 
was  calme)  caused  a  warning  peece  or  2.  to  be  shote 
of,  the  which  y^^  heard  and  came  in.  But  no  Indeans 
apeared ;  watch  was  kepte  all  night,  but  nothing  was 
scene.  Hobamak  was  confidente  for  Massasoyt,  and 
thought  all  was  false  ;  yet  y®  Gov""  caused  him  to  send 
his  wife  privatly,  to  see  what  she  could  observe  (pre- 
tening  other  occasions),  but  ther  was  nothing  found, 
but  all  was  quiet.  After  this  they  proseeded  on  their 
vioge  to  y^  Massachusets,  and  had  good  trade,  and 
returned  in  saftie,  blessed  be  God. 

But  by  the  former  passages,  and  other  things  of 
like  nature,  they  begane  to  see  y'  Squanto  sought  his 
owne  ends,  and  plaid  his  owne  game,  by  putting  y^ 
Indeans  in  fear,  and  drawing  gifts  from  them  to  en- 
rich him  selfe ;  making  them  beleeve  he  could  stur  up 
warr  against  whom  he  would,  cS;  make  peece  for  whom 


1622.]  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.  137 

he  would.  Yea,  he  made  them  beleeve  they  kept  y'^ 
plague  buried  in  y®  ground,  and  could  send  it  amongs 
whom  they  would,  which  did  much  terrific  the  Indeans, 
and  made  them  depend  more  on  him,  and  seeke  more 
to  him  then  to  Massasoyte,  which  proucured  him  envie, 
and  had  like  to  have  cost  him  his  life.  For  after  y^ 
discovery  of  his  practises,  Massasoyt  sought  it  both  pri- 
vatly  and  openly ;  which  caused  him  to  stick  close  to 
y^  English,  &  never  durst  goe  from  them  till  he  dyed. 
They  also  made  good  use  of  y®  emulation  y'  grue  be- 
tweene  Hobamack  and  him,  which  made  them  cary  more 
squarely.  And  y*"  Gov*^  seemed  to  countenance  y^  one, 
and  y®  Captaine  y*  other,  by  which  they  had  better 
intelligence,  and  made  them  both  more  diligente. 

[72]  Now  in  a  maner  their  provissions  were  wholy 
spent,  and  they  looked  hard  for  supply,  but  none  came. 
But  about  y*  latej-  end  of  May,  they  spied  a  boat  at 
sea,  which  at  first  they  thought  had  beene  some  French- 
man ;  but  it  proved  a  shalop  which  came  from  a  ship 
which  M'.  Weston  &  an  other  had  set  out  a  fishing, 
at  a  place  called  Damarins-cove,  40.  leagues  to  y® 
eastward  of  them,  wher  were  y'  year  many  more 
ships  come  a  fishing.  This  boat  brought  7.  passengers 
and  some  letters,  but  no  vitails,  nor  any  hope  of  any. 
Some  part  of  which  I  shall  set  downe. 

M'.  Carver,  in  my  last  leters  by  y^  Fortune,  in  whom  M'. 
Cushman  wente,  aud  who  I  hope   is   with    you,  for   we    daly 


138  HISTORY   OF  [book  II. 

expecte  y^  shipe  back  agaiue.  She  departed  hence,  y"  begin- 
ing  of  July,  with  35.  persons,  though  not  over  well  provided 
with  necesaries,  by  reason  of  y*"  parsemonie  of  y^  adventurers.* 
I  have  solisited  them  to  send  you  a  supply  of  men  and  provis- 
sions  before  shee  come.  They  all  answer  they  will  doe  great 
maters,  when  they  hear  good  news.  Nothing  before  ;  so  faith- 
full,  constant,  &  carefull  of  your  good,  are  your  olde  &  honest 
freinds,  that  if  they  hear  not  from  you,  they  are  like  to  send 
you  no  supplie,  &c.  I  am  now  to  relate  y*  occasion  of  send- 
ing tJiis  shijj,  hoping  if  you  give  credite  to  my  words,  you  will 
have  a  more  favourable  opinion  of  it,  then  some  hear,  wherof 
Pickering  is  one,  who  taxed  me  to  mind  my  owne  ends,  which 
is  in  part  true,  &c.  M'^.  Beachamp  and  my  selfe  bought  this 
litle  shijy,  and  have  set  her  out,  partly,  if  it  may  be,  to  uphold  f 
y"  plantation,  as  well  to  doe  others  good  as  our  selves;  and 
partly  to  gett  up  what  we  are  formerly  out ;  though  we  are 
otherwise  censured,  &c.  This  is  y^  occasion  we  have  sent  this 
shij)  and  these  passengers,  on  our  owne  accounte  ;  whom  we 
desire  you  will  frendly  entertaine  &  supply  with  shuch  neces- 
aries as  you  cane  spare,  and  they  wante,  &c.  And  among 
other  things  we  pray  you  lend  or  sell  them  some  seed  corne, 
and  if  you  have  y®  salt  remaining  of  y^  last  year,  that  y"  will 
let  them  have  it  for  their  presente  use,  and  we  will  either  pay 
you  for  it,  or  give  you  more  when  we  have  set  our  salt-pan  to 
worke,  which  we  desire  may  be  set  up  in  one  of  y''  litle  ilands 
in  your  bay,  &c.  And  because  we  intende,  if  God  plase,  [73] 
(and  y^  generallitie  doe  it  not,)  to  send  loithin  a  month  another 
shipe,  who,  having  discharged  her  passengers,  shal  goe  to  Vir- 
ginia, &c.  And  it  may  be  we  shall  send  a  small  ship  to  abide 
with  you  on  y*'  coast,  which  I  conceive  may  be  a  great  help  to 
y*  plantatiou.  To  y*^  end  our  desire  may  be  effected,  which,  I 
assure  my  selfe,  will  be  also  for  your  good,  we  pray  you  give 
them  entertainmente  in  your  houses  y^  time  they  shall  be  with 

*  Adventures  in  the  manuscript.  f  I  know  not  \y<^^  way. 


1622.]  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.  139 

3'ou,  that  they  may  lose  no  time,  but  may  presently  goe  in  hand 
to  fell  trees  &  cleave  them,  to  y^  end  lading  may  be  ready  and 
our  ship  stay  not. 

Some  of  y^  adventurers  have  sent  you  hearwith  all  some 
directions  for  your  furtherance  in  y®  coiuone  bussines,  who 
are  like  those  S'.  James  speaks  of,  y*  bid  their  brother  eat, 
and  warme  him,  but  give  him  nothing;  so  they  bid  you  make 
salt,  and  uphold  y*  plantation,  but  send  you  no  means  wher- 
withall  to  doe  it,  &c.  By  if  next  we  purpose  to  send  more 
people  on  our  owne  accounte,  and  to  take  apatente;  that  if  your 
peopl  should  be  as  unhumane  as  some  of  y®  adventurers,  not 
to  admite  us  to  dwell  with  them,  which  were  extreme  bai'ba- 
risme,  and  which  will  never  enter  into  my  head  to  thinke  you 
have  any  shuch  Pickerings  amongst  you.  Yet  to  satisfie  our 
passengers  I  must  of  force  doe  it ;  and  for  some  other  reasons 
not  necessary  to  be  writen,  &c.  I  find  y^  generall  so  backward, 
and  your  freinds  at  Leyden  so  could,  that  I  fear  you  must  stand 
on  your  leggs,  and  trust  (as  they  say)  to  God  and  your  selves. 

Subscribed, 

your  loving  freind, 

Jan:  12.  1621.  Tho  :  Weston. 

Sundry  other  things  I  pass  over,  being  tedious  & 
impertinent. 

All  this  was  but  could  comfort  to  fill  their  hungrie 
bellies,  and  a  slender  performance  of  his  former  late 
promiss ;  and  as  litle  did  it  either  fill  or  warme  them, 
as  those  y^  Apostle  James  spake  of,  by  him  before 
mentioned.  And  well  might  it  make  them  remember 
what  y^  psalmist  saith,  Psa.  118.  8.  It  is  better  to  trust 
in  the  Lord,  then  to  have  conjidence  in  man.  And  Psa. 
146.     Put    not   you    trust    in  princes    (much   less    in  y® 


140  HISTORY   OF  [book  II. 

marchants)  nor  in  y'  sone  of  man,  for  ther  is  no  help 
in  them.  v.  5.  Blesed  is  he  that  hath  ?/*  God  of 
Jacob  for  his  help,  ivhose  hope  is  in  if  Lord  his  God. 
And  as  they  were  now  fayled  of  suply  by  him  and 
others  in  this  their  greatest  neede  and  wants,  which 
was  caused  by  him  and  y*^  rest,  who  put  so  great  a 
company  of  men  upon  them,  as  y®  former  company 
were,  without  any  food,  and  came  at  shuch  a  time  as 
they  must  live  almost  a  whole  year  before  any  could 
[74]  be  raised,  excepte  they  had  sente  some ;  so,  upon 
y*  pointe  they  never  had  any  supply  of  vitales  more 
afterwards  (but  what  the  Lord  gave  them  otherwise)  ; 
for  all  y®  company  sent  at  any  time  was  allways  too 
short  for  those  people  y*  came  with  it. 

Ther  came  allso  hy  y^  same  ship  other  leters,  but  of 
later  date,  one  from  M^  Weston,  an  other  from  a  parte 
of  y"  adventurers,  as  foloweth. 

M'.  Carver,  since  my  last,  to  y^  end  we  might  y^  more  readily 
proceed  to  help  y^  generall,  at  a  meeting  of  some  of  y*  prin- 
cipall  adventurers,  a  proposition  was  put  forth,  &  alowed  by 
all  presente  (save  Pickering),  to  adventure  each  man  y^  third 
parte  of  what  he  formerly  had  done.  And  ther  are  some  other 
y'  folow  his  example,  and  will  adventure  no  furder.  In  regard 
wherof  y''  greater  part  of  y*^  adventurers  being  willing  to  uphold 
y*  bussines,  finding  it  no  reason  that  those  y*  are  willing  should 
uphold  y^  bussines  of  those  that  are  unwilling,  whose  back- 
wardnes  doth  discourage  those  that  are  forward,  and  hinder 
other  new-adventurers  from  coming  in,  we  having  well  con- 
sidered therof,  have   resolved,  according   to   an  article    in   y* 


1622. J  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  141 

agreemente,   (that  it  may  he  lawfull  by  a  generall  coyisente  of 

y"  adventurers  &  planters,  upon  just  occasion,  to  breake  of  their 

joynte  stock,)  to  breake  it  of ;  and  doe  pray  you  to  ratifie,  and 

confirme  y^  same  on  your  parts.     Which  being  done,  we  shall 

y^  more  willingly  goe  forward  for  y^  upholding  of  you  with 

all  things  uecesarie.      But  in  any  case  you  must  agree  to  y'' 

artickls,  and  send  it  by  y*  first  under  your  hands  &  seals.     So 

I  end 

Your  loving  freind, 

Tho  :  Weston. 
Jan:  17.  1621. 


Another  leter  was  write  from  part  of  y®  company 
of  y"  adventurers  to  the  same  purpose,  and  subscribed 
with  9.  of  their  names,  wherof  M'.  Westons  &  M^ 
Beachamphs  were  tow.  Thes  things  seemed  Strang  unto 
them,  seeing  this  unconstancie  &  shufling ;  it  made 
them  to  thinke  ther  was  some  misterie  in  y*^  matter. 
And  therfore  y^  Gov"^  concealed  these  letters  from  y* 
publick,  only  imparted  them  to  some  trustie  freinds 
for  advice,  who  concluded  with  him,  that  this  tended 
to  disband  &  scater  them  (in  regard  of  their  straits)  ; 
and  if  M^  Weston  &  others,  who  seemed  to  rune  in 
a  perticuler  way,  should  come  over  with  shiping  so 
provided  as  his  letters  did  intimate,  they  most  would 
fall  to  him,  to  y^  prejudice  of  them  selves  &  y^  rest 
of  the  adventurers,*  their  freinds,  from  whom  as  yet 
they  heard  nothing.  And  it  was  doubted  whether  he 
had  not  sente  [75]  over  shuch  a  company  in  y®  former 

*  Adve>itui-es  in  the  manuscript. 


142  HISTORY    OF  [book   II. 

ship,  for  shuch  an  end.  Yet  they  tooke  compassion 
of  those  7.  men  which  this  ship,  which  fished  to  y^ 
eastivard,  had  kept  till  planting  time  was  over,  and  so 
could  set  no  corne ;  and  allso  wanting  vitals,  (for  y^^ 
turned  them  off  w^^'out  any,  and  indeed  wanted  for 
them  selves,)  neither  was  their  salt-pan  come,  so  as 
y^^'  could  not  performe  any  of  those  things  which  M"". 
Weston  had  apointed,  and  might  have  starved  if  y* 
plantation  had  not  succoured  them ;  who,  in  their 
wants,  gave  them  as  good  as  any  of  their  owne. 
The  ship  wente  to  Virginia,  wher  they  sould  both 
ship  &  fish,  of  which  (it  was  conceived)  M^  Weston 
had   a   very  slender  accounte. 

After  this  came  another  of  his  ships,  and  brought 
letters  dated  y''  10.  of  Aprill,  from  M^  Weston,  as 
followeth. 

M'.  Bradford,  these,  &c.  The  Fortune  is  arived,  of  whose 
good  news  touching  your  estate  &  proceeings,  I  am  very  glad 
to  hear.  And  how  soever  he  was  robed  on  y^  way  by  y®  French- 
men, yet  I  hope  your  loss  will  not  be  great,  for  y®  conceite  of 
so  great  a  returne  doth  much  animate  y^  adventurers,  so  y'  I 
hope  some  matter  of  importance  will  be  done  by  them,  &c.  As 
for  my  selfe,  I  have  sould  my  adventure  &  debts  unto  them, 
so  as  I  am  quit*  of  you,  &  you  of  me,  for  that  matter,  &c. 
Now  though  I  have  nothing  to  pretend  as  an  adventurer 
amongst  you,  yet  I  will  advise  you  a  litle  for  your  good,  if 
you  can  apprehend  it.  I  perceive  &  know  as  well  as  another, 
y^  dispositions  of  your  adventurers,  whom  y^  hope  of  gaiue  hath 

*  See  how  his  promiss  is  fulfild. 


1622.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  143 

drawne  on  to  this  they  have  done ;  and  yet  I  fear  y'  hope  will 
not  draw  them  much  furder.  Besids,  most  of  them  are  against 
y"  sending  of  them  of  Ley  den  ^  for  whose  cause  this  bussines  tvas 
first  begitne,  and  some  of  y®  most  religious  (as  M'.  Greene  by 
name)  excepts  against  them.  So  y'  my  advice  is  (you  may 
follow  it  if  you  please)  that  you  forthwith  break  of  your 
joynte  stock,  which  you  have  warente  to  doe,  both  in  law  & 
conscience,  for  y*  most  parte  of  y''  adventurers  have  given 
way  unto  it  by  a  former  letter.  And  y®  means  you  have 
ther,  which  I  hope  will  be  to  some  purpose  by  y*  trade  of  this 
spring,  may,  with  y®  help  of  some  freinds  hear,  bear  y*  charge 
of  trasporting  those  of  Leyden  ;  and  when  they  are  with  you 
I  make  no  question  but  by  Gods  help  you  will  be  able  to  sub- 
sist of  your  selves.     But  I  shall  leave  you  to  your  discretion. 

I  desired  diverce  of  y*^  adventurers,  as  M''.  Peirce,  M^  Greene, 
&  others,  if  they  had  any  thing  to  send  you,  either  vitails  or 
leters,  to  send  them  by  these  ships;  and  marvelling  they  sent 
not  so  much  as  a  letter,  I  asked  our  passengers  what  leters 
they  had,  and  with  some  dificultie  one  of  them  tould  me  he 
had  one,  which  was  delivered  him  with  [76]  great  charge  of 
secrecie  ;  and  for  more  securitie,  to  buy  a  paire  of  new-shoes, 
&,  sow  it  betweene  y^  soles  for  fear  of  intercepting.  I,  taking 
y*  leter,  wondering  what  mistrie  might  be  in  it,  broke  it  open, 
and  found  this  treacherous  letter  subscribed  by  y*  hands  of  M'. 
Pickering  &  M^  Greene.  Wich  leter  had  it  come  to  you''  hands 
without  answer,  might  have  caused  y*  hurt,  if  not  y^  ruine,  of 
us  all.  For  assuredly  if  you  had  followed  their  instructions, 
and  shewed  us  that  unkindness  which  they  advise  you  unto,  to 
hold  us  in  distruste  as  enimise,  &c.,  it  might  have  been  an  occa- 
sion to  have  set  us  togeather  by  y^  eares,  to  y®  distruction  of 
us  all.  For  I  doe  beleeve  that  in  shuch  a  case,  they  knowifjg 
what  bussines  hath  been  betweene  us,  not  only  my  brother,  but 
others  also,  would  have  been  violent,  and  heady  against  you, 
&c.     I  mente  to  have  setled  y''  people  1  before  and  now  send, 


144  HISTORY   OF  [book    II. 

with  or  near  you,  as  well  for  their  as  your  more  securitie  and 
defence,  as  help  on  all  occasions.  But  I  find  y*  adventurers 
so  jealous  &  suspitious,  that  I  have  altered  my  resolution,  & 
given  order  to  my  brother  &  those  with  him,  to  doe  as  they 
and  him  selfe  shall  find  fitte.     Thus,  &c. 

Your  loving  freind, 
Aprill  10.  1621.  Tho  :  Weston. 


Some  part  of  M''  Pickerings  letter  before  mentioned. 

To  M'.  Bradford  &  M^  Brewster,  &c. 

My  dear  love  remembred  unto  you  all,  &c.  The  company 
hath  bought  out  M^  Weston,  and  are  very  glad  they  are  freed 
of  him,  he  being  judged  a  man  y'  thought  him  selfe  above  y* 
generall,  and  not  expresing  so  much  y"  fear  of  God  as  was 
meete  in  a  man  to  whom  shuch  trust  should  have  been  reposed 
in  a  matter  of  so  great  importance.  I  am  sparing  to  be  so 
plaine  as  indeed  is  clear  against  him  ;  but  a  few  words  to  y* 
wise. 

M^  Weston  will  not  permitte  leters  to  be  sent  in  his  ships, 
nor  any  thing  for  your  good  or  ours,  of  which  ther  is  some 
reason  in  respecte  of  him  selfe,  &c.  His  brother  Andrew, 
whom  he  doth  send  as  principall  in  one  of  these  ships,  is  a 
heady  yong  man,  &  violeute,  and  set  against  you  ther,  &  y* 
company  hear ;  ploting  with  M"^.  Weston  their  owne  ends,  which 
tend  to  your  &  our  undooing  in  respecte  of  our  estates  ther, 
and  prevention  of  our  good  ends.  For  by  credible  testimoney 
we  are  informed  his  purpose  is  to  come  to  your  colonic,  pre- 
tending he  comes  for  and  from  y*  adventurers,  and  will  seeke 
to  gett  what  you  have  in  readyues  [77]  into  his  ships,  as  if 
they  came  from  y'^  company,  &  possessing  all,  will  be  so  much 
profite  to  him  selfe.  And  further  to  informe  them  selves  what 
spetiall  places  or  things  you  have  discovered,  to  y**  end  that 
they  may  supres  &  deprive  you,  &c. 


1622.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  145 

The  Lord,  who  is  y^  watchman  of  Israll  &  slepeth  not,  pre- 
serve you  &  deliver  you  from  unreasonable  men.  I  am  sorie 
that  ther  is  cause  to  admonish  you  of  these  things  concerning 
this  man  ;  so  I  leave  you  to  God,  who  bless  and  multiply  you 
into  thousands,  to  the  advancemente  of  y®  glorious  gospell  of 
our  Lord  Jesus.     Amen.     Fare  well. 

Your  loving  freinds, 

Edward  Pickering. 
William  Greene. 

I  pray  conceale  both  y*  writing  &  deliverie  of  this  leter,  but 
make  the  best  use  of  it.  We  Jiope  to  sete  forth  a  ship  our  selves 
with  in  this  month. 

The  heads  of  his  answer. 

M'.  Bradford,  this  is  y*  leter  y'  I  wrote  unto  you  of,  which 
to  answer  in  every  perticuler  is  needles  &  tedious.  My  owne 
conscience  &  all  our  people  can  and  I  thinke  will  testifie,  y' 
my  end  in  sending  y''  ship  Sparrow  was  your  good,  &c.  Now 
I  will  not  deney  but  ther  are  many  of  our  people  rude  fellows, 
as  these  men  terme  them ;  yet  I  presume  they  will  be  governed 
by  such  as  I  set  over  them.  And  I  hope  not  only  to  be  able 
to  reclaime  them  from  y'  profanenes  that  may  scandalise  y*' 
vioage,  but  by  degrees  to  draw  them  to  God,  «fec.  I  am 
so  farr  from  sending  rude  fellows  to  deprive  you  either  by 
fraude  or  violence  of  what  is  yours,  as  I  have  charged  y' 
m'^.  of  y^  sJiip  Sparrow,  not  only  to  leave  with  you  2000.  of 
bread,  but  also  a  good  quantitie  of  fish,*  &c.  But  I  will 
leave  it  to  you  to  consider  what  evill  this  leter  would  or 
might  have  done,  had  it  come  to  your  hands  &  taken  y*' 
effecte  y®  other  desired. 

Now  if  you  be  of  y*  mind  y'  these  men  are,  deale  plainly 
with   us,   &  we  will    seeke   our   residence   els-wher.      If  you 

*  But  y  [he]   left  not  his  own  men  a  bite  of  bread. 


146  HISTOEY    OF  [book   II. 

are  as  freindly  as  we  have  thought  you  to  be,  give  us  y® 
entertainment  of  freiuds,  and  we  will  take  nothing  from  you, 
neither  meat,  drinke,  nor  lodging,  but  what  we  will,  in  one 
kind  or  other,  pay  you  for,  &c.  I  shall  leave  in  y''  coun- 
trie  a  litle  ship  (if  God  send  her  safe  thither)  with  mariners 
&  fisher-men  to  stay  ther,  who  shall  coast,  &  trad  with  y^ 
savages,  &  y^  old  plantation.  It  may  be  we  shall  be  as 
helpfull  to  you,  as  you  will  be  to  us.  1  thinke  I  shall  see 
you  y"  next  spring ;  and  so  I  comend  you  to  y^  protection 
of  God,  who  ever  keep  you. 

Your  loving  freind, 

Tho  :  Weston. 


[78]  Thus  all  ther  hops  in  regard  of  M^  Weston 
were  layed  in  y^^  dust,  and  all  his  promised  helpe 
turned  into  an  empttie  advice,  which  they  apprehended 
was  nether  lawfull  nor  profitable  for  them  to  follow. 
And  they  were  not  only  thus  left  destitute  of  help  in 
their  extreme  wants,  haveing  neither  vitails,  nor  any 
thing  to  trade  with,  but  others  prepared  &  ready  to 
glean  up  what  y^  cuntrie  might  have  afforded  for  their 
releefe.  As  for  those  harsh  censures  &  susspitions  in- 
timated in  y®  former  and  following  leters,  they  desired 
to  judg  as  charitably  and  wisly  of  them  as  they  could, 
waighing  them  in  y*^  ballance  of  love  and  reason ;  and 
though  they  (in  parte)  came  from  godly  &  loveing 
freinds,  yet  they  conceived  many  things  might  arise 
from  over  deepe  jealocie  and  fear,  togeather  with  un~ 
meete  provocations,  though  they  well  saw  M"".  Weston 
pursued  his  owne  ends,  and  was  imbittered  in  spirite. 


1622.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  147 

For  after  the  receit  of  y"  former  leters,  the  Gov'  re- 
ceived one  from  M"".  Cushman,  who  went  home  in  y*^ 
ship,  and  was  all  way  intimate  with  M^  Weston,  (as 
former  passages  declare),  and  it  was  much  marveled 
that  nothing  was  heard  from  him,  all  this  while.  But 
it  should  seeme  it  was  y"*  difficulty  of  sending,  for 
this  leter  was  directed  as  y"*  leter  of  a  wife  to  her 
husband,  who  was  here,  and  brought  by  him  to  y® 
Gov^     It  was  as  followeth. 


Beloved  S'':  I  hartily  salute  you,  with  trust  of  your  health, 
and  many  thanks  for  your  love.  By  Gods  providence  we 
got  well  home  y^  17.  of  Feb.  Being  robbed  by  y"  French- 
men by  y^  way,  and  carried  by  them  into  France,  and  were 
kepte  ther  15.  days,  and  lost  all  y^  we  had  that  was  worth 
taking;  but  thanks  be  to  God,  we  escaped  with  our  lives 
&  ship.  I  see  not  y'  it  worketh  any  discouragment  hear. 
I  purpose  by  Gods  grace  to  see  you  shortly,  I  hope  in  June 
nexte^  or  before.  In  y^  mean  space  know  these  things,  and 
I  pray  you  be  advertised  a  litle.  M'.  Weston  hath  quite 
broken  of  from  our  company,  through  some  discontents  y' 
arose  betwext  him  and  some  of  our  adventurers,  &  hath 
sould  all  his  adventurs,  &  hath  now  sent  3.  smale  ships  for  his 
perticuler  plantation.  The  greatest  wherof,  being  100.  tune, 
M'.  Reynolds  goeth  m^  and  he  with  y*"  rest  purposeth  to 
come  him  selfe  ;    for  what  end  I  know  not. 

The  people  which  they  cary  are  no  men  for  us,  wherfore 
I  pray  you  entertaine  them  not,  neither  exchainge  man  for 
man  with  them,  excepte  it  be  some  of  your  worst.  He  hath 
taken  a  patente  for  him  selfe.  If  they  oflferr  to  buy  any 
thing  of  you,  let  it  be  shuch  as  you  can  spare,  and  let 
them  give  y^  worth  of  it.     If  they  borrow  any  thing  of  you, 


148  HISTORY    OF  [book    II. 

let  them  leave  a  good  pawne,  &c.  It  is  like  he  [78*]  will 
plant  to  y*^  southward  of  y^  Cape,  for  William  Trevore  hath 
lavishly  tould  but  what  he  knew  or  imagined  of  Capewack, 
Mohiggen,  &  y*"  Narigansets.  I  fear  these  people  will  hardly 
deale  so  well  with  y*"  savages  as  they  should.  I  pray  you 
therfore  signifie  to  Squanto,  that  they  are  a  distincte  body 
from  us,  and  we  have  nothing  to  doe  with  them,  neither 
must  be  blamed  for  their  falts,  much  less  can  warrente  their 
fidelitie.  We  are  aboute  to  recover  our  losses  in  France. 
Our  freinds  at  Leyden  are  well,  and  will  come  to  you  as 
many  as  can  this  time.  I  hope  all  will  turne  to  y^  best, 
wherfore  I  pray  you  be  not  discouraged,  but  gather  up  your 
selfe  to  goe  thorow  these  dificulties  cherfully  &  with  courage 
in  y'  place  wherin  God  hath  sett  you,  untill  y^  day  of  re- 
freshing come.  And  y*  Lord  God  of  sea  &  land  bring  us 
comfortably  togeather  againe,  if  it  may  stand  with  his  gloria. 

Yours,  Rob  ART  Cushman. 

On  y^  other  sid  of  y®  leafe,  in  y®  same  leter,  came 
these  few  lines  from  M'".  John  Peirce,  in  whose  name 
the  patente  was  taken,  and  of  whom  more  will  follow, 
to  be  spoken  in  its  place. 

Worthy  S':  I  desire  you  to  take  into  consideration  that 
which  is  writen  on  y^  other  side,  and  not  any  way  to 
damnific  your  owne  collony,  whos  strength  is  but  weaknes, 
and  may  therby  be  more  infeebled.  And  for  y*  leters  of 
association,  by  y^  next  ship  we  send,  I  hope  you  shall  re- 
ceive satisfaction ;  in  y^  mean  time  whom  you  admite  I  will 
approve.  But  as  for  M'.  Weston's  company,  I  thinke  them 
so  base  in  condition  (for  y^  most  parte)  as  in  all  apearance 

*  The  number  is  repeated  in  the  Ms. 


1622.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  149 

not  fitt  for  an  honest  mans  company.  I  wish  they  prove 
other  wise.  My  purpose  is  not  to  enlarge  my  selfe,  but 
cease  in  these  few  lins,  and  so  rest 

Your  loving  freind, 

John  Peirce. 

All  these  things  they  pondred  and  well  considered, 
yet  concluded  to  give  his  men  frendly  entertainmente ; 
partly  in  regard  of  M"".  Weston  him  selfe,  considering 
what  he  had  been  unto  them,  &  done  for  them,  &  to 
some,  more  espetially ;  and  partly  in  compassion  to  y^ 
people,  who  were  now  come  into  a  willdernes,  (as 
them  selves  were,)  and  were  by  y^  ship  to  be  pres- 
ently put  a  shore,  (for  she  was  to  cary  other  passen- 
gers to  Virginia,  who  lay  at  great  charge,)  and  they 
were  alltogeather  unacquainted  &  knew  not  what  to 
doe.  So  as  they  had  received  his  former  company  of 
7.  men,  and  vitailed  them  as  their  owne  hitherto,  so 
they  also  received  ihese  (being  aboute  60.  lusty  men), 
and  gave  [79]  housing  for  them  selves  and  their 
goods ;  and  many  being  sicke,  they  had  y®  best  means 
y®  place  could  aford  them.  They  stayed  hear  y*  most 
parte  of  y'^  somer  till  y^  ship  came  back  againe  from 
Virginia.  Then,  by  his  direction,  or  those  whom  he 
set  over  them,  they  removed  into  y*"  Massachusset 
Bay,  he  having  got  a  patente  for  some  part  ther,  (by 
light  of  ther  former  discovery  in  leters  sent  home). 
Yet  they  left  all  ther  sicke  folke  hear  till  they  were 
setled  and  housed.      But  of  ther  victails  they  had  not 


150  HISTORY   OF  [book   II. 

any,  though  they  were  in  great  wante,  nor  any  thing 
els  in  recompence  of  any  courtecie  done  them ;  neither 
did  they  desire  it,  for  they  saw  they  were  an  unruly 
company,  and  had  no  good  govermente  over  them,  and 
by  disorder  would  soone  fall  into  wants  if  M'.  Wes- 
ton came  not  y®  sooner  amongst  them ;  and  therfore, 
to  prevente  all  after  occasion,  would  have  nothing  of 
them. 

Amids  these  streigths,  and  y*^  desertion  of  those 
from  whom  they  had  hoped  for  supply,  and  when 
famine  begane  now  to  pinch  them  sore,  they  not  know- 
ing what  to  doe,  the  Lord,  (who  never  fails  his,)  pre- 
sents them  with  an  occasion,  beyond  all  expectation. 
This  boat  which  came  from  y®  eastward  brought  them 
a  letter  from  a  stranger,  of  whose  name  they  had 
never  heard  before,  being  a  captaine  of  a  ship  come 
ther  a  fishing.  This  leter  was  as  followeth.  Being 
thus  inscribed. 

To  all  his  good  freiuds  at  Plimoth,  these,   &c. 

Freinds,  cuntrimen,  &  neighbours  :  I  salute  you,  and  wish 
you  all  health  and  hapines  in  y^  Lord.  I  make  bould  with 
these  few  lines  to  trouble  you,  because  unless  I  were  un- 
humane,  I  can  doe  no  less.  Bad  news  doth  spread  it  selfe 
too  farr ;  yet  I  will  so  farr  informe  you  that  my  selfe,  with 
many  good  freinds  in  y^  south-collonie  of  Virginia,  have  re- 
ceived shuch  a  blow,  that  400.  persons  large  will  not  make 
good  our  losses.  Therfore  I  doe  intreat  you  (allthough  not 
knowing  you)  that  y^  old  rule  which  I  learned  when  I  went 
to  schoole,  may  be  sufflcente.      That  is,  Hapie  is  he  whom 


1622.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATIOX.  151 

other  mens  harmes  doth  make  to  beware.  And  now  againe 
and  againe,  wishing  all  those  y'  willingly  would  serve  y* 
Lord,  all  health  and  h?ippines  in  this  world,  and  everlasting 
peace  in  y®  world  to  come.     And  so  I  rest, 

Yours, 

John  Hudlston. 

By  this  boat  y®  Gov""  returned  a  thankfull  answer, 
as  was  meete,  and  sent  a  boate  of  their  owne  with 
them,  which  was  piloted  by  them,  in  which  M"".  Wins- 
low  was  sente  to  procure  what  provissions  he  could 
of  y®  ships,  who  was  kindly  received  by  y^  foresaid 
gentill-man,  who  not  only  spared  what  he  [90  *]  could, 
but  writ  to  others  to  doe  y®  like.  By  which  means 
he  gott  some  good  quantitie  and  returned  in  saftie,  by 
which  y®  plantation  had  a  duble  benefite,  first,  a  pres- 
ent refreshing  by  y^  food  brought,  and  secondly,  they 
knew  y^  way  to  those  parts  for  their  benifite  hear- 
after.  But  what  was  gott,  &  this  small  boat  brought, 
being  devided  among  so  many,  came  but  to  a  litle, 
yet  by  Gods  blesing  it  upheld  them  till  harvest.  It 
arose  but  to  a  quarter  of  a  pound  of  bread  a  day  to 
each  person ;  and  y®  Gov'"  caused  it  to  be  dayly  given 
them,  otherwise,  had  it  been  in  their  owne  custody, 
they  would  have  eate  it  up  &  then  starved.  But  thus, 
with  what  els  they  could  get,  they  made  pretie  shift 
till  corne  was  ripe. 

*  Mr.  Hunter  writes :  "  Here  is  an  error  in  Bradford's  pagination.  He 
passes  from  79  to  90.  No  part  of  the  manuscript  is  here  lost."  79  is  repeated 
in  the  paging. 


152  HISTORY   OF  [book   II. 

This  somer  they  builte  a  fort  with  good  timber, 
both  strong  &  comly,  which  was  of  good  defence,  made 
with  a  flate  rofe  &  batllments,  on  which  their  ordnance 
were  mounted,  and  wher  they  kepte  constante  watch, 
espetially  in  time  of  danger.  It  served  them  allso  for 
a  meeting  house,  and  was  fitted  accordingly  for  that 
use.  It  was  a  great  worke  for  them  in  this  weaknes 
and  time  of  wants ;  but  y*'  deanger  of  y®  time  required 
it,  and  both  y®  continuall  rumors  of  y®  fears  from  y* 
Indeans  hear,  espetially  y^  Narigansets,  and  also  y* 
hearing  of  that  great  massacre  in  Virginia,  made  all 
hands  willing  to  despatch  y'^  same. 

Now  y®  Wellcome  time  of  harvest  aproached,  in 
which  all  had  their  hungrie  bellies  filled.  But  it  arose 
but  to  a  litle,  in  comparison  of  a  full  years  supplie ; 
partly  by  reason  they  were  not  yet  well  aquainted 
with  y®  maner  of  Indean  corne,  (and  they  had  no 
other,)  allso  their  many  other  imployments,  but  cheefly 
their  weaknes  for  wante  of  food,  to  tend  it  as  they 
should  have  done.  Also  much  was  stolne  both  by 
night  &  day,  before  it  became  scarce  eatable,  &  much 
more  afterward.  And  though  many  were  well  whipt 
(when  they  were  taken)  for  a  few  ears  of  corne,  yet 
hunger  made  others  (whom  conscience  did  not  re- 
straine)  to  venture.  So  as  it  well  appeared  y'  famine 
must  still  insue  y^  next  year  allso,  if  not  some  way 
prevented,  or  supplie  should  faile,  to  which  the}'  durst 
not   trust.      Markets   there  was  none  to  goe  too,   but 


1622.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  153 

only  y^^  Indeans,  and  they  had  no  trading  comodities. 
Behold  now  another  providence  of  God ;  a  ship  comes 
into  y*  [91]  harbor,  one  Captain  Jons  being  cheefe 
therin.  They  were  set  out  by  some  marchants  to  dis- 
co vere  all  y®  harbors  between e  this  &  Virginia,  and  y* 
shoulds  of  Cap-Cod,  and  to  trade  along  y*"  coast  wher 
they  could.  This  ship  had  store  of  English-beads 
(which  were  then  good  trade)  and  some  knives,  but 
would  sell  none  but  at  dear  rates,  and  also  a  good 
quantie  togeather.  Yet  they  weere  glad  of  y*"  occa- 
sion, and  faine  to  buy  at  any  rate ;  they  were  faine 
to  give  after  y*'  rate  of  cento  per  cento,  if  not  more, 
and  yet  pay  away  coat-beaver  at  3^  per^,  which  in  a 
few  years  after  yeelded  20\  By  this  means  they  were 
fitted  againe  to  trade  for  beaver  &  other  things,  and 
intended  to  buy  what  corne  they  could. 

But  I  will  hear  take  liberty  to  make  a  litlc  digres- 
sion. Ther  was  in  this  ship  a  gentle-man  by  name 
M"".  John  Poory ;  he  had  been  secretarie  in  Virginia, 
and  was  now  going  home  passenger  in  this  ship. 
After  his  departure  he  write  a  leter  to  y®  Gov""  in  y*' 
postscrite  wherof  he  hath  these  lines. 

To  your  selfe  and  M^  Brewster,  I  must  acknowledg  my 
selfe  many  ways  indebted,  whose  books  I  would  have  you 
thiuke  very  well  bestowed  on  him,  who  esteemeth  them  shuch 
juells.  My  hast  would  not  suffer  nie  to  remember  (much 
less  to  begg)  M^  Ainsworths  elaborate  worke  upon  y*  5. 
books    of   Moyses.      Both   his  &  M^    Robinsons    doe   highly 


154  HISTOKY    OF  [book   II. 

comend  the  authors,  as  being  most  conversante  in  y^  scrip- 
turs  of  all  others.  And  what  good  (who  knows)  it  may 
please  God  to  worke  by  them,  through  my  hands,  (though 
most  unworthy,)  who  finds  shuch  high  contente  in  them. 
God  have  you  all  in  his  keeping. 

Your  uufained  and  firme  freind, 
Aua.  28.  1622.  John  Port. 


These  things  I  hear  inserte  for  honour  sake  of  y® 
authors  memorie,  which  this  gentle-man  doth  thus  in- 
geniusly  acknowledg ;  and  him  selfe  after  his  returne 
did  this  poore-plantation  much  credite  amongst  those 
of  no  mean  ranck.     But  to  returne. 

[92]  Shortly  after  harvest  M^  Westons  people  who 
were  now  seated  at  y^  Massachusets,  and  by  disorder 
(as  it  seems)  had  made  havock  of  their  provissions, 
begane  now  to  perceive  that  want  would  come  upon 
them.  And  hearing  that  they  hear  had  bought  trading 
comodities  &  intended  to  trade  for  corne,  they  write 
to  y®  Gov''  and  desired  they  might  joyne  with  them, 
and  they  would  imploy  their  small  ship  in  y*"  servise ; 
and  furder  requested  either  to  lend  or  sell  them  so 
much  of  their  trading  comodities  as  their  part  might 
come  to,  and  they  would  undertake  to  make  paymente 
when  M"".  "Weston,  or  their  supply,  should  come.  The 
Gov"^  condesended  upon  equall  terms  of  agreemente, 
thinkeing  to  goe  aboute  y*"  Cap  to  y^  southward 
with  y®  ship,  wher  some  store  of  corne  might  be 
got.     Althings   being  provided,  Captaint   Standish  was 


1622.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  155 

apointed  to  goe  with  them,  and  Squanto  for  a  guid  & 
interpreter,  about  y®  latter  end  of  September;  but  y® 
winds  put  them  in  againe,  &  putting  out  y®  2.  time, 
he  fell  sick  of  a  feavor,  so  y^  Gov''  wente  him  selfe. 
But  they  could  not  get  aboute  y"  should  of  Cap-Cod, 
for  flats  &  breakers,  neither  could  Squanto  directe 
them  better,  nor  y*"  m"".  durst  venture  any  further,  so 
they  put  into  Manamoyack  Bay  and  got  w'  *  they 
could  ther.  In  this  place  Squanto  fell  sick  of  an 
Indean  feavor,  bleeding  much  at  y®  nose  (which  y® 
Indeans  take  for  a  simptome  of  death),  and  within  a 
few  days  dyed  ther;  desiring  y*"  Gov""  to  pray  for  him, 
that  he  might  goe  to  y*"  Englishmens  God  in  heaven, 
and  bequeathed  sundrie  of  his  things  to  sundry  of  his 
English  freinds,  as  remembrances  of  his  love  ;  of  whom 
they  had  a  great  loss.  They  got  in  this  vioage,  in  one 
place  &  other,  about  26.  or  28.  hogsheads  of  corne  & 
beans,  which  was  more  then  y''  Indeans  could  well 
spare  in  these  parts,  for  y^  set  but  a  litle  till  they  got 
English  hows.  And  so  were  faine  to  returne,  being  sory 
they  could  not  gett  about  the  Cap,  to  have  been  better 
laden.  After  ward  y®  Gov*^  tooke  a  few  men  &  wente 
to  y*  inland  places,  to  get  what  he  could,  and  to  fetch 
it  home  at  y®  spring,  which  did  help  them  something. 
[93]  After  these  things,  in  Feb:  a  messenger  came 
from  John  Sanders,  who  was  left  cheefe  over  M^  Wes- 
ton's men  in   y^  bay  of  Massachusets,  who  brought  a 

*  IV"'  in  the  manuscript. 


156  HISTORY   OF  [book  II. 

letter  shewing  the  great  wants  they  were  falen  into ; 
and  he  would  have  borrowed  a  fih  of  corne  of  y'^  In- 
deans,  but  they  would  lend  him  none.  He  desired 
advice  whether  he  might  not  take  it  from  them  by 
force  to  succore  his  men  till  he  came  from  y*^  east- 
ward, whither  he  was  going.  The  Gov''  &  rest  de- 
s waded  him  by  all  means  from  it,  for  it  might  so 
exasperate  the  Indeans  as  might  endanger  their  saftie, 
and  all  of  us  might  smart  for  it;  for  they  had  already 
heard  how  they  had  so  wronged  y®  Indeans  by  steal- 
ing their  corne,  &c.  as  they  were  much  incensed 
against  them.  Yea,  so  base  were  some  of  their  own 
company,  as  they  wente  &  tould  y*"  Indeans  y*  their 
Gov""  was  purposed  to  come  and  take  their  corne  by 
force.  The  which  with  other  things  made  them  enter 
into  a  conspiracie  against  y®  English,  of  which  more 
in  y^  nexte.     Hear  with  I  end  this  year. 

Anno  Dom:  1623. 
It  may  be  thought  Strang  that  these  people  should 
fall  to  these  extremities  in  so  short  a  time,  being  left 
competently  provided  when  y"  ship  left  them,  and  had 
an  addition  by  that  moyetie  of  corn  that  was  got  by 
trade,  besids  much  they  gott  of  y^  Indans  wher  they 
lived,  by  one  means  &  other.  It  must  needs  be  their 
great  disorder,  for  they  spent  excesseivly  whilst  they 
had,  or  could  get  it ;  and,  it  may  be,  wasted  parte 
away   among   y^   Indeans    (for    he    y'   was    their   cheef 


1623.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  157 

was  taxed  by  some  amongst  them  for  keeping  Indean 
women,  how  truly  I  know  not).  And  after  they 
begane  to  come  into  wants,  many  sould  away  their 
cloathes  and  bed  coverings;  others  (so  base  were  they) 
became  servants  to  y''  Indeans,  and  would  cutt  them 
woode  &  fetch  them  water,  for  a  cap  full  of  corne ; 
others  fell  to  plaine  stealing,  both  night  &  day,  from 
y*'  Indeans,  of  which  they  greevosly  complained.  In 
y*"  end,  they  came  to  that  misery,  that  some  starved 
&  dyed  with  could  &  hunger.  One  in  geathering 
shell-fish  was  so  weake  as  he  stuck  fast  in  y^  mudd, 
and  was  found  dead  in  y®  place.  At  last  most  of  them 
left  their  dwellings  &  scatered  up  &  downe  in  y^  [94] 
woods,  &  by  y*"  water  sids,  wher  they  could  find 
ground  nuts  &  clames,  hear  6.  and  ther  ten.  By 
which  their  cariages  they  became  contemned  &  scorned 
of  y®  Indeans,  and  they  begane  greatly  to  insulte  over 
them  in  a  most  insolente  maner ;  insomuch,  many  times 
as  they  lay  thus  scatered  abrod,  and  had  set  on  a  pot 
with  ground  nuts  or  shell-fish,  when  it  was  ready  the 
Indeans  would  come  and  eate  it  up ;  and  when  night 
came,  wheras  some  of  them  had  a  sorie  blanket,  or 
such  like,  to  lappe  them  selves  in,  the  Indeans  would 
take  it  and  let  y*"  other  lye  all  nighte  in  the  could; 
so  as  their  condition  was  very  lamentable.  Yea,  in 
y^  end  they  were  faine  to  hange  one  of  their  men, 
whom  they  could  not  reclaime  from  stealing,  to  give 
y*  Indeans  contente. 


158  HISTORY    OF  [book    II. 

Whilst  things  wente  in  this  maner  with  them,  y^ 
Gov""  &  people  hear  had  notice  y*^  Massasoyte  ther 
freind  was  sick  &  near  unto  death.  They  sent  to 
vissete  him,  and  withall  sente  him  such  comfortable 
things  as  gave  him  great  contente,  and  was  a  means 
of  his  recovery ;  upon  which  occasion  he  discovers  y® 
conspiracie  of  these  Indeans,  how  they  were  resolved 
to  cutt  of  M"^.  Westons  people,  for  the  continuall  in- 
juries they  did  them,  &  would  now  take  opportunitie 
of  their  weaknes  to  doe  it ;  and  for  that  end  had  con- 
spired with  other  Indeans  their  neighbours  their  aboute. 
And  thinking  the  people  hear  would  revenge  their 
death,  they  therfore  thought  to  doe  y*^  like  by  them, 
&  had  solisited  him  to  joyne  with  them.  He  advised 
them  therfore  to  prevent  it,  and  that  speedly  by  tak- 
ing of  some  of  y''  cheefe  of  them,  before  it  was  to 
late,  for  he  asured  them  of  y*^  truth  hereof. 

This  did  much  trouble  them,  and  they  tooke  it  into 
serious  delibration,  and  found  upon  examenation  other 
evidence  to  give  light  hear  unto,  to  longe  hear  to 
relate.  In  y®  mean  time,  came  one  of  them  from 
y''  Massachucts,  with  a  small  pack  at  his  back;  and 
though  he  knew  not  a  foote  of  y*^  way,  yet  he  got 
safe  hither,  but  lost  his  way,  which  was  well  for  him, 
for  he  was  pursued,  and  so  was  mist.  He  tould  them 
hear  how  all  things  stood  amongst  them,  and  that  he 
durst  stay  no  longer,  he  apprehended  they  (by  what 
he  observed)  would  be  all  knokt  in   y°  head  shortly. 


1623.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  159 

This   made  them   make   y*^  more  hast,   &  dispatched  a 
boate    away   w"'    Capten    Standish    &    some    men,    who 
found  them  in  a  miserable  condition,  out  of  which  he 
rescued  them,  and  helped  them  to  some  releef,  cut  of 
some  few  of  y*  cheefe  conspirators,  and,  according  to 
his    order,    offered    to    bring   them    all    hither    if  they 
thought   good ;    and   they   should   fare    no    worse    then 
them  selves,  till  M''.  Weston  or  some  supplie  came  to 
them.       Or,    if    any   other   course    liked    them    better, 
he  was  to  doe  them  any  helpfullnes  he  could.      They 
thanked  him  &  y®  rest.     But  most  of  them  desired  he 
would   help   them    with    some   corne,    and   they   would 
goe  with  their  smale  ship  to  y®  eastward,  wher  hapily 
they  might  here  of  M"".  Weston,  or  some  supply  from 
him,   seing   y*'  time    of  y"   year   was    for   fishing   ships 
to    [95]    be   in    y*"   land.      If  not,    they   would   worke 
among  y^  fishermen  for  their  liveing,  and  get  ther  pas- 
sage  into   England,    if   they   heard   nothing    from    M'. 
Weston  in  time.      So  they  shipped  what  they  had  of 
any   worth,    and   he   got   them    all    y°   corne   he   could 
(scarce   leaving   to    bring   him   home),    and    saw   them 
well  out  of  y''  bay,   under  saile  at  sea,   and  so    came 
home,  not  takeing   y''  worth   of  a   peny  of  any  thing 
that   was    theirs.      I    have    but    touched    these    things 
breefly,  because  they  have  allready  been   published  in 
printe  more  at  large. 

This  was  y*"  end  of  these  that  some  time  bosted  of 
their  strength,   (being  all  able  lustie  men,)    and  what 


160  HISTORY   OF  [book  II. 

they  would  doe  &  bring  to  pass,  in  comparison  of  y^ 
people  hear,  who  had  many  women  &  children  and 
weak  ons  amongst  them ;  and  said  at  their  first  arivall, 
when  they  saw  the  wants  hear,  that  they  would  take 
an  other  course,  and  not  to  fall  into  shuch  a  condition, 
as  this  simple  people  were  come  too.  But  a  mans 
way  is  not  in  his  owne  power ;  God  can  make  y^ 
weake  to  stand ;  let  him  also  that  standeth  take  heed 
least  he  fall. 

Shortly  after,  M^  Weston  came  over  with  some  of 
y®  fishermen,  under  another  name,  and  y*  disguise  of  a 
blacke-smith,  were  he  heard  of  y^  mine  and  disolution 
of  his  colony.  He  got  a  boat  and  with  a  man  or 
2.  came  to  see  how  things  were.  But  by  y^  way,  for 
wante  of  skill,  in  a  storme,  he  cast  away  his  shalop  in 
y®  botome  of  y®  bay  between  Meremek  river  &  Pas- 
cataquack,  &  hardly  escaped  with  life,  and  afterwards 
fell  into  the  hands  of  y®  Indeans,  who  pillaged  him 
of  all  he  saved  from  the  sea,  &  striped  him  out  of 
all  his  cloaths  to  his  shirte.  At  last  he  got  to  Pas- 
cataquack,  &  borrowed  a  suite  of  cloaths,  and  got 
means  to  come  to  Plimoth.  A  Strang  alteration  ther 
was  in  him  to  such  as  had  seen  &  known  him  in  his 
former  florishing  condition ;  so  uncertaine  are  y'^  muta- 
ble things  of  this  unstable  world.  And  yet  men  set 
their  harts  upon  them,  though  they  dayly  see  y*'  vanity 
therof. 

After  many  passages,   and   much   discourse,   (former 


1623.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  161 

things  boyling  in  his  mind,  but  bit  in  as  was  dis- 
cernd,)  he  desired  to  borrow  some  beaver  of  them; 
and  tould  them  he  had  hope  of  a  ship  &  good  supply 
to  come  to  him,  and  then  they  should  have  any  thing 
for  it  they  stood  in  neede  of.  They  gave  litle  credite 
to  his  supplie,  but  pitied  his  case,  and  remembered 
former  curtesies.  They  tould  him  he  saw  their  wants, 
and  they  knew  not  when  they  should  have  any  supply ; 
also  how  y''  case  stood  betweene  them  &  their  ad- 
venturers, he  well  knew ;  they  had  not  much  bever, 
&  if  they  should  let  him  have  it,  it  were  enoughe  to 
make  a  mutinie  among  y'^  people,  seeing  ther  was  no 
other  means  to  procure  them  foode  which  they  so  much 
wanted,  &  cloaths  allso.  Yet  they  tould  him  they 
would  help  him,  considering  his  necessitie,  but  must 
doe  it  secretly  for  y*^  former  reasons.  So  they  let 
him  have  100.  beaver-skins,  which  waighed  170**.  odd 
pounds.  Thus  they  helpt  him  when  all  y^  world  faild 
him,  and  with  this  means  he  went  againe  to  y*^  ships, 
and  stayed  his  small  ship  &  some  of  his  men,  & 
bought  provissions  and  fited  him  selfe ;  and  it  was  y^ 
only  foundation  [96]  of  his  after  course.  But  he  re- 
quited them  ill,  for  he  proved  after  a  bitter  enimie 
unto  them  upon  all  occasions,  and  never  repayed  them 
any  thing  for  it,  to  this  day,  but  reproches  and  evill 
words.  Yea,  he  divolged  it  to  some  that  were  none 
of  their  best  freinds,  whilst  he  yet  had  y'^  beaver  in 
his  boat ;  that  he  could  now  set  them  all  togeather  by 


162  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

y^  ears,  because  they  had  done  more  then  they  could 
answer,  in  letting  him  have  this  beaver,  and  he  did 
not  spare  to  doe  what  he  could.  But  his  malice  could 
not  prevaile. 

All  this  whille  no  supply  was  heard  of,  neither  knew 
they  when  they  might  expecte  any.  So  they  begane 
to  thinke  how  they  might  raise  as  much  corne  as  they 
could,  and  obtaine  a  beter  crope  then  they  had  done, 
that  they  might  not  still  thus  languish  in  miserie.  At 
length,  after  much  debate  of  things,  the  Gov"^  (with 
y^  advise  of  y*^  cheefest  amongest  them)  gave  way  that 
they  should  set  corne  every  man  for  his  owne  per- 
ticuler,  and  in  that  regard  trust  to  them  selves ;  in  all 
other  things  to  goe  on  in  y*'  generall  way  as  before. 
And  so  assigned  to  every  family  a  parcell  of  land, 
according  to  the  proportion  of  their  number  for  that 
end,  onl}^  for  present  use  (but  made  no  devission  for 
inheritance),  and  ranged  all  boys  &  youth  under  some 
familie.  This  had  very  good  success  ;  for  it  made  all 
hands  very  industrious,  so  as  much  more  corne  was 
planted  then  other  waise  would  have  bene  by  any 
means  y^  Gov'"  or  any  other  could  use,  and  saved  him 
a  great  deall  of  trouble,  and  gave  farr  better  contente. 
The  women  now  wente  willingly  into  y*^  feild,  and 
tooke  their  litle-ons  with  them  to  set  corne,  which 
before  would  aledg  weaknes,  and  inabilitie  ;  whom  to 
have  compelled  would  have  bene  thought  great  tiranie 
and  oppression. 


1623.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  163 

The  experience  that  was  had  in  this  comone  course 
and  condition,  tried  sundrie  years,  and  that  amongst 
godly  and  sober  men,  may  well  evince  the  vanitie  of 
that  conceite  of  Platos  &  other  ancients,  applauded 
by  some  of  later  times ;  —  that  y*'  taking  away  of 
propertie,  and  bringing  in  comunitie  into  a  comone 
wealth,  would  make  them  happy  and  florishing ;  as  if 
they  were  wiser  then  God.  For  this  comunitie  (so 
farr  as  it  was)  was  found  to  breed  much  confusion  & 
discontent,  and  retard  much  imploymet  that  would 
have  been  to  their  benefite  and  comforte.  For  y®" 
yong-men  that  were  most  able  and  fitte  for  labour  & 
service  did  repine  that  they  should  spend  their  time 
&  streingth  to  worke  for  other  mens  wives  and  chil- 
dren, with  out  any  recompence.  The  strong,  or  man 
of  parts,  had  no  more  in  devission  of  victails  &  cloaths, 
then  he  that  was  weake  and  not  able  to  doe  a  quarter 
y®  other  could ;  this  was  thought  injuestice.  The  aged 
and  graver  men  to  be  ranked  and  [97]  equalised  in 
labours,  and  victails,  cloaths,  &c.,  with  y°  meaner  & 
yonger  sorte,  thought  it  some  indignite  &  disrespect 
unto  them.  And  for  mens  wives  to  be  commanded  to 
doe  servise  for  other  men,  as  dresing  their  meate,  wash- 
ing their  cloaths,  &c.,  they  deemd  it  a  kind  of  slaverie, 
neither  could  many  husbands  well  brooke  it.  Upon  y'' 
poynte  all  being  to  have  alike,  and  all  to  doe  alike, 
they  thought  them  selves  in  y'^  like  condition,  and  one 
as  good  as  another;  and  so,  if  it  did  not  cvit  of  those 


164  HISTORY   OF  [book  II. 

relations  that  God  hath  set  amongest  men,  yet  it  did 
at  least  much  diminish  and  take  of  y'^  mutuall  respects 
that  should  be  preserved  amongst  them.  And  would 
have  bene  worse  if  they  had  been  men  of  another 
condition.  Let  none  objecte  this  is  men's  corruption, 
and  nothing  to  y*^  course  it  selfe.  I  answer,  seeing  all 
men  have  this  corruption  in  them,  God  in  his  wis- 
dome  saw  another  course  fiter  for  them. 

But  to  returne.  After  this  course  setled,  and  by 
that  their  core  was  planted,  all  ther  victails  were 
spente,  and  they  were  only  to  rest  on  Gods  provi- 
dence ;  at  night  not  many  times  knowing  wher  to  have 
a  bitt  of  any  thing  y^  next  day.  And  so,  as  one  well 
observed,  had  need  to  pray  that  God  would  give  them 
their  dayly  brade,  above  all  people  in  y*"  world.  Yet 
they  bore  these  wants  with  great  patience  &  allacritie 
of  spirite,  and  that  for  so  long  a  time  as  for  y''  most 
parte  of  2.  years ;  which  makes  me  remember  what 
Peter  Martire  writs,  (in  magnifying  y''  Spaniards)  in 
his  5.  Decade,  pag.  208.  Thei/  (saith  he)  led  a  mis- 
erable  life  for  5.  days  togeather,  loith  y^  parched  graine 
of  maize  only,  and  that  not  to  saturitie;  and  then  con- 
cluds,  that  shuch  jmins,  shuch  labours,  and  shuch  hunger, 
he  thought  none  living  which  is  not  a  Spaniard  could 
have  endured.  But  alass  !  these,  when  they  had  maize 
(y'  is,  Indean  corne)  they  thought  it  as  good  as  a 
feast,  and  wanted  not  only  for  5.  days  togeather,  but 
some  time  2.  or  3.  months  togeather,  and  neither  had 


1623.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  165 


bread  nor  any  kind  of  corne.  Indeed,  in  an  other 
place,  in  his  2.  Decade,  page  94.  he  mentions  how 
others  of  them  were  worse  put  to  it,  wher  they  were 
faine  to  eate  doggs,  toads,  and  dead  men,  and  so 
dyed  almost  all.  From  these  extremities  the  *  Lord  in 
his  goodnes  kept  these  his  people,  and  in  their  great 
wants  preserved  both  their  lives  and  healthes ;  let  his 
name  have  y*^  praise.  Yet  let  me  hear  make  use  of 
his  conclusion,  which  in  some  sorte  may  be  applied 
to  this  people :  That  with  their  7mseries  they  opened 
a  ivay  to  these  new-lands;  and  after  these  stormes,  with 
what  ease  other  men  came  to  inhabite  in  them^  in  respects 
of  y^  calamities  these  men  suffered;  so  as  they  seeme  to 
goe  to  a  bride  feaste  loher  all  things  are  provided  for 
them,. 

They  haveing  but  one  boat  left  and  she  not  over 
well  fitted,  they  were  devided  into  severall  companies, 
6.  or  7.  to  a  gangg  or  company,  and  so  wente  out 
with  a  nett  they  had  bought,  to  take  bass  &  such  like 
fish,  by  course,  every  company  knowing  their  turne. 
No  sooner  was  y*"  boate  discharged  [98]  of  what  she 
brought,  but  y*"  next  company  tooke  her  and  wente 
out  with  her.  Neither  did  they  returne  till  they  had 
cauight  something,  though  it  were  5.  or  6.  days  be- 
fore, for  they  knew  ther  was  nothing  at  home,  and  to 
goe  home  emptie  would  be  a  great  discouragemente 
to   y''   rest.      Yea,    they   strive    who    should    doe    best. 

*  They  in  the  MS. 


166  HISTOEY   OF  [book  II. 

If  she  stayed  longe  or  got  litle,  then  all  went  to  seek- 
ing of  shel-fish,  which  at  low-water  they  digged  out 
of  y®  sands.  And  this  was  their  living  in  y'^  somer 
time,  till  God  sente  y""  beter ;  &  in  winter  they  were 
helped  with  ground-nuts  and  foule.  Also  in  y*"  somer 
they  gott  now  &  then  a  dear;  for  one  or  2.  of  y*^ 
fitest  was  apoynted  to  range  y®  woods  for  y'  end,  & 
what  was  gott  that  way  was  devided  amongst  them. 

At  length  they  received  some  leters  from  y'^  ad- 
venturers, too  long  and  tedious  hear  to  record,  by 
which  they  heard  of  their  furder  crosses  and  frustra- 
tions ;  begining  in  this  maner. 

Loving  freinds,  as  your  sorrows  &  afflictions  have  bin 
great,  so  our  croses  &  interceptions  in  our  proceedings  hear, 
have  not  been  small.  For  after  we  had  with  much  trouble 
&  charge  sente  y^  Parragori  away  to  sea,  and  thought  all  y^ 
paine  past,  within  14.  days  after  she  came  againe  hither, 
being  dangerously  leaked,  and  brused  with  tempestious 
storraes,  so  as  shee  was  faine  to  be  had  into  y^  docke,  and 
an  100''.  bestowed  upon  her.  All  y*^  passengers  lying  upon 
our  charg  for  6.  or  7.  weeks,  and  much  discontent  and  dis- 
temper was  occasioned  hereby,  so  as  some  dangerous  evente 
had  like  to  iusewed.  But  we  trust  all  shall  be  well  and 
worke  for  y^  best  and  your  benefite,  if  yet  with  patience 
you  can  waite,  and  but  have  strength  to  hold  in  life. 
Whilst  these  things  were  doing,  M^  Westons  ship  came 
and  brought  diverce  leters  from  you,  &c.  It  rejoyseth  us 
much  to  hear  of  those  good  reports  y'  diverce  have  brought 
home  from  you,  &c. 

These  letters  were  dated  Des.   21 :  1622. 


1623.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  167 

So  farr  of  this  leter. 

This  ship  was  brought  by  M^  John  Peirce,  and  set 
out  at  his  owne  charge,  upon  hope  of  great  maters. 
These  passengers,  &  y"  goods  the  company  sent  in 
her,  he  tooke  in  for  fraught,  for  which  they  agreed 
with  him  to  be  delivered  hear.  This  was  he  in  whose 
name  their  Jirst  paiente  was  taken,  by  reason  of 
aquaintance,  and  some  aliance  that  some  of  their 
freinds  had  with  him.  But  his  name  was  only  used  in 
trust.  But  when  he  saw  they  were  hear  hopfully  thus 
seated,  and  by  y''  success  God  gave  them  had  obtained 
y"  favour  of  j"  Counsell  of  New-England,  he  goes  and 
sues  to  them  for  another  patent  of  much  larger  extente 
(in  their  names),  which  was  easily  obtained.  But  he 
mente  to  keep  it  to  him  selfe  and  alow  them  what 
he  pleased,  to  hold  of  him  as  tenants,  and  sue  to  his 
courts  as  cheefe  Lord,  as  will  appear  by  that  which 
follows.  But  y*'  Lord  marvelously  crost  him ;  for  after 
this  first  returne,  and  y'^  charge  above  mentioned, 
when  shee  was  againe  fitted,  he  pesters  him  selfe  and 
taks  in  more  passengers,  and  those  not  very  good  to 
help  to  bear  his  losses,  and  sets  out  y"  2.  time.  But 
[99]  what  y*'  event  was  will  appear  from  another  leter 
from  one  of  y"  cheefe  of  y®  company,  dated  y''  9.  of 
Aprill,  1623.  writ  to  y*'  Gov'"  hear,  as  followeth. 

Loving  freind,  when  I  write  my  last  leter,  I  hope  to  have 
received  one  from  you  well-nigh  by  this  time.  But  when 
I   write    in    Des:    I    litle   thought   to    have    seen    M^    John 


168  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

Peirce  till  he  had  brought  some  good  tidings  from  you.  But 
it  pleased  God,  he  brought  us  y^  wofull  tidings  of  his 
returne  when  he  was  half-way  over,  by  extrairae  tempest, 
werin  y*  goodnes  &  mercie  of  God  appeared  in  sparing  their 
lives,  being  109.  souls.  The  loss  is  so  great  to  M''.  Peirce, 
&c.,  and  y''  companie  put  upon  so  great  charge,  as  veryly,  &c. 

Now  with  great  trouble  &  loss,  we  have  got  M^  John 
Peirce  to  assigne  over  y'^  grand  patente  to  y*^  companie, 
which  he  had  taken  in  his  owne  name,  and  made  quite  voyd 
our  former  grante.  I  am  sorie  to  writ  how  many  hear  thinke 
y'  the  hand  of  God  was  justly  against  him,  both  y®  first 
and  2.  time  of  his  returne  ;  in  regard  he,  whom  you  and 
we  so  confidently  trusted,  but  only  to  use  his  name  for  y' 
company,  should  aspire  to  be  lord  over  us  all,  and  so  make 
you  &  us  tenants  at  his  will  and  pleasure,  our  assurance 
or  patente  being  quite  voyd  &  disanuled  by  his  means.  I 
desire  to  judg  charitably  of  him.  But  his  unwilliugues  to 
part  with  his  royall  Lordship,  and  y'^  high-rate  he  set  it  at, 
which  was  500*'.  which  cost  him  but  50*'.,  maks  many  speake 
and  judg  hardly  of  him.  The  company  are  out  for  goods  in 
his  ship,  with  charge  aboute  y"  passengers,  G40*'.,  &c. 

We  have  agreed  with  2.  marchauts  for  a  ship  of  140. 
tunes,  caled  y^  Anne,  which  is  to  be  ready  y^  last  of  this 
month,  to  bring  60.  passengers  &  60.   tune  of  goods,   &c. 

This  was  dated  Aprill  9.   1623. 

These  were  ther  owne  words  and  judgmente  of  this 
mans  dealing  &  proceedings ;  for  I  thought  it  more 
meete  to  render  them  in  theirs  then  my  owne  words. 
And  yet  though  ther  was  never  got  other  recompence 
then  the  resignation  of  this  patente,  and  y'^  shares  he 
had  in  adventure,  for  all  y*^  former  great  sumes,  he 
was  never  quiet,  but  sued  them  in  most  of  y®  cheefe 


1623.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  169 

courts  in  England,  and  when  he  was  still  cast,  brought 
it  to  j'^  Parlemente.  But  he  is  now  dead,  and  I  will 
leave  him  to  j"  Lord. 

This  ship  suifered  y*'  greatest  extreemitie  at  sea  at 
her  2.  returne,  that  one  shall  lightly  hear  of,  to  be 
saved ;  as  I  have  been  informed  by  M''.  William  Peirce 
who  was  then  m"".  of  her,  and  many  others  that  were 
passengers  in  her.  It  was  aboute  y"  midle  of  Feb: 
The  storme  was  for  y*^  most  parte  of  14.  days,  but 
for  2.  or  3.  days  &  nights  togeather  in  most  violent 
extremitie.  After  they  had  cut  downe  their  mast,  y® 
storme  beat  of  their  round  house  and  all  their  uper 
works ;  3.  men  had  worke  enough  at  y^  helme,  and  he 
that  cund  y''  ship  before  y®  sea,  was  faine  [100]  to  be 
bound  fast  for  washing  away ;  the  seas  did  so  over- 
rake  them,  as  many  times  those  upon  y''  decke  knew 
not  whether  they  were  within  bord  or  withoute ;  and 
once  she  was  so  foundered  in  y*^  sea  as  they  •  all 
thought  she  would  never  rise  againe.  But  yet  y® 
Lord  preserved  them,  and  brought  them  at  last  safe 
to  Ports-mouth,  to  y*^  wonder  of  all  men  y*  saw  in 
what  a  case  she  was  in,  and  heard  what  they  had 
endured. 

About  y®  later  end  of  June  came  in  a  ship,  with 
Captaine  Francis  West,  who  had  a  comission  to  be 
admirall  of  New-England,  to  restraine  interlopers,  and 
shuch  fishing  ships  as  came  to  fish  &  trade  without 
a  licence  from  y''  Counsell  of  New-England,  for  which 


170  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

they  should  pay  a  round  sume  of  money.  But  he 
could  doe  no  good  of  them,  for  they  were  to  stronge 
for  him,  and  he  found  y®  fisher  men  to  be  stuberne 
fellows.  And  their  owners,  upon  complainte  made  to 
y^  Parlemente,  procured  an  order  y'  fishing  should  be 
free.  He  tould  y®  Gov""  they  spooke  with  a  ship  at 
sea,  and  were  abord  her,  y'  was  coming  for  this  plan- 
tation, in  which  were  sundrie  passengers,  and  they 
marvelled  she  was  not  arrived,  fearing  some  miscariage ; 
for  they  lost  her  in  a  storme  that  fell  shortly  after 
they  had  been  abord.  Which  relation  filled  them  full 
of  fear,  yet  mixed  with  hope.  The  m"".  of  this  ship 
had  some  2.  hfi  of  pease  to  sell,  but  seeing  their 
wants,  held  them  at  9*'.  sterling  a  hoggshead,  &  under 
8^.  he  would  not  take,  and  yet  would  have  beaver  at 
an  under  rate.  But  they  tould  him  they  had  lived 
so  long  with  out,  and  would  doe  still,  rather  then 
givje  so  unreasonably.  So  they  went  from  hence  to 
Virginia.* 

*  I  may  not  here  omite  how,  notwithstand  all  their  great  paines  &  Indus- 
trie, and  ye  great  hops  of  a  large  cropp,  the  Lord  seemed  to  blast,  &  take 
away  the  same,  and  to  threaten  further  &  more  sore  famine  unto  them,  by 
a  great  drought  which  continued  from  ye  3.  weeke  in  May,  till  about  yo 
midle  of  July,  without  any  raine,  and  with  great  heat  (for  y^  most  parte), 
insomuch  as  y"  corne  begane  to  wither  away,  though  it  was  set  with  fishe, 
the  moysture  wherof  helped  it  much.  Yet  at  length  it  begane  to  languish 
sore,  and  some  of  y^  drier  grounds  were  partched  like  withered  hay,  part 
wherof  was  never  recovered.  Upon  which  they  sett  a  parte  a  solemne  day 
of  humilliation,  to  seek  y  Lord  by  humble  &  fervente  prayer,  in  this  great 
distrese.  And  he  was  pleased  to  give  them  a  gracious  &  speedy  answer,  both 
to  their  owne,  &  the  Indeans  admiration,  that  lived  amongest  them.  For  all 
y«  morning,  and  greatest  part  of  the  day,  it  was  clear  weather  &  very  hotte. 


1623.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  171 

About  14.  days  after  came  in  this  ship,  caled  y* 
Anne,  wherof  M''.  William  Peirce  was  m''.,  and  aboute 
a  weeke  or  10.  days  after  came  in  y^  pinass  which  in 
foule  weather  they  lost  at  sea,  a  fine  new  vessell  of 
about  44.  tune,  which  y*^  company  had  builte  to  stay 
in  the  cuntrie.  They  brought  about  60.  persons  for 
y'^  generall,  some  of  them  being  very  usefuU  persons, 
and  became  good  members  to  y°  body,  and  some  were 
y*^  wives  and  children  of  shuch  as  were  hear  allready. 
And  some  were  so  bad,  as  they  were  faine  to  be  at 
charge  to  send  them  home  againe  y*^  next  year.  Also, 
besids  these  ther  came  a  company,  that  did  not  belong 
to  y"  generall  body,  but  came  one  *  their  perticuler, 
and  were  to  have  lands  assigned  them,  and  be  for 
them   selves,  yet  to   be    subjecte   to   y®   generall    Gov- 

and  not  a  cloud  or  any  signe  of  raine  to  be  seen,  yet  toward  evening  it 
begane  to  overcast,  and  shortly  after  to  raine,  with  shuch  sweete  and  gentle 
showers,  as  gave  them  cause  of  rejoyceing,  &  blesing  God.  It  came,  without 
either  wind,  or  thunder,  or  any  violence,  and  by  degreese  in  y'  abundance, 
as  that  y"  earth  was  thorowly  wete  and  soked  therwith.  Which  did  so 
apparently  revive  &  quicken  ye  decayed  come  &  other  fruits,  as  was  won- 
derfull  to  see,  and  made  y  Indeans  astonished  to  behold ;  and  afterwards  the 
Lord  sent  them  shuch  seasonable  showers,  with  enterchange  of  faire  warme 
weather,  as,  through  his  blessing,  caused  a  fruitful!  &  liberall  harvest,  to 
their  no  small  comforte  and  rejoycing.  For  which  mercie  (in  time  con- 
veniente)  they  also  sett  aparte  a  day  of  thanksgiveing.  This  being  overslipt 
in  its  place,  I  thought  meet  here  to  inserte  y*  same. 

[The  above  is  written  on  the  reverse  of  page  103  of  the  original,  and 
should  properly  be  inserted  here.  This  passage,  "being  overslipt  in  its 
place,"  the  author  at  first  wrote  it,  or  the  most  of  it,  under  the  preceding 
year;  but,  discovering  his  error  before  completing  it,  drew  his  pen  across  it, 
and  wrote  beneath,  "This  is  to  be  here  rased  out,  and  is  to  be  placed  on 
page  103,  wher  it  is  inserted."] 
*  On. 


172  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

erment ;  which  caused  some  diferance  and  disturbance 
[101]  amongst  them,  as  will  after  appeare.  I  shall 
hear  againe  take  libertie  to  inserte  a  few  things  out 
of  shuch  leters  as  came  in  this  shipe,  desiring  rather 
to  manefest  things  in  ther  words  and  apprehentions, 
then  in  my  owne,  as  much  as  may  be,  without 
tediousness. 

Beloved  freinds,  I  kindly  salute  you  all,  with  trust  of 
your  healths  &  wellfare,  being  right  sorie  y'  no  supplie  hath 
been  made  to  you  all  this  while ;  for  defence  wher  of.  I 
must  referr  you  to  our  geuerall  leters.  Naitheir  indeed  have 
we  now  sent  you  many  things,  which  we  should  &  would, 
for  want  of  money.  But  persons,  more  then  inough,  (though 
not  all  we  should,)  for  people  come  flying  in  upon  us,  but 
monys  come  creeping  in  to  us.  Some  few  of  your  old 
freinds  are  come,  as,  &c.  So  they  come  droping  to  you, 
and  by  degrees,  I  hope  ere  long  you  shall  enjoye  them  all. 
And  because  people  press  so  hard  upon  us  to  goe,  and  often 
shuch  as  are  none  of  y^  fitest,  I  pray  you  write  ernestly  to 
y^  Treasurer  and  directe  what  persons  should  be  sente.  It 
greeveth  me  to  see  so  weake  a  company  sent  you,  and  yet 
had  I  not  been  hear  they  had  been  weaker.  You  must  still 
call  upon  the  company  hear  to  see  y'  honest  men  be  sente 
you,  and  threaten  to  send  them  back  if  any  other  come,  &c. 
We  are  not  any  way  so  much  in  danger,  as  by  corrupte  an 
noughty  persons.  Shuch,  and  shuch,  came  without  my  con- 
sente ;  but  y^  importuuitie  of  their  freinds  got  promise  of 
our  Treasurer  in  my  absence.  Neither  is  ther  need  we 
should  take  any  lewd  men,  for  we  may  have  honest  men 
enew,  &c. 

Your  assured  freind, 

R.  C. 


1623.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATIOM".  173 

The  following  was  from  y**  genrall. 

Loving  fieinds,  we  most  hartily  salute  you  in  all  love  and 
harty  affection  ;  being  yet  in  hope  y'  the  same  God  which 
hath  hithertoo  preserved  you  in  a  marvelous  maner,  doth  yet 
continue  your  lives  and  health,  to  his  owne  praise  and  all 
our  comforts.  Being  right  sory  that  you  have  not  been  sent 
unto  all  this  time,  &c.  We  have  in  this  ship  sent  shuch 
women,  as  were  willing  and  ready  to  goe  to  their  husbands 
and  freinds,  with  their  children,  &c.  We  would  not  have 
you  discontente,  because  we  have  not  sent  you  more  of  your 
old  freinds,  and  in  spetiall,  him*  on  whom  you  most  depend. 
Farr  be  it  from  us  to  neclecte  you,  or  contemne  him.  But 
as  y^  intente  was  at  first,  so  y'^  evente  at  last  shall  shew  it, 
that  we  will  deal  fairly,  and  squarly  answer  your  expec- 
tations to  the  full.  Ther  are  also  come  unto  you,  some 
honest  men  to  plant  upon  their  particulars  besids  you.  A 
thing  which  if  we  should  not  give  way  unto,  we  should  wrong 
both  them  and  you.  Them,  by  puting  them  on  things  more 
inconveniente,  and  you,  for  that  being  honest  men,  they  will 
be  a  strengthening  to  y^  place,  and  good  neighbours  [102] 
unto  you.  Tow  things  we  would  advise  you  of,  which  we 
have  likwise  signified  them  hear.  First,  y*"  trade  for  skins 
to  be  retained  for  the  generall  till  y*  devidente  ;  2'^.  y'  their 
setling  by  you,  be  with  shuch  distance  of  place  as  is  neither 
inconvenient  for  y^  lying  of  your  lands,  nor  hurtfuU  to  your 
speedy  &  easie  assembling  togeather. 

We  have  sente  you  diverse  fisher  men,  with  salte,  &c. 
Diverse  other  provissions  we  have  sente  you.  as  will  appear 
in  your  bill  of  lading,  and  though  we  have  not  sent  all  we 
would  (because  our  cash  is  small),  yet  it  is  y'  we  could,  &c. 

And  allthough  it  seemeth  you  have  discovered  many  more 
rivers  and  fertill  grounds  then  y'  wher  you  are,  yet  seeing  by 


*  I.  R. 


174  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

Gods  providence  y'  place  fell  to  you''  lote,  let  it  be  accounted 
as  your  portion  ;  and  ratlier  fixe  your  eyes  upon  that  wliich 
may  be  done  ther,  then  languish  in  hops  after  things  els-wher. 
If  your  place  be  not  y'^  best,  it  is  better,  you  shall  be  y® 
less  envied  and  encroached  upon  ;  and  shuch  as  are  earthly 
minded,  will  not  setle  too  near  your  border.*  If  y*^  land 
afford  you  bread,  and  y''  sea  yeeld  you  fish,  rest  you  a  while 
contented,  Grod  will  one  day  afford  you  better  fare.  And  all 
men  shall  know  you  are  neither  fugetives  nor  discontents. 
But  can,  if  God  so  order  it,  take  y''  worst  to  your  selves, 
with  content,!  &  leave  y^  best  to  your  neighbours,  with 
cherfullnes. 

Let  it  not  be  greeveous  unto  you  y'  you  have  been  instru- 
ments to  breake  y^  ise  for  others  who  come  after  with  less 
dificulty,  the  honour  shall  be  yours  to  y"  worlds  end,  &c. 

We  bear  you  always  in  our  brests,  and  our  harty  affection 
is  towards  you  all,  as  are  y^  harts  of  hundreds  more  which 
never  saw  your  faces,  who  doubtles  pray  for  your  saftie  as 
their  owne,  as  we  our  selves  both  doe  &  ever  shall,  that  y^ 
same  God  which  hath  so  marvelously  preserved  you  from 
seas,  foes,  and  famine,  will  still  preserve  you  from  all 
future  dangers,  and  make  you  honourable  amongst  men,  and 
glorious  in  blise  at  y^  last  day.  And  so  y''  Lord  be  with 
you  all  &  send  us  joyfull  news  from  you,  and  inable  us 
■with  one  shoulder  so  to  accomplish  &  perfecte  this  worke, 
as  much  glorie  may  come  to  Him  y*  confoundeth  y*"  mighty 
by  the  weak,  and  maketh  small  thinges  great.  To  whose 
greatnes,  be  all  glorie  for  ever  &  ever. 

This  leter  was  subscribed  with  13.  of  their  names. 
These  passengers,  when  they  saw  their  low  &  poore 
condition  a    shore,  were    much    danted    and    dismayed, 

*  This  proved  rather,  a  propheti,  then  advice, 
t  Contend  in  the  manuscript. 


1623.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  175 

and  according  to  their  diverse  humores  were  diversly 
affected ;  some  wished  them  selves  in  England  againe ; 
others  fell  a  weeping,  fancying  their  own  miserie  in 
what  y^  saw  now  in  others  ;  other  some  pitying  the 
distress  they  saw  their  freinds  had  been  long  in,  and 
still  were  under ;  in  a  word,  all  were  full  of  sadnes. 
Only  some  of  their  old  freinds  rejoysed  to  see  them, 
and  y'  it  was  no  worse  with  them,  for  they  could  not 
expecte  it  should  be  better,  and  now  hoped  they  should 
injoye  better  days  togeather.  And  truly  it  was  [103] 
no  marvell  they  should  be  thus  affected,  for  they  were 
in  a  very  low  condition,  many  were  ragged  in  aparell, 
&  some  litle  beter  then  halfe  naked ;  though  some  y' 
were  well  stord  before,  were  well  enough  in  this  re- 
gard. But  for  food  they  were  all  alike,  save  some  y' 
had  got  a  few  pease  of  y''  ship  y'  was  last  hear.  The 
best  dish  they  could  presente  their  freinds  with  was 
a  lobster,  or  a  peece  of  fish,  without  bread  or  any 
thing  els  but  a  cupp  of  fair  spring  water.  And  y® 
long  continuance  of  this  diate,  and  their  labours  abroad, 
had  something  abated  y^  freshnes  of  their  former  com- 
plexion. But  God  gave  them  health  and  strength  in 
a  good  measure ;  and  shewed  them  by  experience  y® 
truth  of  y^  word,  Deut.  8.  3.  Y^  man  liveth  not  hy 
bread  only,  hut  hy  every  word  y^  proceedeth  out  of  y^ 
mouth  of  y^   Lord  doth  a  man  live. 

When  I  think  how '  sadly  y*"  scripture  speaks  of  the 
famine  in   Jaakobs    time,   when   he   said   to   his    sonns, 


176  HISTORY    or  [book  II. 

Goe  buy  us  food,  that  we  may  live  and  not  dye. 
Gen.  42.  2.  and  43.  1,  that  the  famine  was  great,  or 
hea\de  in  the  land ;  and  yet  they  had  such  great  herds, 
and  store  of  catle  of  sundrie  kinds,  which,  besids  flesh, 
must  needs  produse  other  food,  as  milke,  butter  & 
cheese,  &c.,  and  yet  it  was  counted  a  sore  aflliction ; 
theirs  hear  must  needs  be  very  great,  therfore,  who 
not  only  wanted  the  stafie  of  bread,  but  all  these 
things,  and  had  no  Egipte  to  goe  too.  But  God  fedd 
them  out  of  y''  sea  for  y*  most  parte,  so  wonderfull 
is  his  providence  over  his  in  all  ages  ;  for  his  mercie 
endure th  for  ever. 

On  y''  other  hand  the  old  planters  were  affraid  that 
their  corne,  when  it  was  ripe,  should  be  imparted  to  y® 
new-comers,  whose  provissions  w°^  they  brought  with 
them  they  feared  would  fall  short  before  y^  year  wente 
aboute  (as  indeed  it  did).  They  came  to  y"^  Gov"^  and 
besought  him  that  as  it  was  before  agreed  that  they 
should  set  corne  for  their  perticuler,  and  accordingly 
they  had  taken  extraordinary  pains  ther  aboute,  that 
they  might  freely  injoye  the  same,  and  they  would  not 
have  a  bitte  of  y''  victails  now  come,  but  waite  till 
harvest  for  their  owne,  and  let  y*^  new-comers  injoye 
what  they  had  brought ;  they  would  have  none  of  it, 
excepte  they  could  purchase  any  of  it  of  them  by 
bargaine  or  exchainge.  Their  requeste  was  granted 
them,  for  it  gave  both  sides  good  contente ;  for  y® 
new-comers     were     as    much    afraid    that    y®    hungrie 


1623.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  177 

planters  would  have  eat  up  y*"  provissions  brought,  and 
they  should  have  fallen  into  y''  like  condition. 

This  ship  was  in  a  shorte  time  laden  with  clapbord, 
by  y*"  help  of  many  hands.  Also  they  sente  in  her  all 
y®  beaver  and  other  furrs  they  had,  &  M^  Winslow 
was  sent  over  with  her,  to  informe  of  all  things,  and 
procure  such  things  as  were  thought  needfull  for  their 
presente  condition.  By  this  time  harvest  was  come, 
and  in  stead  of  famine,  now  God  gave  them  plentie, 
and  y''  face  of  things  was  changed,  to  y*"  rejoysing  of 
y'^  harts  of  many,  for  which  they  blessed  God.  And 
y*'  effect  of  their  particuler  planting  was  well  scene,  for 
all  had,  one  way  &  other,  pretty  well  to  bring  j"  year 
aboute,  and  some  of  y*"  abler  sorte  and  more  [104] 
industrious  had  to  spare,  and  sell  to  others,  so  as  any 
generall  wante  or  famine  hath  not  been  amongst  them 
since  to  this  day. 

Those  that  come  on  their  perticuler  looked  for  greater 
matters  then  they  found  or  could  attaine  unto,  aboute 
building  great  houses,  and  such  pleasant  situations  for 
them ,  as  them  selves  had  fancied ;  as  if  they  would  be 
great  men  &  rich,  all  of  a  sudaine  ;  but  they  proved 
castls  in  y*"  aire.  These  were  y®  conditions  agreed  on 
betweene  y*^  colony  and  them. 

First,  that  y*"  Gov',  in  y''  name  and  with  y^  consente 
of  y*"  company,  doth  in  all  love  and  frendship  receive 
and  imbrace  them ;  and  is  to  allote  them  competente 
places  for  habitations  within  y''  towne.     And  promiseth 


178  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

to  shew  them  all    such  other  curtesies  as  shall  be  rea- 
sonable for  them  to  desire,   or  us  to  performe. 

2.  That  they,  on  their  parts,  be  subjecte  to  all  such 
laws  &  orders  as  are  already  made,  or  hear  after  shall 
be,  for  y^  publick  good. 

3.  That  they  be  freed  and  exempte  from  y'^  generall 
imployments  of  the  said  company,  (which  their  pres- 
ente  condition  of  comunitie  requireth,)  excepte  com- 
mune defence,  &  such  other  imployments  as  tend  to 
y®  perpetuall  good  of  y*^  coUony. 

4'^'.  Towards  y''  maintenance  of  Gov"^,  &  publick 
officers  of  y®  said  collony,  every  male  above  y®  age 
of  16.  years  shall  pay  a  bushell  of  Indean  wheat,  or 
y*^  worth  of  it,  into  y*^  commone  store. 

5'^'.  That  (according  to  y''  agreemente  y''  marchants 
made  with  y™  before  they  came)  they  are  to  be  wholy 
debared  from  all  trade  with  the  Indeans  for  all  sorts 
of  furrs,  and  such  like  commodities,  till  y*^  time  of  y*^ 
comunallitie  be  ended. 

About  y®  midle  of  September  arrived  Captaine 
Robart  Gorges  in  y^  Bay  of  y®  Massachusets,  with 
sundrie  passengers  and  families,  intending  ther  to 
begine  a  plantation ;  and  pitched  upon  y®  place  M^ 
Weston's  people  had  forsaken.  He  had  a  comission 
from  y**  Counsell  of  New-England,  to  be  generall  Gove'^ 
of  y*^  cuntrie,  and  they  appoynted  for  his  counsell  & 
assistance,  Captaine  Francis  West,  y'^  aforesaid  admirall, 
Christopher  Levite,  Esquire,  and  y®  Gov''  of  Plimoth  for 


1623.]  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.  179 

y®  time  beeing,  &c.  Allso,  they  gave  him  authoritie  to 
chuse  such  other  as  he  should  find  fit.  Allso,  they  gave 
(by  their  comission)  full  power  to  him  &  his  assistants, 
or  any  3.  of  them,  wherof  him  selfe  was  all  way  to  be 
one,  to  doe  and  execute  what  to  them  should  seeme 
good,  in  all  cases,  Capitall,  Criminall,  and  Civill,  &c., 
with  diverce  other  instructions.  Of  which,  &  his 
comission,  it  pleased  him  to  suffer  y'^  Gov""  hear  to 
take  a  coppy. 

He  gave  them  notice  of  his  arivall  by  letter,  but 
before  they  could  visite  him  he  went  to  y*^  eastward 
with  y*'  ship  he  came  in ;  but  a  storme  arising,  (and 
they  wanting  a  good  pilot  to  harbor  them  in  those 
parts,)  they  bore  up  for  this  harbor.  He  and  his 
men  were  hear  kindly  entertained ;  he  stayed  hear 
14.  days.  In  y*"  mean  time  came  in  M'".  Weston  with 
his  small  ship,  which  he  had  now  recovered.  [105*] 
Captaine  Gorges  tooke  hold  of  y''  opportunitie,  and 
acquainted  y®  Gov''  hear,  that  one  occasion  of  his 
going  to  y*^  eastward  was  to  meete  with  M^  Weston,, 
and  call  him  to  accounte  for  some  abuses  he  had  tO' 
lay  to  his  charge.  Wherupon  he  called  him  before 
him,  and  some  other  of  his  assistants,  with  y*"  Gov""  of 
this  place ;  and  charged  him,  first,  with  y*  ille  carriage 
of  his  men  at  y^  Massachusets ;  by  which  means  the 
peace  of  j"  cuntrie  was  disturbed,  and  him  selfe  &  the 
people  which  he  had   brought   over   to   plante    in   that 

*  In  MS.  also  145. 


180  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

bay  were  therby  much  prejudised.  To  this  M''.  Weston 
easily  answered,  that  what  was  that  way  done,  was  in 
his  absence,  and  might  have  befalen  any  man;  he  left 
them  sufficently  provided,  and  conceived  they  would 
have  been  well  governed ;  and  for  any  errour  coiSitted 
he  had  sufficiently  smarted.  This  particuler  was  passed 
by.  A  2'\  was,  for  an  abuse  done  to  his  father,  S"". 
Ferdenando  Gorges,  and  to  y^  State.  The  thing  was 
this ;  he  used  him  &  others  of  y'^  Counsell  of  New- 
England,  to  procure  him  a  licence  for  y''  transporting 
of  many  peeces  of  great  ordnance  for  New-England, 
pretending  great  fortification  hear  in  y*^  countrie,  &  I 
know  not  what  shipping.  The  which  when  he  had 
obtained,  he  went  and  sould  them  beyond  seas  for  his 
private  profite ;  for  which  (he  said)  y''  State  was  much 
ofiended,  and  his  father  suffered  a  shrowd  check,  and 
he  had  order  to  apprehend  him  for  it.  M^  Weston 
excused  it  as  well  as  he  could,  but  could  not  deney 
it;  it  being  one  maine  thing  (as  was  said)  for  which 
he  with-drew  himself.  But  after  many  passages,  by 
y^  mediation  of  y^  Gov""  and  some  other  freinds  hear, 
he  was  inclined  to  gentlnes  (though  he  aprehended  y® 
abuse  of  his  father  deeply)  ;  which,  when  M"".  Weston 
saw,  he  grew  more  presumptuous,  and  gave  such  pro- 
vocking  &  cutting  speches,  as  made  him  rise  up  in 
great  indignation  &  distemper,  and  vowed  y*  he  would 
either  curb  him,  or  send  him  home  for  England.  At 
which    M^  Weston    was    something;    danted,   and    came 


1623.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  181 

privatly  to  j^  Gov''  hear,  to  know  whether  they  would 
suffer  Captaine  Gorges  to  apprehend  him.  He  was 
tould  they  could  not  hinder  him,  but  much  blamed 
him,  y*  after  they  had  pacified  things,  he  should  thus 
breake  out,  by  his  owne  folly  &  rashnes,  to  bring 
trouble  upon  him  selfe  &  them  too.  He  confest  it 
was  his  passion,  and  prayd  y'^  Gov'"  to  entreat  for  him, 
and  pacific  him  if  he  could.  The  which  at  last  he 
did,  with  much  adoe ;  so  he  was  called  againe,  and  y® 
Gov''  was  contente  to  take  his  owne  bond  to  be  ready 
to  make  further  answer,  when  either  he  or  y*"  lords 
should  send  for  him.  And  at  last  he  tooke  only  his 
word,  and  ther  was  a  freidly  parting  on  all  hands. 

But  after  he  was  gone,  M^  Weston  in  lue  of  thanks 
to  y*^  Gov''  and  his  freinds  hear,  gave  them  this  quib 
(behind  their  baks)  for  all  their  pains.  That  though 
they  were  but  yonge  justices,  j'et  they  wear  good 
beggers.  Thus  they  parted  at  this  time,  and  shortly 
after  y®  Gov''  tooke  his  leave  and  went  to  y^  Mas- 
sachusets  by  land,  being  very  thankfull  for  his  kind 
entertainemente.  The  ship  stayed  hear,  and  fitted  her 
selfe  to  goe  for  Virginia,  having  some  passengers  ther 
to  deliver ;  and  with  her  returned  sundrie  of  those 
from  hence  which  came  over  on  their  perticuler,  some 
out  of  discontente  and  dislike  of  y®  cuntrie ;  others  by 
reason  of  a  fire  that  broke  out,  and  burnt  y^  houses 
they  lived   in,  and    all   their   provisions    [106  *]    so   as 

*  In  MS.  also  146. 


182  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

they  were  necessitated  therunto.  This  fire  was  occa- 
sioned by  some  of  y''  sea-men  that  were  roystering  in 
a  house  wher  it  first  begane,  makeing  a  great  fire  in 
very  could  weather,  which  broke  out  of  y®  chimney 
into  y''  thatch,  and  burute  downe  3.  or  4.  houses,  and 
consumed  all  y*"  goods  &  provissions  in  y™.  The 
house  in  which  it  begane  was  right  against  their  store- 
house, which  they  had  much  adoe  to  save,  in  which 
were  their  comone  store  &  all  their  provissions ;  y® 
which  if  it  had  been  lost,  y*^  plantation  had  been  over- 
throwne.  But  through  Gods  mercie  it  was  saved  by 
y*"  great  dilligence  of  y''  people,  &  care  of  y"  Gov""  & 
some  aboute  him.  Some  would  have  had  y**  goods 
throwne  out ;  but  if  they  had,  ther  would  much  have 
been  stolne  by  the  rude  company  y*  belonged  to  these 
2.  ships,  which  were  allmost  all  ashore.  But  a  trusty 
company  was  plased  within,  as  well  as  those  that  with 
wet-cloaths  &  other  means  kept  of  y*^  fire  without, 
that  if  necessitie  required  they  might  have  them  out 
with  all  speed.  For  y*'-''  suspected  some  malicious 
dealling,  if  not  plaine  treacherie,  and  whether  it  was 
only  suspition  or  no,  God  knows;  but  this  is  certaine, 
that  when  j''  tumulte  was  greatest,  ther  was  a  voyce 
heard  (but  from  whom  it  was  not  knowne)  that  bid 
them  looke  well  aboute  them,  for  all  were  not  freinds 
y*  were  near  them.  And  shortly  after,  when  the 
vemencie  of  y®  fire  was  over,  smoke  was  seen  to  arise 
within   a    shed    y'  was   joynd   to    y""   end    of  y*^    store- 


1623.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  183 

house,  which  was  watled  up  with  bowes,  in  y^  withered 
leaves  wherof  y''  fire  was  kindled,  which  some,  ruiiing 
to  quench,  found  a  longe  firebrand  of  an  ell  longe, 
lying  under  y'^  wale  on  y*^  inside,  which  could  not 
possibly  come  their  by  cassualtie,  but  must  be  laid 
ther  by  some  hand,  in  y^  judgmente  of  all  that  saw 
it.  But  God  kept  them  from  this  deanger,  what  ever 
was  intended. 

Shortly  after  Captaine  Gorges,  y^  generall  Gov'",  was 
come  home  to  y*^  Massachusets,  he  sends  a  warranto 
to  arrest  M"".  Weston  &  his  ship,  and  sends  a  m''.  to 
bring  her  away  thither,  and  one  Captain  Hanson  (that 
belonged  to  him)  to  conducte  him  along.  The  Gov'' 
&  others  hear  were  very  sory  to  see  him  take  this 
course,  and  tooke  exception  at  y"  warrante,  as  not 
legall  nor  sufficiente ;  and  withall  write  to  him  to  dis- 
swade  him  from  this  course,  shewing  him  y'  he  would 
but  entangle  and  burthen  him  selfe  in  doing  this ;  for 
he  could  not  doe  M^  Weston  a  better  turne,  (as  things 
stood  with  him)  ;  for  he  had  a  great  many  men  that 
belonged  to  him  in  this  barke,  and  was  deeply  ingaged 
to  them  for  wages,  and  was  in  a  maner  out  of  victails 
(^and  now  winter)  ;  all  which  would  light  upon  him,  if 
he  did  arrest  his  barke.  In  y*"  mean  time  AF.  Weston 
had  notice  to  shift  for  him  selfe ;  but  it  was  conceived 
he  either  knew  not  whither  to  goe,  or  how  to  mend 
him  selfe,  but  was  rather  glad  of  y*^  occasion,  and  so 
stirred  not.     But  y*^  Gov''  would  not  be  perswaded,  but 


184  HISTORY   OF  [book  II. 

[107]  sent  a  very  formall  warrente  under  his  hand  & 
seall,  with  strict  charge  as  they  would  answere  it  to 
y*^  state ;  he  also  write  that  he  had  better  considered 
of  things  since  he  was  hear,  and  he  could  not  answer 
it  to  let  him  goe  so ;  besids  other  things  that  were 
come  to  his  knowledg  since,  which  he  must  answer  too. 
So  he  was  suffered  to  proceede,  but  he  found  in  the 
end  that  to  be  true  that  was  tould  him ;  for  when  an 
inventorie  was  taken  of  what  was  in  y''  ship,  ther  was 
not  vitailes  found  for  above  14.  days,  at  a  pare  allow- 
ance, and  not  much  else  of  any  great  worth,  &  the 
men  did  so  crie  out  of  him  for  wages  and  diate,  in  y^ 
mean  time,  as  made  him  soone  weary.  So  as  in  con- 
clusion it  turned  to  his  loss,  and  y''  expence  of  his 
owne  provissions  ;  and  towards  the  spring  they  came  to 
agreement,  (after  they  had  bene  to  y*'  eastward,)  and 
y*"  Gov*"  restord  him  his  vessell  againe,  and  made  him 
satisfaction,  in  bisket,  meal,  and  such  like  provissions, 
for  what  he  had  made  use  of  that  was  his,  or  what 
his  men  had  any  way  wasted  or  consumed.  So  M"". 
Weston  came  hither  againe,  and  afterward  shaped  his 
course  for  Virginie,  &  so  for  present  I  shall  leave 
him.* 

The  Gov""  and  some  y'  depended  upon  him  returned 
for  England,  haveing  scarcly  saluted  y®  cuntrie  in  his 
Govermente,    not   finding   the    state   of  things   hear  to 

*  He  dyed  afterwards  at  Bristoll,  in  y<=  time  of  the  warrs,  of  y«  sicknes 
in  y'  place. 


1623.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  185 

answer  his  quallitie  &  condition.  The  peopl  dispersed 
them  selves,  some  went  for  England,  others  for  Vir- 
ginia, some  few  remained,  and  were  helped  with  sup- 
plies from  hence.  The  Gov''  brought  over  a  minister 
with  him,  one  M^  Morell,  who,  about  a  year  after  y*" 
Gov*^  returned,  tooke  shipping  from  hence.  He  had  I 
know  not  what  power  and  authority  of  superintendancie 
over  other  churches  granted  him,  and  sundrie  instruc- 
tions for  that  end ;  but  he  never  shewed  it,  or  made  any 
use  of  it;  (it  should  seeme  he  saw  it  was  in  vaine;) 
he  only  speake  of  it  to  some  hear  at  his  going  away. 
This  was  in  effect  y®  end  of  a  2.  plantation  in  that 
place.  Ther  were  allso  this  year  some  scatering  be- 
ginings  made  in  other  places,  as  at  Paskataway, 
by  M"".  David  Thomson,  at  Monhigen,  and  some  other 
places  by  sundrie  others. 

It  rests  now  y'  I  speake  a  word  aboute  y®  pinass 
spoken  of  before,  which  was  sent  by  y^  adventurers  to 
be  imployed  in  y*"  cuntrie.  She  was  a  fine  vessell,  and 
bravely  set  out,*  and  I  fear  y®  adventurers  did  over 
pride  them  selves  in  her,  for  she  had  ill  success.  How 
ever,  they  erred  grosly  in  tow  things  aboute  her ;  first, 
though  she  had  a  suflSciente  maister,  yet  she  was  rudly 
maned,  and  all  her  men  were  upon  shars,  and  none  was 
to  have  any  wages  but  y"  m"".  2'-'',  wheras  they  mainly 
lookt  at  trade,  they  had  sent  nothing  of  any  value  to 
trade  with.     When  the  men  came  hear,  and  mette  with 

•  With  her  flages,  &  streamers,  pendents,  &  wastcloaths,  &c. 


186  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

ill  counsell  from  M^  Weston  &  his  crue,  with  others 
of  y''  same  stampe,  neither  m^  nor  Gov""  could  scarce 
rule  [108]  them,  for  they  exclaimed  that  they  were 
abused  &  deceived,  for  they  were  tould  they  should 
goe  for  a  man  of  warr,  and  take  I  know  not  whom, 
French  &  Spaniards,  &c.  They  would  neither  trade 
nor  fish,  excepte  they  had  wages ;  in  fine,  they  would 
obey  no  comand  of  y®  maisters ;  so  it  was  appre- 
hended they  would  either  rune  away  with  y®  vessell,  or 
get  away  w""  y''  ships,  and  leave  her;  so  as  M"".  Peirce 
&  others  of  their  freinds  perswaded  the  Gov"^  to  chaing 
their  condition,  and  give  them  wages  ;  which  was  ac- 
cordingly done.  And  she  was  sente  about  y*"  Cape  to 
y^  Narigansets  to  trade,  but  they  made  but  a  poore 
vioage  of  it.  Some  corne  and  beaver  they  got,  but  y^ 
Dutch  used  to  furnish  them  with  cloath  &  better  comod- 
ities,  they  haveing  only  a  few  beads  &  knives,  which 
were  not  ther  much  esteemed.  Allso,  in  her  returne 
home,  at  y*^  very  entrance  into  ther  owne  harbore,  she 
had  like  to  have  been  cast  away  in  a  storme,  and  was 
forced  to  cut  her  maine  mast  by  y®  bord,  to  save  her- 
selfe  from  driving  on  y*^  flats  that  lye  without,  caled 
Browns  Hands,  the  force  of  y*^  wind  being  so  great  as 
made  her  anchors  give  way  and  she  drive  right  upon 
them ;  but  her  mast  &  takling  being  gone,  the}^  held 
her  till  y^  wind  shifted. 


1624.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  187 

Anno  Dom:    1624. 

The  time  of  new  election  of  ther  officers  for  this 
year  being  come,  and*  y"  number  of  their  people  in- 
creased, and  their  troubls  and  occasions  therwith,  the 
Gov''  desired  them  to  chainge  y®  persons,  as  well  as 
renew  y*"  election ;  and  also  to  adde  more  Assistans 
to  y"  Gov''  for  help  &  counsell,  and  y®  better  carrying 
on  of  affairs.  Showing  that  it  was  necessarie  it  should 
be  so.  If  it  was  any  honour  or  benefite,  it  was  fitte 
others  should  be  made  pertakers  of  it ;  if  it  was  a 
burthen,  (as  doubtles  it  was,)  it  was  but  equall  others 
should  help  to  bear  it ;  and  y'  this  was  y®  end  of 
Anuall  Elections.  The  issue  was,  that  as  before  ther 
was  but  one  Assistante,  they  now  chose  5.  giving  the 
Gov'  a  duble  voyce  ;  and  aftwards  they  increased  them 
to  7.  which  course  hath  continued  to  this  day. 

They  having  with  some  truble  &  charge  new-masted 
and  rigged  their  pinass,  in  y*'  begining  of  March  they 
sent  her  well  vitaled  to  the  eastward  on  fishing.  She 
arrived  safly  at  a  place  near  Damarins  cove,  and  was 
there  well  harbored  in  a  place  wher  ships  used  to 
ride,  ther  being  also  some  ships  allready  arived  out 
of  England.  But  shortly  after  ther  [109]  arose  such 
a  violent  &  extraordinarie  storme,  as  y"  seas  broak 
over  such  places  in  y*^  harbor  as  was  never  seene  be- 
fore, and  drive  her  against  great  roks,  which  beat  such 

*  And  is  repeated  in  the  MS. 


188  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

a  hole  in  her  bulke,  as  a  horse  and  carte  might  have 
gone  in,  and  after  drive  her  into  deep-water,  wher  she 
lay  sunke.  The  m''.  was  drowned,  the  rest  of  y*'  men, 
all  save  one,  saved  their  lives,  with  much  a  doe ;  all 
her  provision,  salt,  and  what  els  was  in  her,  was  lost. 
And  here  I  must  leave  her  to  lye  till  afterward. 

Some  of  those  that  still  remained  hear  on  their  per- 
ticuler,  begane  privatly  to  nurish  a  faction,  and  being 
privie  to  a  strong  faction  that  was  among  y®  adventur- 
ers in  England,  on  whom  sundry  of  them  did  depend, 
by  their  private  whispering  they  drew  some  of  the 
weaker  sorte  of  y*"  company  to  their  side,  and  so  filld 
them  with  discontente,  as  nothing  would  satisfie  them 
excepte  they  might  be  suffered  to  be  in  their  perticuler 
allso ;  and  made  great  offers,  so  they  might  be  freed 
from  y*  generall.  The  Gov''  consulting  with  y*  ablest 
of  y*'  generall  body  what  was  best  to  be  done  hear 
in,  it  was  resolved  to  permitte  them  so  to  doe,  upon 
equall  conditions.  The  conditions  were  the  same  in 
effect  with  y^  former  before  related.  Only  some  more 
added,  as  that  they  should  be  bound  here  to  remaine 
till  y®  generall  partnership  was  ended.  And  also  that 
they  should  pay  into  y*"  store,  y®  on  halfe  of  all  such 
goods  and  comodities  as  they  should  any  waise  raise 
above  their  food,  in  consideration  of  what  charg  had 
been  layed  out  for  them,  with  some  such  like  things. 
This  liberty  granted,  soone  stopt  this  gape,  for  ther 
was    but    a  few    that   undertooke   this    course    when   it 


1624.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  189 

came  too ;  and  they  were  as  sone  weary  of  it.  For 
the  other  had  pers waded  them,  &  M\  Weston  to- 
geather,  that  ther  would  never  come  more  supply  to 
y^  generall  body ;  but  y®  perticulers  had  such  freinds 
as  would  carry  all,  and  doe  for  them  I  know  not 
what. 

Shortly  after,  M"".  Winslow  came  over,  and  brought 
a  prety  good  supply,  and  the  ship  came  on  fishing,  a 
thing  fatall  to  this  plantation.  He  brought  3.  heifers 
&  a  bull,  the  first  begining  of  any  catle  of  that  kind 
in  y^  land,  with  some  cloathing  &  other  necessaries,  as 
will  further  appear;  but  withall  y''  reporte  of  a  strong 
faction  amongst  the  adventurers  *  against  them,  and 
espetially  against  y*'  coming  of  y®  rest  from  Leyden, 
and  with  what  difficulty  this  supply  was  procured,  and 
how,  by  their  strong  &  long  opposision,  bussines  was 
so  retarded  as  not  only  they  were  now  falne  too  late 
for  j"  fishing  season,  but  the  best  men  were  taken  up 
of  y^  fishermen  in  y""  west  countrie,  and  he  was  forct 
to  take  such  a  m"".  &  company  for  that  imployment  as 
he  could  procure  upon  y^  present.  Some  letters  from 
them  shall  beter  declare  these  things,  being  as  f ol- 
io weth. 


[110]  Most  worthy  &  loving  freinds,  your  kind  &  loving 
leters  I  have  received,  and  render  you  many  thanks,  &c.  It 
hath   plased  God  to  stirre  up  y'^  harts  of  our  adventurers  * 

•  Adventures  in  the  manuscript. 


190  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

to  raise  a  new  stock  for  y^  seting  forth  of  this  shipe,  caled 
y^  Charitie,  with  men  &  necessaries,  both  for  y^  plantation 
and  y*^  fishing,  though  accomplished  with  very  great  diffi- 
culty ;  in  regard  we  have  some  amongst  us  which  undoubt- 
edly aime  more  at  their  owne  private  ends,  and  y*^  thwarting 
&  opposing  of  some  hear,  and  other  worthy  instruments,*  of 
Gods  glory  elswher,  then  at  y*^  generall  good  and  further- 
ance of  this  noble  &  laudable  action.  Yet  againe  we  have 
many  other,  and  I  hope  y'^  greatest  parte,  very  honest  Chris- 
tian men,  which  I  am  perswaded  their  ends  and  intents  are 
wholy  for  y^  glory  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  in  y^  propaga- 
tion of  his  gospell,  and  hope  of  gaining  those  poore  salvages 
to  y^  knowledg  of  God.  But,  as  we  have  a  proverbe,  One 
seabed  sheep  may  marr  a  whole  flock,  so  tliese  malecontented 
persons,  &  turbulente  spirits,  doe  what  in  them  lyeth  to 
withdraw  mens  harts  from  you  and  your  freinds,  yea,  even 
from  y**  generall  bussines  ;  and  yet  under  show  and  pretence 
of  godlynes  and  furtherance  of  y*^  plantation.  Wheras  the 
quite  contrary  doth  plainly  appeare  ;  as  some  of  y*'  honester 
harted  men  (though  of  late  of  their  faction)  did  make  manifest 
at  our  late  meeting.  But  what  should  I  trouble  you  or  my 
selfe  with  these  restles  opposers  of  all  goodnes,  and  I  doubte 
will  be  continuall  disturbers  of  our  frendly  meetings  &  love. 
On  Thurs-day  y"  8.  of  Jan :  we  had  a  meeting  aboute  the 
artickls  betweene  you  &  us ;  wher  they  would  rejecte  that, 
which  we  in  our  late  leters  prest  you  to  grante,  (an  addition 
to  y^  time  of  our  joynt  stock).  And  their  reason  which 
they  would  make  known  to  us  was,  it  trobled  their  con- 
science to  exacte  longer  time  of  you  then  was  agreed  upon 
at  y*  first.  But  that  night  they  were  so  followed  and  crost 
of  their  perverse  courses,  as  they  were  even  wearied,  and 
offered  to  sell  their  adventurs ;  and  some  were  willing  to  buy. 
But   I,    doubting   they  would   raise    more    scandale  and  false 

*  He  means  M^  Robinson. 


1624.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  191 

reports,  aud  so  diverse  waise  doe  us  more  hurt,  by  going  of 
in  such  a  furie,  then  they  could  or  can  by  continuing  adven- 
turers amongst  us,  would  not  suffer  them.  But  on  y^  12.  of 
Jan :  we  had  another  meting,  but  in  the  interime  diverse  of 
us  had  talked  with  most  of  them  privatly,  and  had  great 
combats  &  reasoning,  prp  &  con.  But  at  night  when  we 
mete  to  read  y"  general!  letter,  we  had  y^  loveingest  and 
frendlyest  meeting  that  ever  I  knew  *  and  our  greatest  ene- 
mise  offered  to  lend  us  oOh-  So  I  sent  for  a  potle  of  wine, 
(I  would  you  could  f  doe  y^  like,)  which  we  dranke  freindly 
together.  Thus  God  can  turne  y*^  harts  of  men  when  it 
pleaseth  him,  &c.  Thus  loving  freinds,  I  hartily  salute  you 
all  in  y®  Lord,  hoping  ever  to  rest. 

Yours  to  my  power, 
Jan :  25.  1623.  James   Sherley. 

[Ill]     Another  leter. 

Beloved  S^,  &c.  We  have  now  sent  you,  we  hope,  men 
&  means,  to  setle  these  3.  things,  viz.  fishing,  salt  making, 
and  boat  making ;  if  you  can  bring  them  to  pass  to  some 
perfection,  your  wants  may  be  supplyed.  I  pray  you  bend 
you  selfe  what  you  can  to  setle  these  bussinesses.  Let  y^ 
ship  be  fraught  away  as  soone  as  you  can,  and  sent  to  Bil- 
bow.  You  must  send  some  discreete  man  for  factore,  whom, 
once  more,  you  must  also  authorise  to  confirme  y®  conditions. 
If    M^    Winslow   could    be    spared,    I    could   wish    he   came 

*  But  this  lasted  not  long,  they  had  now  provided  Lyford  &  others  to  send 
over. 

t  It  is  worthy  to  be  observed,  how  y«  Lord  doth  chaing  times  &  things; 
for  what  is  now  more  plentifuU  then  wine  ?  and  that  of  y  best,  coming  from 
Malago,  y«  Cannaries,  and  other  places,  sundry  ships  lading  in  a  year.  So 
as  ther  is  now  more  cause  to  complaine  of  y  excess  and  y«  abuse  of  wine 
(through  mens  corruption)  even  to  drunkennes,  then  of  any  defecte  or  wante 
of  ye  same.  Witnes  this  year  1646.  The  good  Lord  lay  not  y«  sins  &  un- 
thankfuUues  of  men  to  their  charge  in  this  perticuler. 


192  HISTORY   OF  [BOOK  II. 

agaiue.  This  ship  carpenter  is  thought  to  be  the  fittest  man 
for  you  in  the  land,  and  will  no  doubte  doe  you  much  good. 
Let  him  have  an  absolute  comaud  over  his  servants  & 
such  as  you  put  to  him.  Let  him  build  you  2.  catches,  a 
lighter,  and  some  6.  or  7.  shalops,  as  soone  as  you  can. 
The  salt-man  is  a  skillfull  &  industrious  man,  put  some  to 
him,  that  may  quickly  apprehende  y®  misterie  of  it.  The 
preacher  we  have  sent  is  (we  hope)  an  honest  plaine  man, 
though  none  of  y^  most  eminente  and  rare.  Aboute  chusing 
him  into  office  use  your  owne  liberty  &  discretion  ;  he  knows 
he  is  no  officer  amongst  you,  though  perhaps  custome  & 
universalitie  may  make  him  forget  him  selfe.  M''.  Wiuslow 
&  my  selfe  gave  way  to  his  going,  to  give  contente  to  some 
hear,  and  we  see  no  hurt  in  it,  but  only  his  great  charge  of 
children. 

We  have  tooke  a  patente  for  Cap  Anne,  &c.  I  am  scry 
ther  is  no  more  discretion  used  by  some  in  their  leters 
hither.*  Some  say  you  are  starved  in  body  &  soule  ;  others, 
y'  you  eate  piggs  &  doggs,  that  dye  alone ;  others,  that  y^ 
things  hear  spoaken  of,  y^  goodnes  of  y*^  cuutry,  are  gross 
and  palpable  lyes ;  that  ther  is  scarce  a  foule  to  be  scene, 
or  a  fish  to  be  taken,  and  many  such  like.  I  would  such 
discontented  men  were  hear  agaiue,  for  it  is  a  miserie  when 
y®  whole  state  of  a  plantation  shall  be  thus  exposed  to  y® 
passionate  humors  of  some  discontented  men.  And  for  my 
selfe  I  shall  hinder  for  hearafter  some  y'  would  goe,  and 
have  not  better  composed  their  affections  ;  mean  space  it  is 
all  our  crosses,  and  we  must  bear  them. 

I  am  sorie  we  have  not  sent  you  more  and  other  things, 
but  in  truth  we  have  rune  into  so  much  charge,  to  victaile 
y'^  ship,  provide  salte  &  other  fishing  implements,  &c.  as  we 
could  not  provid  other  comfortable  things,  as  buter,  suger, 
&c.     I  hope  the   returne   of   this   ship,   and    the  James,   will 

*  This  was  John  Oldome  &  his  like. 


1624.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  193 

put  us  in  cash  againe.  The  Lord  make  you  full  of  courage 
in  this  troublesome  bussines,  which  now  must  be  stuck  unto, 
till  God  give  us  rest  from  our  labours.  Fare  well  in  all 
harty  affection. 

Your  assured  freind, 
Jan:  24.   1623.  R.  C. 

With  y®  former  letter  write  by  M''.  Sherley,  there 
were  sente  sundrie  objections  concerning  which  he  thus 
writeth.  "These  are  the  cheefe  objections  which  they 
[112]  that  are  now  returned  make  against  you  and 
the  countrie.  I  pray  you  consider  them,  and  answer 
them  by  the  first  conveniencie."  These  objections  were 
made  by  some  of  those  that  came  over  on  their  pertic- 
uler  and  were  returned  home,  as  is  before  mentioned, 
and  were  of  y*  same  suite  with  those  y'  this  other 
letter  mentions. 

I  shall  here  set  them  downe,  with  y^  answers  then 
made  unto  them,  and  sent  over  at  y*"  returne  of  this 
ship ;  which  did  so  confound  y*^  objecters,  as  some 
confessed  their  falte,  and  others  den  eyed  what  they 
had  said,  and  eate  their  words,  &  some  others  of  them 
have  since  come  over  againe  and  heere  lived  to  con- 
vince them  selves  sufiiciently,  both  in  their  owne  & 
other  mens  judgments. 

1.  obj.  was  diversitie  aboute  Religion.  Ans :  We 
know  no  such  matter,  for  here  was  never  any  con- 
troversie  or  opposition,  either  publicke  or  private,  (to 
our  knowledg,)  since  we  came. 


194  HISTORY   OF  [book  II. 

2.  ob  :  Neglecte  of  familie  duties,  one  y*^  Lords  day. 
Ans.     We  allow  no  such  thing,  but  blame  it  in  our 

selves  &  others ;  and  they  that  thus  reporte  it,  should 
have  shewed  their  Christian  love  the  more  if  they  had 
in  love  tould  y®  offenders  of  it,  rather  then  thus  to 
reproach  them  behind  their  baks.  But  (to  say  no 
more)  we  wish  them  selves  had   given  better  example. 

3.  ob :    Wante  of  both  the  sacrements. 

Ans.  The  more  is  our  greefe,  that  our  pastor  is 
kept  from  us,  by  whom  we  might  injoye  them;  for 
we  used  to  have  the  Lords  Supper  every  Saboth,  and 
baptisme  as  often  as  ther  was  occasion  of  children  to 
baptise. 

4.  ob  :    Children  not  catechised  nor  taught  to  read. 
Ans :    Neither  is  true ;    for   diverse   take   pains    with 

their  owne  as  they  can ;  indeede,  we  have  no  comone 
schoole  for  want  of  a  fitt  person,  or  hithertoo  means 
to  maintaine  one ;   though  we  desire  now  to  begine. 

5.  ob  :  Many  of  y®  perticuler  members  of  y*  planta- 
tion will  not  work  for  y^  generall. 

Ans  :  This  allso  is  not  wholy  true ;  for  though  some 
doe  it  not  willingly,  &  other  not  honestly,  yet  all  doe 
it ;  and  he  that  doth  worst  gets  his  owne  foode  & 
something  besids.  But  we  will  not  excuse  them,  but 
labour  to  reforme  them  y^  best  we  cane,  or  else  to 
quitte  y®  plantation  of  them. 

6.  ob :    The  water  is  not  wholsome. 

Ans :    If  they  mean,    not    so    wholsome    as    y^   good 


1624.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  195 

beere  and  wine  in  London,  (which  they  so  dearly 
love,)  we  will  not  dispute  with  them;  but  els,  for 
water,  it  is  as  good  as  any  in  y°  world,  (for  ought 
we  knowe,)  and  it  is  wholsome  enough  to  us  that  can 
be  contente  therwith. 

7.  ob ;  The  ground  is  barren  and  doth  bear  no 
grasse. 

[113]  Ans  :  It  is  hear  (as  in  all  places)  some  better 
&  some  worse  ;  and  if  they  well  consider  their  words, 
in  England  they  shall  not  find  such  grasse  in  them,  as 
in  their  feelds  &  meadows.  The  catle  find  grasse,  for 
they  are  as  fatt  as  need  be ;  we  wish  we  had  but  one 
for  every  hundred  that  hear  is  grase  to  keep.  Indeed, 
this  objection,  as  some  other,  are  ridiculous  to  all  here 
which  see  and  know  y""  contrary. 

8.  ob  :    The  fish  will  not  take  salt   to  keepe  sweete. 
Ans :    This    is    as   true   as   that  which   was   written, 

that  ther  is  scarce  a  foule  to  be  scene  or  a  fish  to 
be  taken.  Things  likly  to  be  true  in  a  cuntrie  wher 
so  many  sayle  of  ships  come  yearly  a  fishing ;  they 
might  as  well  say,  there  can  no  aile  or  beere  in  Lon- 
don be  kept  from  sowering. 

9.  ob :  Many  of  them  are  theevish  and  steale  on 
from  an  other. 

Ans  :  Would  London  had  been  free  from  that  crime, 
then  we  should  not  have  been  trobled  with  these  here ; 
it  is  well  knowne  sundrie  have  smarted  well  for  it, 
and  so  are  y''  rest  like  to  doe,  if  they  be  taken. 


196  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

10.  ob :  The  countrie  is  anoyed  with  foxes  and 
woules. 

Ans :  So  are  many  other  good  cuntries  too ;  but 
poyson,  traps,  and  other  such  means  will  help  to 
destroy  them. 

11.  ob  :  The  Dutch  are  planted  nere  Hudsons  Bay, 
and  are  likely  to  overthrow  the  trade. 

Ans :  They  will  come  and  plante  in  these  parts, 
also,  if  we  and  others  doe  not,  but  goe  home  and 
leave  it  to  them.  We  rather  commend  them,  then 
condemne  them  for  it. 

12.  ob :  The  people  are  much  anoyed  with  mus- 
keetoes. 

Ans :  They  are  too  delicate  and  unfitte  to  begine 
new-plantations  and  collonies,  that  cannot  enduer  the 
biting  of  a  muskeeto ;  we  would  wish  such  to  keepe 
at  home  till  at  least  they  be  muskeeto  proofs.  Yet 
this  place  is  as  free  as  any,  and  experience  teacheth 
that  y*'  more  y"  land  is  tild,  and  y''  woods  cut  downe, 
the  fewer  ther  will  be,  and  in  the  end.  scarse  any 
at  all. 

Having  thus  dispatcht  these  things,  that  I  may 
handle  things  togeather,  I  shall  here  inserte  2.  other 
letters  from  M"".  Robinson  their  pastor ;  the  one  to  y^ 
Gov'",  y''  other  to  M"".  Brewster  their  Elder,  which  will 
give  much  light  to  y*^  former  things,  and  express  the 
tender  love  &  care  of  a  true  pastor  over  them. 


1624.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  197 

His  leter  to  y^  Gov^. 

My  loving  &  much  beloved  freind,  whom  God  hath 
hithertoo  preserved,  preserve  aud  keepe  you  still  to  his 
glorie,  and  y*  good  of  many ;  that  his  blessing  may  make 
your  godly  and  wise  endeavours  answerable  to  y*  valuation 
which  they  ther  have,  &  set  upon  y®  same.  Of  your  love 
too  and  care  for  us  here,  we  never  doubted  ;  so  are  we  glad 
to  take  knowledg  of  it  in  that  fullnes  we  doe.  Our  love  & 
care  to  and  for  you,  is  mutuall,  though  our  hopes  of  com- 
ing [114]  unto  you  be  small,  and  weaker  then  ever.  But 
of  this  at  large  in  M'.  Brewsters  letter,  with  whom  you,  and 
he  with  you,  mutualy,  I  know,  comunicate  your  letters,  as 
I  desire  you  may  doe  these,  &c. 

Concerning  y''  killing  of  those  poor  Indeans,  of  which  we 
heard  at  first  by  reporte,  and  since  by  more  certaine  rela- 
tion, oh !  how  happy  a  thing  had  it  been,  if  you  had  con- 
verted some,  before  you  had  killed  any ;  besids,  wher  bloud 
is  one  begune  to  be  shed,  it  is  seldome  stanched  of  a  long 
time  after.  You  will  say  they  deserved  it.  I  grant  it ;  but 
upon  what  provocations  and  invitments  by  those  heathenish 
Christians?*  Besids,  you,  being  no  magistrats  over  them, 
were  to  consider,  not  what  they  deserved,  but  what  you 
were  by  necessitie  constrained  to  inflicte.  Necessitie  of  this, 
espetially  of  killing  so  many,  (and  many  more,  it  seems, 
they  would,  if  they  could,)  I  see  not.  Methinks  on  or  tow 
principals  should  have  been  full  enougli,  according  to  that 
approved  rule,  The  punishmente  to  a  few,  and  y^  fear  to 
many.  Upon  this  occasion  let  me  be  bould  to  exhorte  you 
seriouly  to  consider  of  y"  dispossition  of  your  Captaine,  whom 
I  love,  and  am  perswaded  y''  Lord  in  great  mercie  and  for 
much  good  hath  sent  you  him,  if  you  use  him  aright.  He 
is  a  man   humble   and   meek   amongst   you,  and   towards   all 

•  M'.  "VVestons  men. 


198  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

in  ordinaiie  course.  But  now  if  this  be  meerly  from  an 
humane  spirite,  ther  is  cause  to  fear  that  by  occasion, 
espetially  of  provocation,  ther  may  be  wanting  y'  tendernes 
of  y®  life  of  man  (made  after  Gods  image)  which  is  meete. 
It  is  also  a  thing  more  glorious  in  mens  eyes,  then  pleas- 
ing in  Gods,  or  conveniente  for  Christians,  to  be  a  terrour 
to  poore  barbarous  people  ;  and  indeed  I  am  afraid  least,  by 
these  occasions,  others  should  be  drawne  to  affecte  a  kind  of 
rufling  course  in  the  world.  I  doubt  not  but  you  will  take 
in  good  part  these  things  which  I  write,  and  as  ther  is 
cause  make  use  of  them.  It  were  to  us  more  comfortable 
and  convenient,  that  we  comunicated  our  mutuall  helps  in 
presence,  but  seeing  that  canot  be  done,  we  shall  always 
long  after  you,  and  love  you,  and  waite  Gods  apoynted 
time.  The  adventurers  it  seems  have  neither  money  nor 
any  great  mind  of  us,  for  y'^  most  parte.  They  deney  it  to 
be  any  part  of  y^  covenants  betwixte  us,  that  they  should 
trasporte  us,  neither  doe  I  looke  for  any  further  help  from 
them,  till  means  come  from  you.  We  hear  are  strangers  in 
effecte  to  y^  whole  course,  and  so  both  we  and  you  (save  as 
your  owne  wisdoms  and  worths  have  intressed  you  further) 
of  principals  intended  in  this  bussines,  are  scarce  accessa- 
ries, &c.  My  wife,  with  me,  resalute  you  &  yours.  Unto 
him  who  is  y^  same  to  his  in  all  places,  and  nere  to  them 
which  are  farr  from  one  an  other,  I  comend  you  and  all 
with  you,  resting, 

Yours  truly  loving, 

John  Robinson. 
Leyden,  Des  :  19.  1623. 

His  to  M''.  Brewster. 

Loving  and  dear  freind  and  brother:  That  which  I  most 
desired  of  God  in  regard  of  you,  namly,  y^  continuance  of 
your  life  and  health,  and  the  safe  coming  of  these  sent  unto 


1624.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  199 

you,  that  I  most  gladly  hear  of,  aud  praise  God  for  the 
same.  And  I  hope  M".  Brewsters  weake  and  decayed  state 
of  body  will  have  some  reparing  by  the  coming  of  her 
daughters,  and  the  provissions  in  this  and  former  ships,  I 
hear  is  made  for  you ;  which  maks  us  with  more  patience 
bear  our  languishing  state,  and  y®  deferring  of  our  desired 
trasportation ;  w'^''  I  call  desired,  rather  than  hoped  for, 
whatsoever  you  are  borne  in  hand  by  any  others.  For  first, 
ther  is  no  hope  at  all,  that  I  know,  or  can  conceive  of,  of 
any  new  stock  to  be  raised  for  that  end  ;  so  that  all  must 
depend  [115]  upon  returns  from  you,  in  which  are  so  many 
uncertainties,  as  that  nothing  with  any  certaintie  can  thence 
be  concluded.  Besids,  howsoever  for  y®  presente  the  adven- 
turers aledg  nothing  but  want  of  money,  which  is  an  in- 
vincible difculty,  yet  if  that  be  taken  away  by  you,  others 
without  doubte  will  be  found.  For  the  beter  clearing  of  this, 
we  must  dispose  y*  adventurers  into  3.  parts;  aud  of  them 
some  5.  or  6.  (as  I  conceive)  are  absolutly  bent  for  us, 
above  any  others.  Other  5.  or  6.  are  our  bitter  professed 
adversaries.  The  rest,  being  the  body,  I  conceive  to  be 
honestly  minded,  &  loveingly  also  towards  us ;  yet  such  as 
have  others  (uamly  y^  forward  preachers)  nerer  unto  them, 
then  us,  and  whose  course  so  farr  as  ther  is  any  differance, 
they  would  rather  advance  then  ours.  Now  what  a  hanck 
these  men  have  over  y*  professors,  you  know.  And  I  per- 
swade  my  selfe,  that  for  me,  they  of  all  others  are  unwilling 
I  should  be  transported,  espetially  such  of  them  as  have  an 
eye  that  way  them  selves ;  as  thinking  if  I  come  ther,  ther 
market  will  be  mard  in  many  regards.  And  for  these  ad- 
versaries, if  they  have  but  halfe  y^  witte  to  their  malice,  they 
will  stope  my  course  when  they  see  it  intended,  for  which 
this  delaying  serveth  them  very  opportunly.  And  as  one 
restie  jade  can  hinder,  by  hanging  back,  more  then  two  or 
3.  can  (or  will  at  least,  if  they  be  not  very  free)   draw  for- 


200  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

ward,  so  will  it  be  in  this  case.  A  notable  *  experimente  of 
this,  they  gave  in  your  messengers  presence,  constraining  y^ 
company  to  promise  that  none  of  the  money  now  gathered 
should  be  expended  or  imployed  to  y''  help  of  any  of  us 
towards  you.  Now  touching  y*  question  propounded  by  you, 
I  judg  it  not  lawfull  for  you,  being  a  I'uling  Elder,  as  Eom. 
12.  7.  8.  &  1.  Tim.  5.  17.  opposed  to  the  Elders  that  teach 
&  exhorte  and  labore  in  y^  word  and  doctrine,  to  which  y® 
sacrements  are  anexed,  to  administer  them,  nor  convenient 
if  it  were  lawfull.  Whether  any  larned  man  will  come  unto 
you  or  not,  I  know  not ;  if  any  doe,  you  must  Consiliu 
capere  in  arena.  Be  you  most  hartily  saluted,  &  you'  wife 
with  you,  both  from  me  &  mine.  Your  God  &  ours,  and 
y^  God  of  all  his,  bring  us  together  if  it  be  his  will,  and  keep 
us  in  the  mean  while,  and  allways  to  his  glory,  and  make  us 
servisable  to  his  majestic,  and  faithfull  to  the    end.     Amen. 

Your  very  loving  brother, 

John  Robinson. 
Leyden,  Des:  20.  1623. 


These  things  premised,  I  shall  now  prosecute  y^  pro- 
cedinffs  and  afairs  here.  And  before  I  come  to  other 
things  I  must  speak  a  word  of  their  planting  this 
year ;  they  having  found  y''  benifite  of  their  last 
years  harvest,  and  setting  corne  for  their  particuler, 
having  therby  with  a  great  deale  of  patience  over- 
come hunger  &  famine.  Which  maks  me  remember 
a  saing  of  Senecas,  Upis:  123.  That  a  great  parte  of 
libertie  is  a  well  governed  belly,  and  to  he  patiente  in  all 
wants.     They    begane    now    highly    to    prise    corne    as 

*  Notabe  in  MS. 


1624.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  201 

more  pretious  then  silver,  and  those  that  had  some  to 
spare  begane  to  trade  one  with  another  for  smale 
things,  by  y"  quarte,  potle,  &  peck,  &c.  ;  for  money 
they  had  none,  and  if  any  had,  corne  was  prefered 
before  it.  That  they  might  therfore  enerease  their 
tillage  to  better  advantage,  they  made  suite  [116]  to 
the  Gov""  to  have  some  portion  of  land  given  them 
for  continuance,  and  not  by  yearly  lotte,  for  by  that 
means,  that  which  y®  more  industrious  had  brought 
into  good  culture  (by  much  pains)  one  year,  came  to 
leave  it  y"  nexte,  and  often  another  might  injoye  it; 
so  as  the  dressing  of  their  lands  were  the  more 
sleighted  over,  &  to  lese  profite.  Which  being  well 
considered,  their  request  was  granted.  And  to  every 
person  was  given  only  one  acrre  of  land,  to  them  & 
theirs,  as  nere  y®  towne  as  might  be,  and  they  had  no 
more  till  y"  7.  years  were  expired.  The  reason  was, 
that  they  might  be  kept  close  together  both  for  more 
saftie  and  defence,  and  y®  better  improvement  of  y® 
generall  imployments.  Which  condition  of  theirs  did 
make  me  often  thinke,  of  what  I  had  read  in  Plinie  * 
of  y'^  Romans  first  beginings  in  Romulus  time.  How 
every  man  contented  him  selfe  with  2.  Acres  of  land, 
and  had  no  more  assigned  them.  And  chap.  3.  It 
was  thought  a  great  reward,  to  receive  at  y^  hands  of 
y^  people  of  Rome  a  pinte  of  corne.  And  long  after, 
the  greatest  presente  given  to  a  Gaptaine   y'  had  gotte  a 

*  Plin :  lib :  18.  chap.  2. 


202  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

victory  over  ihhir  enemise,  was  as  much  ground  as 
they  could  till  in  one  day.  And  he  was  not  counted 
a  good,  but  a  dangerous  man,  that  would  not  contente 
him  selfe  with  7.  Acres  of  land.  As  also  how  they 
did  pound  their  come  in  vnorters,  as  these  people  were 
forcte  to  doe  many  years  before  they  could  get  a 
mille. 

The  ship  which  brought  this  supply,  was  speedily 
discharged,  and  with  her  m"".  &  company  sente  to 
Cap- Anne  (of  which  place  they  had  gott  a  patente,  as 
before  is  shewed)  on  fishing,  and  because  y®  season  was 
so  farr  spente  some  of  y®  planters  were  sent  to  help 
to  build  their  stage,  to  their  owne  hinderance.  But 
partly  by  y®  latenes  of  y'^  year,  and  more  espetialy  by 
y*^  basnes  of  y*"  m^,  one  Baker,  they  made  a  poore 
viage  of  it.  He  proved  a  very  drunken  beast,  and 
did  nothing  (in  a  maner)  but  drink,  &  gusle,  and 
consume  away  y''  time  &  his  victails ;  and  most  of 
his  company  followed  his  example ;  and  though  M^ 
William  Peirce  was  to  over  see  the  busines,  &  to 
be  m^  of  y''  ship  home,  yet  he  could  doe  no  good 
amongst  them,  so  as  y''  loss  was  great,  and  would 
have  bene  more  to  them,  but  that  they  kept  one  a 
trading  ther,  which  in  those  times  got  some  store  of 
skins,  which  was  some  help  unto  them. 

The  ship-carpenter  that  was  sent  them,  was  an 
honest  and  very  industrious  man,  and  followed  his 
labour  very  dilligently,    and   made   all   that   were   im- 


1624.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  203 

ployed  with  him  doe  j^  like  ;  he  quickly  builte  them 
2  very  good  &  strong  shalops  (which  after  did  them 
greate  service),  and  a  great  and  strong  lighter,  and 
had  hewne  timber  for  2.  catches;  but  that  was  lost, 
for  he  fell  into  a  feaver  in  y^  hote  season  of  y"  year, 
and  though  he  had  the  best  means  y^  place  could  aforde, 
yet  he  dyed;  of  whom  they  had  a  very  [117]  great 
loss,  and  were  very  sorie  for  his  death.  But  he  whom 
they  sent  to  make  salte  was  an  ignorante,  foolish,  self- 
willd  fellow ;  he  bore  them  in  hand  he  could  doe  great 
matters  in  making  salt-works,  so  he  was  sente  to  seeke 
out  fitte  ground  for  his  purpose ;  and  after  some  serch 
he  tould  y*  Gov"^  that  he  had  found  a  suflScente  place, 
with  a  good  botome  to  hold  water,  and  otherwise  very 
conveniente,  which  he  doubted  not  but  in  a  short  time 
to  bring  to  good  perfection,  and  to  yeeld  them  great 
profite ;  but  he  must  have  8 .  or  ten  men  to  be  con- 
stantly imployed.  He  was  wisht  to  be  sure  that  y® 
ground  was  good,  and  other  things  answerable,  and 
y*  he  could  bring  it  to  perfection  ;  otherwise  he  would 
bring  upon  them  a  great  charge  by  imploying  him 
selfe  and  so  many  men.  But  he  was,  after  some  triall, 
so  confidente,  as  he  caused  them  to  send  carpenters  to 
rear  a  great  frame  for  a  large  house,  to  receive  y®  salte 
&  such  other  uses.  But  in  y®  end  all  proved  vaine. 
Then  he  layed  fault  of  y"  ground,  in  which  he  was 
deceived ;  but  if  he  might  have  the  lighter  to  cary 
clay,  he  was  sure  then  he  could  doe  it.      Now  though 


204  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

y°  Gov""  &  some  other  foresaw  that  this  would  come  to 
litle,  yet  they  had  so  many  malignant  spirits  amongst 
them,  that  would  have  laid  it  upon  them,  in  their  let- 
ters of  complainte  to  y*^  adventurers,  as  to  be  their 
falte  y*  would  not  suffer  him  to  goe  on  to  bring  his 
work  to  perfection ;  for  as  he  by  his  bould  confidence 
&  large  promises  deceived  them  in  England  that  sente 
him,  so  he  had  wound  him  selfe  in  to  these  mens  high 
esteeme  hear,  so  as  they  were  faine  to  let  him  goe  on 
till  all  men  saw  his  vanity.  For  he  could  not  doe  any 
thing  but  boyle  salt  in  pans,  &  yet  would  make  them 
y*  were  joynd  with  him  beleeve  ther  was  so  grat  a 
misterie  in  it  as  was  not  easie  to  be  attained,  and 
made  them  doe  many  unnecessary  things  to  blind  their 
eys,  till  they  discerned  his  sutltie.  The  next  yere  he 
was  sente  to  Cap-Anne,  and  y*  pans  were  set  up  ther 
wher  the  fishing  was ;  but  before  somer  was  out,  he 
burte  the  house,  and  the  fire  was  so  vehemente  as  it 
spoyld  the  pans,  at  least  some  of  them,  and  this  was 
the  end  of  that  charo^able  bussines. 

The  S'^-  eminente  person  (which  y*^  letters  before  men- 
tion) was  y*"  minister  which  they  sent  over,  by  name 
M"".  John  Lyford,  of  whom  &  whose  doing  I  must  be 
more  large,  though  I  shall  abridg  things  as  much  as  I 
can.  When  this  man  first  came  a  shore,  he  saluted 
them  with  that  reverence  &  humilitie  as  is  seldome  to 
be  seen,  and  indeed  made  them  ashamed,  he  so  bowed 
and  cringed  unto  them,   and  would  have    kissed   their 


1624.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  205 

hands  if  they  would  have  [118]  suffered  him;*  yea, 
he  wept  &  shed  many  tears,  blessing  God  that  had 
brought  him  to  see  their  faces ;  and  admiring  y*"  things 
they  had  done  in  their  wants,  &c.  as  if  he  had  been 
made  all  of  love,  and  y^  humblest  person  in  y*^  world. 
And  all  y°  while  (if  we  may  judg  by  his  after  cariags) 
he  was  but  like  him  mentioned  in  Psa  :  10.  10.  That 
croucheth  &  boweth,  that  heaps  of  poore  may  fall  by 
his  might.  Or  like  to  that  dissembling  Ishmaell,f  who, 
when  he  had  slaine  Gedelia,  went  out  weeping  and 
mette  them  y*  were  coming  to  oiler  incence  in  y*^  house 
of  y'^  Lord ;  saing,  Come  to  Gedelia,  when  he  ment  to 
slay  them.  They  gave  him  y''  best  entertainment  y*"^' 
could,  (in  all  simplisitie,)  and  a  larger  alowans  of 
food  out  of  y*^  store  then  any  other  had,  and  as  the 
Gov''  had  used  in  all  waightie  affairs  to  consulte  with 
their  Elder,  M^  Brewster,  (togeither  with  his  assist- 
ants,) so  now  he  caled  M"".  Liford  also  to  counsell  with 
them  in  their  waio^htiest  bussineses.  Ater  some  short 
time  he  desired  to  joyne  himselfe  a  member  to  y® 
church  hear,  and  was  accordingly  received.  He  made 
a  large  confession  of  his  faith,  and  an  acknowledge- 
mente  of  his  former  disorderly  walking,  and  his  being 
intangled  with  many  corruptions,  which  had  been  a 
burthen  to  his  conscience,  and  blessed  God  for  this 
opportunitie  of  freedom  &  libertie  to  injoye  y*"  ordi- 
nances of  God  in  puritie  among  his  people,  with  many 

*  Of  w^^  were  many  witneses.  t  Jer.  41.  6. 


206  HISTORY    OF  [book  H. 

more  such  like  expressions.  I  must  hear  speake  a  word 
also  of  M"".  John  Oldom,  who  was  a  copartner  with 
him  in  his  after  courses.  He  had  bene  a  cheefe  sticler 
in  y*"  former  faction  among  y''  perticulers,  and  an 
intelligencer  to  those  in  England.  But  now,  since  the 
coming  of  this  ship  and  he  saw  y''  supply  that  came, 
he  tooke  occasion  to  open  his  minde  to  some  of  y^ 
cheefe  amongst  them  heere,  and  confessed  he  had  done 
them  wrong  both  by  word  &  deed,  &  writing  into 
England ;  but  he  now  saw  the  eminente  hand  of  God 
to  be  with  them,  and  his  blesing  upon  them,  which 
made  his  hart  smite  him,  neither  should  those  in  Eng- 
land ever  use  him  as  an  instrumente  any  longer  against 
them  in  any  thing ;  he  also  desired  former  things 
might  be  forgotten,  and  that  they  would  looke  upon 
him  as  one  that  desired  to  close  with  them  in  all 
things,  with  such  like  expressions.  Now  whether  this 
was  in  hipocrisie,  or  out  of  some  sudden  pange  of 
conviction  (which  I  rather  thinke),  God  only  knows. 
Upon  it  they  shew  all  readynes  to  imbrace  his  love, 
and  carr}^  towards  him  in  all  frendlynes,  and  called 
him  to  counsell  with  them  in  all  cheefe  affairs,  as  y® 
other,  without  any  distrust  at  all. 

Thus  all  things  seemed  to  goe  very  comfortably  and 
smothly  on  amongst  them,  at  which  they  did  much 
rejoyce ;  but  this  lasted  not  [119]  long,  for  both  Oldom 
and  he  grew  very  perverse,  and  shewed  a  spirite  of 
great    malignancie,    drawing    as    many    into    faction    as 


1624.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  207 

they  could;  were  they  never  so  vile  or  profane,  they 
did  nourish  &  back  them  in  all  their  doings ;  so  they 
would  but  cleave  to  them  and  speak  against  y''  church 
hear ;  so  as  ther  was  nothing  but  private  meetings  and 
whisperings  amongst  them ;  they  feeding  themselves  & 
others  with  what  they  should  bring  to  pass  in  England 
by  the  faction  of  their  freinds  their,  which  brought 
others  as  well  as  them  selves  into  a  fools  paradise. 
Yet  they  could  not  cary  so  closly  but  much  of  both 
their  doings  &  sayings  were  discovered,  yet  outwardly 
they  still  set  a  faire  face  of  things. 

At  lenght  when  y''  ship  was  ready  to  goe,  it  was 
observed  Liford  was  long  in  writing,  &  sente  many 
letters,  and  could  not  forbear  to  comunicate  to  his 
intimats  such  things  as  made  them  laugh  in  their 
sleeves,  and  thought  he  had  done  ther  errand  suffi- 
cientl3^  The  Gov'"  and  some  other  of  his  freinds  know- 
ing how  things  stood  in  England,  and  what  hurt  these 
things  might  doe,  tooke  a  shalop  and  wente  out  with 
the  ship  a  league  or  2.  to  sea,  and  caled  for  all  Lifords 
&  Oldums  letters.  M"".  William  Peirce  being  m'.  of 
y*  ship,  (and  knew  well  their  evill  dealing  both  in 
England  &  here,)  afforded  him  all  y''  assistance  he 
could.  He  found  above  20.  of  Lyfords  letters,  many 
of  them  larg,  and  full  of  slanders,  &  false  accusations, 
tending  not  only  to  their  prejudice,  but  to  their  ruine 
&  utter  subversion.  Most  of  the  letters  they  let  pas, 
only  tooke  copys  of  them,  but  some  of  y*'  most  material] 


208  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

they  sent  true  copyes  of  them,  and  kept  y^  originalls, 
least  he  should  deney  them,  and  that  they  might 
produce  his  owne  hand  against  him.  Amongst  his  let- 
ters they  found  y*'  coppyes  of  tow  letters  which  he 
sent  inclosed  in  a  leter  of  his  to  M^  John  Pember- 
ton,  a  minster,  and  a  great  opposite  of  theirs.  These 
2.  letters  of  which  he  tooke  the  coppyes  were  one  of 
them  write  by  a  gentle-man  in  England  to  M"".  Brewster 
here,  the  other  by  M^  Winslow  to  M^  Robinson,  in 
Holand,  at  his  coming  away,  as  y^  ship  lay  at  Gravs- 
end.  They  lying  sealed  in  y'^  great  cabin,  (whilst 
M^  Winslow  was  bussie  aboute  the  affairs  of  y*"  ship,) 
this  slye  marchante  taks  &  opens  them,  taks  these 
coppys,  &  seals  them  up  againe ;  and  not  only  sends 
the  coppyes  of  them  thus  to  his  friend  and  their  adver- 
sarie,  but  adds  thertoo  in  y^  margente  many  scurrilous 
and  flouting  anotations.  This  ship  went  out  ioivards 
eving,  and  in  the  night  y*"  Gov""  retufed.  They  were 
somwaht  blanke  at  it,  but  after  some  weeks,  when 
they  heard  nothing,  they  then  were  as  briske  as  ever, 
thinking  nothing  had  been  knowne,  but  all  was  gone 
currente,  and  that  the  Gov''  went  but  to  dispatch  his 
owne  letters.  The  reason  why  the  Gov*^  &  rest  con- 
cealed these  things  the  longer,  was  to  let  things  ripen, 
that  they  [120]  might  y*^  better  discover  their  intents 
and  see  who  were  their  adherents.  And  y'^  rather 
because  amongst  y*"  rest  they  found  a  letter  of  one  of 
their  confederats,   in  w'^^  was  writen  that  M"".   Oldame 


1624.1  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  209 

&  M"".  Lyford  intended  a  reformation  in  church  and 
commone  wealth ;  and,  as  soone  as  the  ship  was  gone, 
they  intended  to  joyne  togeather,  and  have  the  sacre- 
ments,  &c. 

For  Oldame,  few  of  his  leters  were  found,  (for  he 
was  so  bad  a  scribe  as  his  hand  was  scarce  legible,) 
yet  he  was  as  deepe  in  y*^  mischeefe  as  the  other.  And 
thinking  they  were  now  strong  enough,  they  begane 
to  pick  quarells  at  every  thing.  Oldame  being  called 
to  watch  (according  to  order)  refused  to  come,  fell 
out  with  y°  Capten,  caled  him  raskell,  and  beggerly 
raskell,  and  resisted  him,  drew  his  knife  at  him ; 
though  he  offered  him  no  wrong,  nor  gave  him  no  ille 
termes,  but  with  all  fairnes  required  him  to  doe  his 
duty.  The  Gov'',  hearing  y''  tumulte,  sent  to  quiet  it, 
but  he  ramped  more  like  a  furious  beast  then  a  man, 
and  cald  them  all  treatours,  and  rebells,  and  other 
such  foule  language  as  I  am  ashamed  to  remember ; 
but  after  he  was  clapt  up  a  while,  he  came  to  him 
selfe,  and  with  some  slight  punishmente  was  let  goe 
upon  his  behaviour  for  further  censure. 

But  to  cutt  things  shorte,  at  length  it  grew  to  this 
esseue,  that  Lyford  with  his  complicies,  without  ever 
speaking  one  word  either  to  y®  Gov"",  Church,  or  Elder, 
withdrewe  them  selves  &  set  up  a  publick  meeting 
aparte,  on  y*'  Lord's  day ;  with  sundry  such  insolente 
cariages,  too  long  here  to  relate,  begining  now  pub- 
likly  to  acte  what  privatly  they  had  been  long  plotting. 


210  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

It  was  now  thought  high  time  (to  prevent  further 
mischeefe)  to  calle  them  to  accounte ;  so  y®  Gov"^ 
called  a  courte  and  sumoned  the  whol  company  to 
appeare.  And  then  charged  Lyford  &  Oldom  with 
such  things  as  they  were  guilty  of.  But  they  were 
stiffe,  &  stood  resolutly  upon  y''  deneyall  of  most 
things,  and  required  proofe.  They  first  alledged  what 
was  write  to  them  out  of  England,  compared  with 
their  doings  &  pactises  hear ;  that  it  was  evident  they 
joyned  in  plotting  against  them,  and  disturbing  their 
peace,  both  in  respecte  of  their  civill  &  church  state, 
which  was  most  injurious ;  for  both  they  and  all  y® 
world  knew  they  came  hither  to  injoye  y*'  libertie  of 
their  conscience  and  y*^  free  use  of  Gods  ordinances  ; 
and  for  y'  end  had  ventured  their  lives  and  passed 
throwgh  so  much  hardshipe  hithertoo,  and  they  and 
their  freinds  had  borne  the  charg  of  these  beginings, 
which  was  not  small.  And  that  Lyford  for  his  parte 
was  sent  over  on  this  charge,  and  that  both  he  and 
his  great  family  was  maintained  on  y^  same,  and  also 
was  joyned  to  y*^  church,  &  a  member  of  them ;  and 
for  him  to  plote  against  them  &  seek  their  mine, 
was  most  unjust  &  perfidious.  And  for  [121]  Oldam 
or  any  other  that  came  over  at  their  owne  charge,  and 
were  on  ther  perticuler,  seeing  they  were  received  in 
curtesie  by  the  plantation,  when  they  came  only  to 
seeke  shelter  &  protection  under  their  wings,  not  being 
able  to  stand  alone,  that  they,  (according  to  y''  fable,) 


1624.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  211 

like  the  Hedghogg  whom  y*'  conny  in  a  stormy  day  in 
pittie  received  into  her  borrow,  would  not  be  content 
to  take  part  with  her,  but  in  the  end  with  her  sharp 
pricks  forst  the  poore  conny  to  forsake  her  owne  bor- 
row ;  so  these  men  with  the  like  injustice  indevored  to 
doe  y^  same  to  thos  that  entertained  them. 

Lyford  denyed  that  he  had  any  thing  to  doe  with 
them  in  England,  or  knew  of  their  courses,  and  made 
other  things  as  strange  that  he  was  charged  with. 
Then  his  letters  were  prodused  &  some  of  them  read, 
at  which  he  was  struck  mute.  But  Oldam  begane  to 
rage  furiously,  because  they  had  intercepted  and  opened 
his  letters,  threatening  them  in  very  high  language, 
and  in  a  most  audacious  and  mutinous  maner  stood  up 
&  caled  upon  y"  people,  saying,  My  maisters,  wher  is 
your  harts?  now  shew  your  courage,  you  have  oft 
complained  to  me  so  &  so  ;  now  is  y'^  time,  if  you  will 
doe  any  thing,  I  will  stand  by  you,  &c.  Thinking  y* 
every  one  (knowing  his  humor)  that  had  soothed  and 
flattered  him,  or  other  wise  in  their  discontente  uttered 
any  thing  unto  him,  would  now  side  w'*'  him  in  open 
rebellion.  But  he  was  deceived,  for  not  a  man  opened 
his  mouth,  but  all  were  silent,  being  strucken  with  the 
injustice  of  y®  thing.  Then  y*'  Gov""  turned  his  speech 
to  M"".  Lyford,  and  asked  him  if  he  thought  they  had 
done  evill  to  open  his  letters ;  but  he  was  silente,  & 
would  not  say  a  word,  well  knowing  what  they  might 
reply.      Then   y''  Gov'^  shewed  the  people  he  did  it  as 


212  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

a  magistrate,  and  was  bound  to  it  by  his  place,  to 
prevent  y*^  mischeefe  &  ruine  that  this  conspiracie  and 
plots  of  theirs  would  bring  on  this  poor  colony.  But 
he,  besids  his  evill  dealing  hear,  had  delte  trecherusly 
with  his  freinds  y*  trusted  him,  &  stole  their  letters 
&  opened  them,  and  sent  coppies  of  them,  with  dis- 
gracefull  anotations,  to  his  freinds  in  England.  And 
then  y''  Gov""  produced  them  and  his  other  letters  un- 
der his  owne  hand,  (which  he  could  not  deney,)  and 
caused  them  to  be  read  before  all  y^  people ;  at  which 
all  his  freinds  were  blanke,  and  had  not  a  word  to  say. 

It  would  be  too  long  &  tedious  here  to  inserte  his 
letters  (which  would  almost  fill  a  volume),  though  I 
have  them  by  me.  I  shall  only  note  a  few  of  y^ 
cheefe  things  collected  out  of  them,  with  y''  answers 
to  them  as  they  were  then  given  ;  and  but  a  few  of 
those  many,  only  for  instance,  by  which  the  rest  may 
be  judged  of. 

[121*]  1.  First,  he  saith,  the  church  would  have 
none  to  live  hear  but  them  selves.  2'^.  Neither  are 
any  willing  so  to  doe  if  they  had  company  to  live  els- 
wher. 

Ans  :  Their  answer  was,  that  this  was  false,  in  both 
y^  parts  of  it ;  for  they  were  willing  &  desirous  y'  any 
honest  men  may  live  with  them,  that  will  cary  them 
selves  peacably,  and  seek  y®  comone  good,  or  at  least 
doe  them   no  hurte.     And  againe,   ther  are  many  that 

*  121  is  repeated  in  the  paging  of  the  original. 


1624.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  213 

wiU  not  live  els  wher  so   long  as  they   may  live  with 
them. 

2.  That  if  ther  come  over  any  honest  men  that  are 
not  of  y*^  seperation,  they  will  quickly  distast  them,  &c. 

A.  Ther  answer  was  as  before,  that  it  was  a  false 
callumniation,  for  they  had  many  amongst  them  that 
they  liked  well  of,  and  were  glad  of  their  company ; 
and  should  be  of  any  such  like  that  should  come 
amongst   them. 

3.  That  they  excepted  against  him  for  these  2.  doc- 
trins  raised  from  2.  Sam:  12.  7.  First,  that  ministers 
must  sume  times  perticulerly  apply  their  doctrine  to 
spetiall  persons ;  2'^ ,  that  great  men  may  be  reproved 
as  well  as  meaner. 

A.  Their  answer  was,  that  both  these  were  without 
either  truth  or  colour  of  y''  same  (as  was  proved  to 
his  face),  and  that  they  had  taught  and  beleeved  these 
things  long  before  they  knew  M^  Liford. 

4.  That  they  utterly  sought  y*'  ruine  of  y*"  perticu- 
lers ;  as  appeareth  by  this,  that  they  would  not  suffer 
any  of  y^  generall  either  to  buy  or  sell  with  them,  or 
to  exchaing  one  comoditie  for  another. 

Ans  :  This  was  a  most  malicious  slander  and  voyd 
of  all  truth,  as  was  evidently  proved  to  him  before  all 
men  ;  for  any  of  them  did  both  buy,  sell,  or  exchaing 
with  them  as  often  as  they  had  any  occation.  Yea, 
and  allso  both  lend  &  give  to  them  when  they  wanted ; 
and  this  the  perticuler  persons  them  selves  could  not 


214  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

deney,  but  freely  confest  in  open  court.  But  y® 
ground  from  whence  this  arose  made  it  much  worse, 
for  he  was  in  counsell  with  them.  When  one  was 
called  before  them,  and  questioned  for  receiving  pow- 
der and  bisket  from  y*^  guiier  of  y*"  small  ship,  which 
was  y*"  company s,  and  had  it  put  in  at  his  window  in 
the  night,  and  allso  for  buying  salt  of  one,  that  had 
no  right  to  it,  he  not  only  stood  to  back  him  (being 
one  of  these  perticulers)  by  excusing  &  extenuating 
his  falte,  as  long  as  he  could,  but  upon  this  builds 
this  mischeeous  &  most  false  slander :  That  because 
they  would  not  suffer  them  to  buy  stolne  goods,  ergo, 
they  sought  their  utter  ruine.     Bad  logick  for  a  devine. 

5.  Next  he  writs,  that  he  chocked  them  with  this ; 
that  they  turned  [122]  men  into  their  perticuler,  and 
then  sought  to  starve  them,  and  deprive  them  of  all 
means  of  subsistance. 

A.  To  this  was  answered,  he  did  them  manifest 
wrong,  for  they  turned  none  into  their  perticuler ;  it 
was  their  owne  importunitie  and  ernest  desire  that 
moved  them,  yea,  constrained  them  to  doe  it.  And 
they  apealed  to  y''  persons  them  selves  for  y®  truth 
hereof.  And  they  testified  the  same  against  him  be- 
fore all  present,  as  allso  that  they  had  no  cause  to 
complaine  of  any  either  hard  or  unkind  usage. 

6.  He  accuseth  them  with  unjust  distribution,  and 
writeth,  that  it  was  a  Strang  difference,  that  some  have 
bene   alowed    16".    of  meale    by   y''  weeke,    and  others 


1624.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  215 

but  4**.  And  then  (floutingly)  saith,  it  seems  some 
mens  mouths  and  bellies  are  very  litle  &  slender  over 
others. 

Ans  :  This  might  seeme  strange  indeed  to  those  to 
whom  he  write  his  leters  in  England,  which  knew  not 
y^  reason  of  it ;  but  to  him  and  others  hear,  it  could 
not  be  strange,  who  knew  how  things  stood.  For  the 
first  comers  had  none  at  all,  but  lived  on  their  corne. 
Those  w'^''  came  m  y"  Anne,  if  August  before,  &  were 
to  live  13.  months  of  the  provissions  they  brought, 
had  as  good  alowance  in  meal  &  pease  as  it  would 
extend  too,  y''  most  part  of  y"^  year;  but  a  litle  be- 
fore harvest,  when  they  had  not  only  fish,  but  other 
fruits  began  to  come  in,  they  had  but  4*'.  having 
their  libertie  to  make  their  owne  provisions.  But 
some  of  these  which  came  last,  as  y*'  ship  carpenter, 
and  samiers,  the  salte-men  &  others  that  were  to  fol- 
low constante  imployments,  and  had  not  an  bowers 
time,  from  their  hard  labours,  to  looke  for  any  thing 
above  their  alowance;  they  had  at  first,  16"  alowed 
them,  and  afterwards  as  fish,  &  other  food  coued  be 
gott,  they  had  as  balemente,  to  14.  &.  12.  yea  some 
of  them  to  8.  as  the  times  &  occasions  did  vary.  And 
yet  those  which  followed  planting  and  their  owne 
occasions,  and  had  but  4".  of  meall  a  week,  lived  better 
then  y*"  other,  as  was  well  knowne  to  all.  And  yet 
it  must  be  remembered  that  Lyford  &  his  had  allwais 
the  highest  alowance. 


216  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

Many  other  things  (m  his  letters)  he  accused  them 
of,  with  many  aggravations ;  as  that  he  saw  exseeding 
great  wast  of  tools  &  vesseles  ;  &  this,  when  it  came 
to  be  examened,  all  y*  instance  he  could  give  was,  that 
he  had  seen  an  old  hogshed  or  too  fallen  to  peeces, 
and  a  broken  how  or  tow  lefte  carlesly  in  y*^  feilds  by 
some.  Though  he  also  knew  that  a  godly,  honest  man 
was  appointed  to  looke  to  these  things.  But  these 
things  &  such  like  was  write  of  by  him,  to  cast  dis- 
grace &  prejudice  upon  them ;  as  thinking  what  came 
from  a  [123]  minister  would  pass  for  currente.  Then 
he  tells  them  that  Winslow  should  say,  that  ther 
was  not  above  7.  of  y*"  adventurers  y*  souight  y^ 
good  of  y'^  collony.  That  M^  Oldam  &  him  selfe  had 
had  much  to  doe  with  them,  and  that  y*^  faction  here 
inight  match  y*"  Jesuits  for  politic.  With  many  y*"  like 
greevious  complaints  &  accusations. 

1.  Then,  in  the  next  place,  he  comes  to  give  his 
freinds  counsell  and  directtion.  And  first,  that  y" 
Leyden  company  (M^  Eobinson  &  y*^  rest)  must  still 
be  kepte  back,  or  els  all  will  be  spoyled.  And  least 
any  of  them  should  be  taken  in  privatly  somewher  on 
y^  coast  of  England,  (as  it  was  feared  might  be  done,) 
they  must  chaing  the  m"".  of  y®  ship  (M''.  William 
Peirce),  and  put  another  allso  in  Winslows  stead,  for 
marchante,  or  els  it  would  not  be  prevented. 

2.  Then  he  would  have  such  a  number  provided  as 
might    oversway   them    hear.     And   that   y^   perticulers 


1624.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  217 

should  have  voyces  in  all  courts  &  elections,  and  be 
free  to  bear  any  office.  And  that  every  perticuler 
should  come  over  as  an  adventurer,  if  he  be  but  a 
servante ;  some  other  venturing  10^.,  y*^  bill  may  be 
taken  out  in  y''  servants  name,  and  then  assigned  to 
y®  party  whose  money  it  was,  and  good  covenants 
drawn  betweene  them  for  y®  clearing  of  y*^  matter ; 
and  this  (saith  he)  would  be  a  means  to  strengthen 
this  side  y*'  more. 

3.  Then  he  tells  them  that  if  that  Capten  they 
spoake  of  should  come  over  hither  as  a  generall,  he 
was  perswaded  he  would  be  chosen  Capten ;  for  this 
Captaine  Standish  looks  like  a  silly  boy,  and  is  in 
utter  contempte. 

4.  Then  he  shows  that  if  by  y"  forementioned 
means  they  cannot  be  strengthened  to  cary  &  over- 
bear things,  it  will  be  best  for  them  to  plant  els 
wher  by  them  selves  ;  and  would  have  it  artickled  by 
them  that  they  might  make  choyse  of  any  place  that 
they  liked  best  within  3.  or  4.  myls  distance,  shew- 
ing ther  were  farr  better  places  for  plantation  then 
this. 

5.  And  lastly  he  concluds,  that  if  some  number 
came  not  over  to  bear  them  up  here,  then  ther  would 
be  no  abiding  for  them,  but  by  joyning  with  these 
hear.  Then  he  adds :  Since  I  begane  to  write,  ther 
are  letters  come  from  your  company,  wherin  they 
would   give    sole  authoritie  in  diverce  things  unto   the 


218  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

Gov""  here ;  which,  if  it  take  place,  then,  Ve  nobis. 
But  I  hope  you  will  be  more  vigilante  hereafter,  that 
nothing  may  pass  in  such  a  maner.  I  suppose  (saith 
he)  M"".  Oldame  will  write  to  you  further  of  these 
things.  I  pray  you  conceall  me  in  the  discovery  of 
these  things,  &c. 

Thus  I  have  breefly  touched  some  cheefe  things  in 
his  leters,  and  shall  now  returne  to  their  procceeding 
with  him.  After  the  reading  of  his  leters  before  the 
whole  company,  he  was  demanded  what  he  could  say 
to  these  things.  [124]  But  all  y*^  answer  he  made 
was,  that  Billington  and  some  others  had  informed  him 
of  many  things,  and  made  sundrie  complaints,  which 
they  now  deneyed.  He  was  againe  asked  if  that  was 
a  suificiente  ground  for  him  thus  to  accuse  &  traduse 
them  by  his  letters,  and  never  say  word  to  them,  con- 
sidering the  many  bonds  betweene  them.  And  so  they 
went  on  from  poynte  to  poynte ;  and  wisht  him,  or 
any  of  his  freinds  &  confederats,  not  to  spare  them  in 
any  thing ;  if  he  or  they  had  any  proofe  or  witnes 
of  any  corrupte  or  evill  dealing  of  theirs,  his  or  their 
evidence  must  needs  be  ther  presente,  for  ther  was 
the  whole  company  and  sundery  strangers.  He  said 
he  had  been  abused  by  others  in  their  informations,  (as 
he  now  well  saw,)  and  so  had  abused  them.  And  this 
was  all  the  answer  they  could  have,  for  none  would 
take  his  parte  in  any  thing ;  but  Billington,  &  any 
whom  he  named,  deneyed  the  things,  and  protested  he 


1624.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  219 

wronged  them,   and  would  have  drawne  them  to   such 
&    such    things    which    they    could    not    consente    too, 
though  they  were  sometimes  drawne  to   his   meetings. 
Then  they  delte  with  him  aboute  his  dissembling  with 
them  aboute  y*  church,  and  that  he  professed  to  concur 
with   them   in  all   things,   and  what  a  large  confession 
he    made    at    his    admittance,    and    that    he    held    not 
him    selfe    a   minister   till    he   had   a    new    calling,    &c. 
And  yet  now  he  contested  against  them,   and   drew  a 
company  aparte,   &    sequestred   him    selfe ;    and    would 
goe  minister  the  sacrements   (by  his  Episcopall  caling) 
without    ever    speaking   a    word   unto    them,    either   as 
magistrats  or   bretheren.      In  conclusion,   he  was  fully 
convicted,   and  burst   out  into    tears,   and    "  confest  he 
feared   he    was    a    reprobate,    his    sinns   were    so    great 
that  he  doubted  God  would  not  pardon  them,  he  was 
unsavorie    salte,    &c.  ;    and    that    he    had    so    wronged 
them    as    he    could    never    make    them    amends,   con- 
fessinof    all   he    had    write    against    them    was    false   & 
nought,    both    for    matter    &   maiier."       And    all    this 
he   did   with   as   much   fullnes  as  words  &  tears  could 
express. 

After  their  triall  &  conviction,  the  court  censured 
them  to  be  expeld  the  place ;  Oldame  presently,  though 
his  wife  &  family  had  liberty  to  stay  all  winter,  or 
longer,  till  he  could  make  provission  to  remove  them 
comfortably.  Lyford  had  liberty  to  stay  6.  months. 
It  was,   indeede,  with  some  eye   to    his   release,    if  he 


220  HISTORY  OF  [book  II. 
• 

caried  him  selfe  well,  in  the  meane  time,  and  that  his 
repentance  proved  sound.  Lyford  acknowledged  his 
censure  was  farr  less  then  he  deserved. 

Afterwards,  he  confest  his  sin  publikly  in  y*^  church, 
with  tears  more  largly  then  before.  I  shall  here  put 
it  downe  as  I  find  it  recorded  by  some  who  tooke  it 
from  his  owne  words,  as  him  selfe  utered  them.  Ac- 
knowledging [125]  "That  he  had  don  very  evill,  and 
slanderously  abused  them ;  and  thinking  most  of  y^ 
people  would  take  parte  with  him,  he  thought  to  cary 
all  by  violence  and  strong  hand  against  them.  And 
that  God  might  justly  lay  iiiocente  blood  to  his 
charge,  for  he  knew  not  what  hurt  might  have  come 
of  these  his  writings,  and  blest  God  they  were  stayed. 
And  that  he  spared  not  to  take  knowledg  from  any, 
of  any  evill  that  was  spoaken,  but  shut  his  eyes  & 
ears  against  all  the  good ;  and  if  God  should  make 
him  a  vacabund  in  y''  earth,  as  was  Caine,  it  was  but 
just,  for  he  had  sined  in  envie  &  malice  against  his 
brethren  as  he  did.  And  he  confessed  3.  things  to  be 
y*'  ground  &  causes  of  these  his  doings  :  pride,  vaine- 
glorie,  &  selfe  love."  Amplifying  these  heads  with 
many  other  sade  expressions,  in  the  perticulers  of 
them. 

So  as  they  begane  againe  to  conceive  good  thoughts 
of  him  upon  this  his  repentance,  and  admited  him  to 
teach  amongst  them  as  before  ;  and  Samuell  Fuller  (a 
deacon  amongst  them),  and  some  other  tender  harted 


1624.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  221 

men  amongst  them,  were  so  taken  with  his  signes  of 
sorrow  &  repentance,  as  they  professed  they  would 
fall  upon  their  knees  to  have  his  censure  released. 

But  that  which  made  them  all  stand  amased  in  the 
end,  and  may  doe  all  others  that  shall  come  to  hear 
y®  same,  (for  a  rarer  president  can  scarse  be  showne,) 
was,  that  after  a  month  or  2.  notwithstand  all  his  for- 
mer conffessions,  convictions,  and  publick  acknowledg- 
ments, both  in  y*'  face  of  y*^  church  and  whole  company, 
with  so  many  tears  &  sadde  censures  of  him  selfe  be- 
fore God  &  men,  he  should  goe  againe  to  justifie  what 
he  had  done. 

For  secretly  he  write  a  2*^.  leter  to  y""  adventurers 
in  England,  in  w^*'  he  justified  all  his  former  writings, 
(save  in  some  things  which  tended  to  their  damage,) 
the  which,  because  it  is  brefer  then  y*^  former,  I  shall 
here  inserte. 


Worthy  S" :  Though  the  filth  of  mine  owne  doings  may 
justly  be  cast  in  my  face,  and  with  blushing  cause  my  per- 
petuall  silence,  yet  that  y^  truth  may  not  herby  be  injuried, 
your  selves  any  longer  deluded,  nor  injurious*  dealing  caried 
out  still,  with  bould  out  facings,  I  have  adventured  once 
more  to  write  unto  you.  Firest,  I  doe  freely  confess  I  delta 
very  indiscreetly  in  some  of  my  perticuler  leters  w*"^  I  Avrote 
to  private  freinds,  for  y**  courses  in  coming  hither  &  the 
like  ;  which  I  doe  in  no  sorte  seeke  to  justifie,  though  stired 
up   ther  unto  in  the  beholding  y*    indirecte  courses  held   by 

*  Inurious  in  MS. 


222  HISTORY    or  [book  II. 

others,  both  hear,  &  ther  with  you,  for  effecting  their  de- 
sigues.  But  am  hartily  sory  for  it,  and  doe  to  y^  glory 
of  God  &  mine  owne  shame  acknowledg  it.  Which  leters 
being  intercepted  by  the  Gov',  I  have  for  y^  same  under- 
gone y''  censure  [126]  of  bauishmeute.  And  had  it  not 
been  for  y^  respecte  I  have  unto  you,  and  some  other  mat- 
ters of  private  regard,  I  had  returned  againe  at  this  time  by 
y*  pinass  for  England ;  for  hear  I  purpose  not  to  abide, 
unless  I  receive  better  incouragmente  from  you,  then  from 
y'  church  (as  they  call  them  selves)  here  I  doe  receive.  I 
purposed  before  I  came,  to  undergoe  hardnes,  therfore  I  shall 
I  hope  cherfully  bear  y^  conditions  of  y''  place,  though  very 
mean  ;  and  they  have  chainged  my  wages  ten  times  allready. 
I  suppose  my  letters,  or  at  least  y^  coppies  of  them,  are 
come  to  your  hands,  for  so  they  hear  reporte ;  which,  if  it 
be  so,  I  pray  you  take  notice  of  this,  that  I  have  writen 
nothing  but  what  is  certainly  true,  and  I  could  make  so 
apeare  planly  to  any  iudifferente  men,  whatsoever  colours 
be  cast  to  darken  y*"  truth,  and  some  ther  are  very  audatious 
this  way  ;  besids  many  other  matters  which  are  farre  out  of 
order  hear.  My  mind  was  not  to  enlarge  my  selfe  any  fur- 
ther, but  in  respecte  of  diverse  poore  souls  here,  y'^  care  of 
whom  in  parte  belongs  to  you,  being  here  destitute  of  the 
meas  of  salvation.  For  how  so  ever  y*  church  are  provided 
for,  to  their  contente,  who  are  y^  smalest  number  iu  y^  coll- 
ony,  and  doe  so  appropriate  y^  ministrie  to  them  selves, 
houlding  this  principle,  that  y''  Lord  hath  not  appointetl  any 
ordinary  ministrie  for  y^  conversion  of  those  y'  are  without, 
so  y'  some  of  y''  poor  souls  have  w*  tears  "complained  of  this 
to  me,  and  I  was  taxed  for  preaching  to  all  iu  geuerall. 
Though  in  truth  they  have  had  no  ministrie  here  since  they 
came,  but  such  as  may  be  performed  by  any  of  you,  by  their 
owne  possition,  what  soever  great  pretences  they  make ;  but 
herin   they   equivocate,    as    in   many    other    things    they   doe. 


1624.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  223 

But  I  exceede  y^  bounds  I  set  my  selfe,  therfore  resting 
thus,  untill  I  hear  further  from  you,  so  it  be  within  y^  time 
limited  me.     I  rest,  &c.. 

Remaining  yours  ever, 

John  Lyford,  Exille. 
Dated  Aug:  22.  An°:  1624. 

They  made  a  breefe  answer  to  some  things  in  this 
leter,  but  referred  cheefly  to  their  former.  The  effecte 
was  to  this  purpose  :  That  if  God  in  his  providence 
had  not  brought  these  things  to  their  hands  (both  y® 
former  &  later),  they  might  have  been  thus  abused, 
tradused,  and  calumniated,  overthrowne,  &  undone;  and 
never  have  knowne  by  whom,  nor  for  what.  They 
desired  but  this  equall  favoure,  that  they  would  be 
pleased  to  hear  their  just  defence,  as  well  as  his  accu- 
sations, and  waigh  them  in  y''  balance  of  justice  & 
reason,  and  then  censure  as  they  pleased.  They  had 
write  breefly  to  y*  heads  of  things  before,  and  should 
be  ready  to  give  further  [127J  answer  as  any  occasion 
should  require ;  craving  leave  to  adde  a  word  or  tow 
to  this  last. 

1.  And  first,  they  desire  to  examene  what  filth 
that  was  y*  he  acknowledgeth  might  justly  be  throwne 
in  his  face,  and  might  cause  blushing  &  perpetuall 
silence ;  some  great  mater  sure  !  But  if  it  be  looked 
into,  it  amounts  to  no  more  then  a  poynte  of  indiscre- 
tion, and  thats  all ;  and  yet  he  licks  of  y*  too  with 
this  excuse,  that  he  was  stired  up  therunto  by  behold- 


224  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

ing    y®    indirecte    course    here.     But    this    point    never 
troubled  him  here,  it  was  counted  a  light  matter  both 
by  him  &  his    freinds,    and    put    of   with    this, — that 
any  man  might  doe  so,  to  advise  his  private    freinds 
to    come   over  for  their  best  advantage.      All  his  sor- 
row &  tears   here  was   for   y*"    wrong   &  hurt   he   had 
done  us,  and  not  at  all  for  this  he  pretends  to  be  done 
to  you :    it  was  not  counted  so  much  as  indiscretion. 
2.     Having    thus    payed    you    full    satisfaction,    he 
thinks   he   may   lay  load  of  us   here.     And  first  com- 
plains  that   we    have    changed    his   wages    ten    times. 
We    never   agreed  ^ith   him  for   any  wages,  nor  made 
any   bargen    at    all    with    him,    neither    know    of    any 
that   you    have   made.      You    sent   him   over   to   teach 
amongst    us,    and    desired    he   might    be    kindly   used ; 
and    more    then    this    we    know    not.      That    he   hath 
beene   kindly  used,   (and   farr  beter   then   he    deserves 
from    us,)     he     shall    be    judged    first    of    his    owne 
mouth.      If    you    please    to    looke    upon   that   writing 
of  his,    that   was    sent   you   amongst   his  leters,  which 
he  cals  a  generall  relation,   in  which,  though  he  doth 
otherwise   traduse   us,   yet   in   this  he  him  selfe  clears 
us.      In    y''    latter    end    therof    he   hath    these    words. 
/  speak  not   this  (saith   he)  out   of  any   ill   affection   to 
the  men,  for   I  have  found   them   very   kind   &    loving 
to   me.      You    may   ther    see    these    to    be    his    owne 
words  under  his    owne    hand.      2'^'.    It  will    appere   by 
this   that   he  hath  ever  had  a  larger  alowance  of  food 


1624.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  22.5 

out  of  y^  store  for  him  and  his  then  any,  and 
clothing  as  his  neede  hath  required ;  a  dwelling  in 
one  of  our  best  houses,  and  a  man  wholy  at  his 
owne  comand  to  tend  his  private  affairs.  What 
cause  he  hath  therfore  to  complaine,  judge  ye ;  and 
what  he  means  in  his  speech  we  know  not,  except 
he  aluds  to  y*  of  Jaacob  &  Laban.  If  you  have 
promised  him  more  or  other  wise,  you  may  doe  it 
when  you    please. 

3.  Then  with  an  impudente  face  he  would  have 
you  take  notice,  that  (in  his  leters)  he  hath  write 
nothing  but  what  is  certainly  true,  yea,  and  he  could 
make  it  so  appeare  plainly  to  any  indifferente  men. 
This  indeed  doth  astonish  us  and  causeth  us  to 
tremble  at  y*^  deceitfullnes  [128]  and  desperate  wick- 
ednes  of  mans  harte.  This  is  to  devoure  holy  things, 
and  after  voues  to  enquire.  It  is  admirable  that 
after  such  publick  confession,  and  acknowledgmente 
in  court,  in  church,  before  God,  &  men,  with  such 
sadd  expressions  as  he  used,  and  with  such  melting 
into  teares,  that  after  all  this  he  shoud  now  justifie 
ail  againe.  If  things  had  bene  done  in  a  corner,  it 
had  been  some  thinge  to  deney  them ;  but  being  done 
in  y*"  open  view  of  y^  cuntrie  &  before  all  men,  it  is 
more  then  strange  now  to  avow  to  make  them  plainly 
appear  to  any  indifferente  men ;  and  here  wher  things 
were  done,  and  all  y"  evidence  that  could  be  were 
presente,  and  yet  could  make  nothing  appear,  but  even 


226  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

his  freinds  condemnd  him  &  gave  their  voyce  to  his 
censure,  so  grose  were  they ;  we  leave  your  selves 
to  judge  herein.  Yet  least  this  man  should  triumph 
in  his  wikednes,  we  shall  be  ready  to  answer  him, 
when,  or  wher  you  will,  to  any  thing  he  shall  lay  to 
our  charg,  though  we  have  done  it  sufficiently  allready. 

4.  Then  he  saith  he  would  not  inlarge,  but  for 
some  poore  souls  here  who  are  destiute  of  y®  means 
of  salvation,  &c.  But  all  his  soothing  is  but  that 
you  would  use  means,  that  his  censure  might  be 
released  that  he  might  here  continue ;  and  under 
you  (at  least)  be  sheltered,  till  he  sees  what  his 
freinds  (on  whom  he  depends)  can  bring  about  & 
effecte.  For  such  men  pretend  much  for  poor  souls, 
but  they  will  looke  to  their  wages  &  conditions ;  if 
that  be  not  to  their  content,  let  poor  souls  doe  what 
they  will,  they  will  shift  for  them  selves,  and  seek 
poore  souls  some  wher  els  among  richer  bodys. 

Next  he  fals  upon  y'^  church,  that  indeed  is  y® 
burthensome  stone  that  troubls  him.  First,  he  saith 
they  hold  this  principle,  that  the  Lord  hath  not 
apointed  any  ordinarie  ministrie  for  y''  converssion  of 
those  without.  The  church  needs  not  be  ashamed  of 
what  she  houlds  in  this,  haveing  Gods  word  for  her 
warrente ;  that  ordinarie  officers  are  bound  cheefly  to 
their  flocks.  Acts  20.  28.  and  are  not  to  be  extra va- 
gants,  to  goe,  come,  and  leave  them  at  their  pleasurs 
to  shift  for  them  selves,  or  to  be  devoured  of  wolves. 


1624.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  227 

But  he  perverts  y^  truth  in  this  as  in  other  things, 
for  y^  Lord  hath  as  well  appoynted  them  to  con- 
verte,  as  to  feede  in  their  several!  charges ;  and  he 
wrongs  y^  church  to  say  other  wise.  Againe,  he 
saith  he  was  taxed  for  preaching  to  all  in  gen- 
erall.  This  is  a  meere  untruth,  for  this  dissembler 
knows  that  every  Lords  day  some  are  appointed  to 
visite  suspected  places,  &  if  any  be  found  idling  and 
neglecte  y''  hearing  of  y*^  word,  (through  idlnes  or 
profanes,)  they  are  punished  for  y^  same.  Now  to 
procure  all  to  come  to  hear,  and  then  to  blame  him 
for  preaching  to  all,  were  to  play  y®  mad  men. 

[129]  6.  Next  (he  saith)  they  have  had  no  min- 
istrie  since  they  came,  what  soever  pretences  they 
make,  &c.  We  answer,  the  more  is  our  wrong,  that 
our  pastor  is  kept  from  us  by  these  mens  means, 
and  then  reproach  us  for  it  when  they  have  done. 
Yet  have  we  not  been  wholy  distitute  of  y^  means  of 
salvation,  as  this  man  would  make  y®  world  beleeve ; 
for  our  reve''  Elder  hath  laboured  diligently  in  dis- 
pencing  the  word  of  God  unto  us,  before  he  came ; 
and  since  hath  taken  equalle  pains  with  him  selfe 
in  preaching  the  same ;  and,  be  it  spoaken  without 
ostentation,  he  is  not  inferriour  to  M"".  Lyford  (& 
some  of  his  betters)  either  in  gifts  or  larning, 
though  he  would  never  be  perswaded  to  take  higher 
office  upon  him.  Nor  ever  was  more  pretended  in 
this    matter.      For    equivocating,    he    may   take    it   to 


228  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

him  selfe ;  what  y*^  church  houlds,  they  have  mani- 
fested to  y''  world,  in  all  plaines,  both  in  open 
confession,  doctrine,  &  writing. 

This  was  y*'  sume  of  ther  answer,  and  hear  I  will 
let  them  rest  for  y*^  presente.  I  have  bene  longer 
in  these  things  then  I  desired,  and  yet  not  so  long 
as  the  things  might  require,  for  I  pass  many  things 
in  silence,  and  many  more  deserve  to  have  been 
more  largly  handled.  But  I  will  returne  to  other 
things,  and  leave  y''  rest  to  its  place. 

The  pinass  that  was  left  sunck  &  cast  away  near 
Damarins-cove,  as  is  before  showed,  some  of  y*"  fish- 
ing maisters  said  it  was  a  pity  so  fine  a  vessell 
should  be  lost,  and  sent  them  word  that,  if  they 
would  be  at  y"  cost,  they  would  both  directe  them 
how  to  waygh  her,  and  let  them  have  their  car- 
penters to  mend  her.  They  thanked  them,  &  sente 
men  aboute  it,  and  beaver  to  defray  y*"  charge, 
(without  which  all  had  been  in  vaine).  So  they  gott 
coopers  to  trime,  I  know  not  how  many  tune  of 
cask,  and  being  made  tight  and  fastened  to  her  at 
low-water,  they  boyed  her  up ;  and  then  with  many 
hands  hald  her  on  shore  in  a  conveniente  place  wher 
she  might  be  wrought  upon ;  and  then  hired  sundrie 
carpenters  to  work  upon  her,  and  other  to  saw 
planks,  and  at  last  fitted  her  &  got  her  home.  But 
she  cost  a  great  deale  of  money,  in  thus  recovering 
her,    and   buying    riging    &    seails    for   her,    both    now 


1625.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  229 

and  when  before  she  lost  her  mast ;  so  as  she  proved 
a  chargable  vessell  to  y®  poor  plantation.  So  they 
sent  her  home,  and  with  her  Lyford  sent  his  last 
letter,  in  great  secrecie ;  but  y^  party  intrusted  with 
it  gave  it  y^  Gov"". 

The  winter  was  passed  over  in  ther  ordinarie 
affairs,  without  any  spetiall  mater  worth  noteing ; 
saveing  that  many  who  before  stood  something  of 
from  y**  church,  now  seeing  Lyfords  unrighteous  deal- 
ing, and  malignitie  against  y®  church,  now  tenderel 
them  selves  to  y''  church,  and  were  joyned  to  y° 
same ;  proffessing  that  it  was  not  out  of  y"  dislike 
of  any  thing  that  they  had  stood  of  so  long,  but  a 
desire  to  fitte  them  selves  beter  for  such  a  state,  and 
they  saw  now  y''  Lord  cald  for  their  help.  [130] 
And  so  these  troubls  prodused  a  quite  contrary  effecte 
in  sundrie  hear,  then  these  adversaries  hoped  for. 
Which  was  looked  at  as  a  great  worke  of  God,  to 
draw  on  men  by  unlickly  means ;  and  that  in  reason 
which  might  rather  have  set  them  further  of.  And 
thus  I  shall  end  this  year. 

Anno  Dom:  1625. 
At  y®  spring  of  y''  year,  about  y®  time  of  their 
Election  Court,  Oldam  came  againe  amongst  them  ;  and 
though  it  was  a  part  of  his  censure  for  his  former 
mutinye  and  miscariage,  not  to  returne  without  leave 
first   obtained,  yet  in  his  dareing  spirite,  he  presumed 


230  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

without  any  leave  at  all,  being  also  set  on  &  hardened 
by  y'"  ill  counsell  of  others.  And  not  only  so,  but 
suffered  his  unruly  passion  to  rune  beyond  y"  limits 
of  all  reason  and  modestie ;  in  so  much  that  some 
strangers  which  came  with  him  were  ashamed  of  his 
outrage,  and  rebuked  him ;  but  all  reprofes  were  but 
as  oyle  to  y''  fire,  and  made  y^  flame  of  his  coller 
greater.  He  caled  them  all  to  nought,  in  this  his 
mad  furie,  and  a  hundred  rebells  and  traytors,  and 
1  know  not  what.  But  in  conclusion  they  comited 
him  till  he  was  tamer,  and  then  apointed  a  gard  of 
musketers  w'^''  he  was  to  pass  throw,  and  ever  one 
was  ordered  to  give  him  a  thump  on  y®  brich,  with 
y^  but  end  of  his  musket,  and  then  was  conveied  to 
y*'  water  side,  wher  a  boat  was  ready  to  cary  him 
away.     Then  they  bid  him  goe  &  mende  his  maners. 

Whilst  this  was  a  doing,  M"".  William  Peirce  and 
M^  Winslow  came  up  from  y*"  water  side,  being  come 
from  England ;  but  they  were  so  busie  with  Oldam, 
as  they  never  saw  them  till  they  came  thus  upon 
them.  They  bid  them  not  spare  either  him  or  Liford, 
for  they  had  played  y''  vilans  with  them.  But  that  I 
may  hear  make  an  end  with  him,  I  shall  hear  once 
for  all  relate  what  befell  concerning  him  in  y"  future, 
&  y'  breefly.  After  y*"  removall  of  his  familie  from 
hence,  he  fell  into  some  straits,  (as  some  others  did,) 
and  aboute  a  year  or  more  afterwards,  towards  win- 
ter,   he    intended    a   vioage    for   Virginia ;    but    it    so 


1625.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  231 

pleased  God  that  y®  barke  that  caried  him,  and  many 
other  passengers,  was  in  that  danger,  as  they  dis- 
paired  of  life ;  so  as  many  of  them,  as  they  fell  to 
prayer,  so  also  did  they  begine  to  examine  their  con- 
sciences [131]  and  confess  such  sins  as  did  most 
burthen  them.  And  M^  Ouldame  did  make  a  free 
and  large  confession  of  y*'  wrongs  and  hurt  he  had 
done  to  y''  people  and  church  here,  in  many  pertic- 
ulers,  that  as  he  had  sought  their  ruine,  so  God  had 
now  mette  with  him  and  might  destroy  him  ;  yea,  he 
feared  they  all  fared  y"  worce  for  his  sake ;  he  prayed 
God  to  forgive  him,  and  made  vowes  that,  if  y®  Lord 
spard  his  life,  he  would  become  otherwise,  and  y® 
like.  This  I  had  from  some  of  good  credite,  yet 
living  in  y'^  Bay,  and  were  them  selves  partners  in 
the  same  dangers  on  y"  shoulds  of  Cap-Codd,  and 
heard  it  from  his  owne  mouth.  It  pleased  God  to 
spare  their  lives,  though  they  lost  their  viage ;  and 
in  time  after  wards,  Ouldam  caried  him  selfe  fairly 
towards  them,  and  acknowledged  y*'  hand  of  God  to 
be  with  them,  and  seemed  to  have  an  honourable 
respecte  of  thein ;  and  so  farr  made  his  peace  with 
them,  as  he  in  after  time  had  libertie  to  goe  and 
come,  and  converse  with  them,  at  his  pleasure.  He 
went  after  this  to  Virginia,  and  had  ther  a  great  sick- 
nes,  but  recovered  and  came  back  againe  to  his  familie 
in  y^  Bay,  and  ther  lived  till  some  store  of  people 
came  over.     At  lenght  going  a  trading  in  a  smale  ves- 


232  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

sell  among  y"^  Indians,  and  being  weakly  mand,  upon 
some  quarell  they  knockt  him  on  y''  head  with  a 
hatched,  so  as  he  fell  downe  dead,  &  never  spake 
word  more.  2.  lille  boys  that  were  his  kinsmen  were 
saved,  but  had  some  hurte,  and  y""  vessell  was  strangly 
recovered  from  y®  Indeans  by  another  that  belonged 
to  y®  Bay  of  Massachusets ;  and  this  his  death  was 
one  ground  of  the  Pequente  warr  which  followed. 

I  am  now  come  to  M^  Lyford.  His  time  being 
now  expired,  his  censure  was  to  take  place.  He  was 
so  farre  from  answering  their  hopes  by  amendmente 
in  y*^  time,  as  he  had  dubled  his  evill,  as  is  before 
noted.  But  first  behold  y®  hand  of  God  conceifing 
him,  wherin  that  of  y*"  Psalmist  is  verified.  Psa : 
7.  15.  He  hath  made  a  pitte,  &  digged  it,  and  is 
fallen  into  the  pitte  he  made.  He  thought  to  bring 
shame  and  disgrace  upon  them,  but  in  stead  therof 
opens  his  owne  to  all  y*^  world.  For  when  he  was 
delte  with  all  aboute  his  second  letter,  his  wife  was 
so  affected  with  his  doings,  as  she  could  no  longer 
conceaill  her  greefe  and  sorrow  of  minde,  but  opens 
y®  same  to  one  of  their  deacons  &  some  other  of  her 
freinds,  &  after  uttered  y^  same  to  M^  Peirce  upon 
his  arrivall.  Which  was  to  this  purpose,  that  she 
feared  some  great  judgment  of  God  would  fall  upon 
them,  and  upon  her,  for  her  husbands  cause ;  now 
that  they  were  to  remove,  she  feared  to  fall  into  y^ 
Indeans   hands,  and   to    be  defiled  by  them,  as  he  had 


1625.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  233 

defiled  other  women;  or  some  shuch  like  [132]  judg- 
mente,  as  God  bad  threatened  David,  2.  Sam.  12.  11. 
I  will  raise  up  evill  against  y®,  and  will  take  thy 
wives  &  give  them,  &c.  And  upon  it  showed  how 
he  had  wronged  her,  as  first  he  had  a  bastard  by 
another  before  they  were  maried,  &  she  having  some 
inkling  of  some  ill  cariage  that  way,  when  he  was 
a  suitor  to  her,  she  tould  him  what  she  heard, 
&  deneyd  him ;  but  she  not  certainly  knowing  y^ 
thing,  other  wise  then  by  some  darke  &  secrete  mut- 
erings,  he  not  only  stifly  denied  it,  but  to  satisfie 
her  tooke  a  solemne  oath  ther  was  no  shuch  matter. 
Upon  which  she  gave  consente,  and  maried  with  him ; 
but  afterwards  it  was  found  true,  and  y''  bastard 
brought  home  to  them.  She  then  charged  him  with 
his  oath,  but  he  prayed  pardon,  and  said  he  should 
els  not  have  had  her.  And  yet  afterwards  she  could 
keep  no  maids  but  he  would  be  medling  with  them, 
and  some  time  she  hath  taken  him  in  y''  maner,  as 
they  lay  at  their  beds  feete,  with  shuch  other  cir- 
cumstances as  I  am  ashamed  to  relate.  The  woman 
being  a  grave  matron,  &  of  good  cariage  all  y*'  while 
she  was  hear,  and  spoake  these  things  out  of  y*  sor- 
row of  her  harte,  sparingly,  and  yet  w'^  some  further 
intimations.  And  that  which  did  most  seeme  to 
afiecte  her  (as  they  conceived)  was,  to  see  his  for- 
mer cariage  in  his  repentance,  not  only  hear  with 
y^   church,   but   formerly  about   these   things ;    sheding 


234  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

tears,    and    using    great   &    sade    expressions,    and   yet 
eftsone  fall  into  the  like  things. 

Another  thing  of  y*^  same  nature  did  strangly  con- 
curr  herewith.  When  M"^.  Winslow  &  M''.  Peirce  were 
come  over,  M"".  Winslow  informed  them  that  they  had 
had  y*"  like  bickering  with  Ly fords  freinds  in  England, 
as  they  had  with  him  selfe  and  his  freinds  hear, 
aboute  his  letters  &  accusations  in  them.  And  many 
meetings  and  much  clamour  was  made  by  his  freinds 
theraboute,  crying  out,  a  minister,  a  man  so  godly,  to 
be  so  esteemed  &  taxed  they  held  a  great  skandale, 
and  threated  to  prosecute  law  against  them  for  it. 
But  things  being  referred  to  a  further  meeting  of  most 
of  y''  adventurers,  to  heare  y''  case  and  decide  y*'  mat- 
ters, they  agreed  to  chose  2.  eminente  men  for  mod- 
erators in  the  bussines.  Lyfords  faction  chose  M^ 
White,  a  counselor  at  law,  the  other  parte  chose  Reve*^. 
M^  Hooker,  y"  minister,  and  many  freinds  on  both 
sids  were  brought  in,  so  as  ther  was  a  great  assemblie. 
In  y*'  mean  time,  God  in  his  providence  had  detected 
Lyford's  evill  cariage  in  Ireland  to  some  freinds  amongst 
y*^  company,  who  made  it  knowne  to  M"".  Winslow,  and 
directed  him  to  2.  godly  and  grave  witnesses,  who  would 
testilie  y'^  same  (if  caled  therunto)  upon  their  oath. 
The  thing  was  this ;  he  being  gott  into  Ireland,  had 
wound  him  selfe  into  y*^  esteeme  of  sundry  godly  & 
zelous  professours  in  those  parts,  who,  having  been 
burthened  with   y''   ceremonies   in  England,  found  ther 


1625.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  235 

some  more  liberty  to  their  consciences  ;  amongst  whom 
were  these  2.  men,  which  gave  [133]  this  evidence. 
Amongst  y''  rest  of  his  hearers,  ther  was  a  godly  yonge 
man  that  intended  to  marie,  and  cast  his  affection  on 
a  maide  which  lived  their  aboute ;  but  desiring  to  chose 
in  y*  Lord,  and  preferred  j"  fear  of  God  before  all 
other  things,  before  he  suffered  his  affection  to  rune  too 
farr,  he  resolved  to  take  M^  Lyfords  advise  and  judg- 
mente  of  this  maide,  (being  y*'  minister  of  y*^  place,) 
and  so  broak  y'^  matter  unto  him ;  &  he  promised 
faithfully  to  informe  him,  but  would  first  take  better 
knowledg  of  her,  and  have  private  conferance  with  her ; 
and  so  had  sundry  times ;  and  in  conclusion  coiuended 
her  highly  to  y*^  yong  man  as  a  very  fitte  wife  for  him. 
So  they  were  maried  togeather ;  but  some  time  after 
mariage  the  woman  was  much  troubled  in  mind,  and 
afiiicted  in  conscience,  and  did  nothing  but  weepe  and 
mourne,  and  long  it  was  before  her  husband  could  get 
of  her  what  was  y*^  cause.  But  at  length  she  dis- 
covered y*'  thing,  and  prayed  him  to  forgive  her,  for 
Lyford  had  overcome  her,  and  defiled  her  body  before 
marriage,  after  he  had  comended  him  unto  her  for 
a  husband,  and  she  resolved  to  have  him,  when  he 
came  to  her  in  that  private  way.  The  circumstances 
I  forbear,  for  they  would  offend  chast  ears  to  hear 
them  related,  (for  though  he  satisfied  his  lust  on  her, 
yet  he  indeaoured  to  hinder  conception.)  These  things 
being  thus  discovered,  y'^  womas  husband  tooke  some 


236  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

iTodly  freincls  with  him,  to  deale  with  Liford  for  this 
evill.  At  length  he  contest  it,  with  a  great  deale  of 
seeming  sorrow  &  repentance,  but  was  forct  to  leave 
Irland  upon  it,  partly  for  shame,  and  partly  for  fear 
of  further  punishmente,  for  y*"  godly  withdrew  them 
selves  from  him  upon  it ;  and  so  coming  into  England 
unhapily  he  was  light  upon  &  sente  hither. 

But  in  this  great  assembly,  and  before  y"  moderators, 
in  handling  y*"  former  matters  aboute  y''  letters,  upon 
provocation,  in  some  heate  of  replie  to  some  of  Lyfords 
defenders,  M^  Winslow  let  fall  these  words,  That  he 
had  delte  knavishly ;  upon  which  on  of  his  freinds 
tooke  hold,  &  caled  for  witneses,  that  he  cald  a  minister 
of  y®  gospell  knave,  and  would  prosecute  law  upon  it, 
which  made  a  great  tumulte,  upon  which  (to  be  shorte) 
this  matter  broke  out,  and  the  witnes  were  prodused, 
whose  persons  were  so  grave,  and  evidence  so  plaine, 
and  y''  facte  so  foule,  yet  delivered  in  such  modest 
&  chast  terms,  and  with  such  circumstances,  as  strucke 
all  his  freinds  mute,  and  made  them  all  ashamed ;  inso- 
much as  y^  moderators  with  great  gravitie  declared' 
that  y®  former  matters  gave  them  cause  enough  to 
refuse  him  &  to  deal  with  him  as  they  had  done,  but 
these  made  him  unmeete  for  ever  to  bear  ministrie  any 
more,  what  repentance  soever  he  should  pretend ;  with 
much  more  to  like  effecte,  and  so  wisht  his  freinds  to 
rest  quiete.     Thus  was  this  matter  ended. 

From  hence  Lyford  wente  to  Natasco,  in  y*  Bay  of 


1625.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  237 


y*"  Massachusets,  with  some  other  of  his  freinds  with 
him,  wher  Oldom  allso  lived.  From  thence  he  removed 
to  Namkeke,  since  called  Salem ;  but  after  ther  came 
some  people  over,  wheather  for  hope  of  greater  profite, 
or  what  ends  els  I  know  not,  he  left  his  freinds  that 
followed  him,  and  went  from  thence  to  Virginia,  wher 
he  shortly  after  dyed,  and  so  I  leave  him  to  y"  Lord. 
His  wife  afterwards  returned  againe  to  this  cuntry,  and 
thus  much  of  this  matter. 

[134 J  This  storme  being  thus  blowne  over,  yet  sun- 
drie  sad  effects  followed  y''  same ;  for  the  Company 
of  Adventurers  broake  in  peeces  here  upon,  and  y*' 
greatest  parte  wholy  deserted  y*^  colony  in  regarde  of 
any  further  supply,  or  care  of  their  subsistance.  And 
not  only  so,  but  some  of  Ly fords  &  Oldoms  freinds, 
and  their  adherents,  set  out  a  shipe  on  fishing,  on 
their  owne  accounte,  and  getting  y*^  starte  of  y'^  ships 
that  came  to  the  plantation,  they  tooke  away  their 
stage,  &  other  necessary  provisions  that  they  had  made 
for  fishing  at  Cap- Anne  y''  year  before,  at  their  great 
charge,  and  would  not  restore  y*^  same,  excepte  they 
would  fight  for  it.  But  y*^  Gov""  sent  some  of  y*^  planters 
to  help  y*^  fisher  men  to  build  a  new  one,  and  so  let 
them  keepe  it.  This  shipe  also  brought  them  some 
small  supply,  of  little  value ;  but  they  made  so  pore 
a  bussines  of  their  fishing,  (neither  could  these  men 
make  them  any  returne  for  y*"  supply  sente,)  so  as,  after 
this  year,  they  never  looked  more  after  them. 


238  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

Also  by  this  ship,  they,  some  of  them,  sent  (in  y^ 
name  of  y'^  rest)  certaine  reasons  of  their  breaking  of 
from  y''  plantation,  and  some  tenders,  upon  certaine  con- 
ditions, of  reuniting  againe.  The  which  because  they 
are  longe  &  tedious,  and  most  of  them  aboute  the  former 
things  already  touched,  I  shall  omite  them ;  only  give- 
ing  an  instance  in  one,  or  tow.  1.  reason,  they  charged 
them  for  dissembling  with  his  majestic  in  their  petition, 
and  with  y®  adventurers  about  y^  French  discipline,  &c. 
2'-^,  for  receiving  *  a  man  f  into  their  church,  that  in 
his  conffession  renownced  all,  universall,  nationall,  and 
diocessan  churches,  &c.,  by  which  (say  they)  it  appears, 
that  though  they  deney  the  name  of  Browists,  yet  they 
practiss  y*  same,  &c.  And  therfore  they  should  sine 
against  God  in  building  up  such  a  people. 

Then  they  adde :  Our  dislikes  thus  laid  downe,  that 
we  may  goe  on  in  trade  w*""  better  contente  &  credite, 
our  desires  are  as  folio weth.  First,  that  as  we  are 
partners  in  trade,  so  we  may  be  in  Gov'"*  ther,  as  the 
patente  doth  give  us  power,  &c. 

2.  That  the  French  discipline  may  be  practised  in  the 
plantation,  as  well  in  the  circumstances  theirof,  as  in  y® 
substance ;  wherby  y^  scandallous  name  of  y*^  Brownists, 
and  other  church  differences,  may  be  taken  away. 

3.  Lastly,  that  M\  Robinson  and  his  company  may 
not    goe    over  to    our   plantation,    unless    he    and   they 

*  Receive  in  the  manuscript, 
t  This  was  Lyford  himselfe. 


1625.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  239 

will  reconcile  themselves  to  our  church  by  a  recantation 
under  their  hands,  &c. 

Their  answer  in  part  to  these  things  was  then  as 
Ibloweth. 

Wheras  you  taxe  us  for  dissembling  with  his  majestie  & 
y*  adventurers  aboute  y*  French  discipline,  you  doe  us  wrong, 
for  we  both  hold  &  practice  y^  discipline  of  y®  French  &  other 
reformed  churches,  (as  they  have  published  y^  same  in  y" 
Harmony  of  Confessions,)  according  to  our  means,  in  effecte 
&  substance.  But  wheras  you  would  tye  us  to  the  French 
discipline  in  every  circumstance,  you  derogate  from  y'^  libertie 
we  have  in  Christ  Jesus.  The  Apostle  Paule  would  have 
none  to  follow  him  in  any  thing  but  wherin  he  follows  Christ, 
much  less  ought  any  Christian  or  church  in  y"  world  to  doe 
it.  The  French  may  erre,  we  may  erre,  and  other  churches 
may  erre,  and  doubtless  doe  in  many  circumstances.  That 
honour  therfore  belongs  only  to  y^  infallible  word  of  God, 
and  pure  Testamente  of  Christ,  to  be  propounded  and  fol- 
lowed as  y*  only  rule  and  pattern  for  direction  herin  to  all 
churches  &  Christians.  And  it  is  too  great  arrogancie  for 
any  man,  or  church  [135]  to  thinke  y'  he  or  they  have  so 
sounded  y^  word  of  God  to  y^  bottoms,  as  precislie  to  sett 
downe  y^  churches  discipline,  without  error  in  substance  or 
circumstance,  as  y'  no  other  without  blame  may  digress  or 
differ  in  any  thing  from  y®  same.  And  it  is  not  difficulte  to 
shew,  y'  the  reformed  churches  differ  in  many  circumstances 
amongest  them  selves. 

The  rest  I  omitte,  for  brevities  sake,  and  so  leave  to 
prosecute  these  men  or  their  doings  any  further,  but 
shall  returne  to  y''  rest  of  their  freinds  of  y®  company, 
w'^''  stuck  to  them.     And  I  shall  hrst  inserte  some  part 


240  HISTORY   OF  [book  li. 

of  their  letters  as  followeth ;  for  I  thinke  it  best  to  ren- 
der their  minds  in  ther  owne  words. 

To  our  loving  freinds,   &c. 

Though  the  thing  we  feared  be  come  upon  us,  and  y^  evill 
we  strove  against  have  overtaken  us,  yet  we  cannot  forgett 
you,  nor  our  freindship  and  fellowship  which  togeather  we 
have  had  some  years ;  wherin  though  our  expressions  have 
been  small,  yet  our  harty  affections  towards  you  (unknown 
by  face)  have  been  no  less  then  to  our  nearest  freinds,  yea, 
to  our  owne  selves.  And  though  this  your  freind  M^  "Wins- 
low  can  tell  you  y''  state  of  things  hear,  yet  least  we  should 
seeme  to  neglecte  you,  to  whom,  by  a  wonderfuU  providence 
of  God,  we  are  so  nearly  united,  we  have  thought  good  once 
more  to  write  unto  you,  to  let  you  know  what  is  here  befallen, 
and  y"  resons  of  it ;  as  also  our  purposes  &  desirs  toward  you 
for  hereafter. 

The  former  course  for  the  generalitie  here  is  wholy  dis- 
solved from  what  it  was  ;  and  wheras  you  &  we  were  for- 
merly sharers  and  partners,  in  all  viages  &  deallings,  this  way 
is  now  no  more,  but  you  and  we  are  left  to  bethiuke  our 
sellves  what  course  to  take  in  y*"  future,  that  your  lives  & 
our  monies  be  not  lost. 

The  reasons  and  causes  of  this  allteration  have  been  these. 
First  and  mainly,  y*  many  losses  and  crosses  at  sea,  and 
abuses  of  sea-men,  w*^*^  have  caused  us  to  rune  into  so  much 
charge,  debts,  &  ingagements,  as  our  estats  &  means  were 
not  able  to  goe  on  without  impoverishing  our  selves,  except 
our  estats  had  been  greater,  and  our  associats  cloven  beter 
unto  us.  2'-'',  as  here  hath  been  a  faction  and  siding  amongst 
us  now  more  then  2.  years,  so  now  there  is  an  uter  breach 
and  sequestration  amongst  us,  and  in  too  parts  of  us  a  full 
dissertion  and  forsaking  of  you,  without  any  iutente  or  pur- 
pose  of    medling  more  with   you.     And   though  we   are   per- 


1625.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  241 

swaded  the  maine  cause  of  this  their  doing  is  wante  of 
money,  (for  neede  wherof  men  use  to  make  many  excuses,) 
yet  other  things  are  pretended,  as  that  you  are  Browuists, 
&c.  Now  what  use  you  or  we  ought  to  make  of  these  things, 
it  remaineth  to  be  considered,  for  we  know  y*  hand  of  God  to 
be  in  all  these  things,  and  no  doubt  he  would  admonish  some 
thing  therby,  and  to  looke  what  is  amise.  And  allthongh  it 
be  now  too  late  for  us  or  you  to  prevent  &  stay  these  things, 
yet  it  is*  not  to  late  to  exercise  patience,  wisdom,  and  con- 
science in  bearing  them,  and  in  caring  our  selves  in  &  under 
them  for  y^  time  to  come. 

[136]  And  as  we  our  selves  stand  ready  to  imbrace  all 
occasions  that  may  tend  to  y*  furthrance  of  so  hopefuU  a 
work,  rather  admiring  of  what  is,  then  grudging  for  what  is 
not ;  so  it  must  rest  in  you  to  make  all  good  agaiue.  And 
if  in  nothing  else  you  can  be  approved,  yet  let  your  honestie 
&  conscience  be  still  approved,  &  lose  not  one  jote  of  j^ou'' 
innocencie,  amids  your  crosses  &  afflictions.  And  surly  if 
you  upon  this  allteration  behave  your  selves  wisly,  and  goe 
on  fairly,  as  men  whose  hope  is  not  in  this  life,  you  shall 
need  no  other  weapon  to  wound  your  adversaries  ;  for  when 
your  righteousnes  is  revealled  as  y^  light,  they  shall  cover 
their  faces  with  shame,  that  causlesly  have  sought  your  over- 
throw. 

Now  we  thinke  it  but  reason,  that  all  such  things  as  ther 
apertaine  to  the  generall,  be  kept  &  preserved  togeather,  and 
rather  increased  dayly,  then  any  way  be  dispersed  or  imbeseled 
away  for  any  private  ends  or  intents  whatsoever.  And  after 
your  necessities  are  served,  you  gather  togeather  such  coiiiodi- 
ties  as  y*  cuntrie  yeelds,  &  send  them  over  to  pay  debts  & 
clear  ingagements  hear,  which  are  not  less  then  1400''.  And 
we  hope  you  will  doe  your  best  to  free  our  ingagements,  &c. 
Let  us  all  indeavor  to  keep  a  faire  &  honest  course,  and  see 

*  Is  it  not  in  the  MS. 


242  HISTORY   OF  [book  II. 

what  time  will  bring  forth,  and  how  God  in  his  providence 
will  worke  for  us.  We  still  are  perswaded  you  are  y*"  people 
that  must  make  a  plantation  in  those  remoate  places  when  all 
others  faile  and  returne.  And  your  experience  of  Gods  provi- 
dence and  preservation  of  you  is  such  as  we  hope  your  harts 
will  not  faile  you,  though  your  freinds  should  forsake  you 
(which  we  our  selves  shall  not  doe  whilst  we  live,  so  long 
as  your  honestie  so  well  appereth).  Yet  surly  help  would 
arise  from  some  other  place  whilst  you  waite  on  God,  with 
uprightnes,  though  we  should  leave  you  allso. 

And  lastly  be  you  all  intreated  to  walke  circumspectly,  and 
carry  your  selves  so  uprightly  in  all  your  ways,  as  y'  no  man 
may  make  just  exceptions  against  you.  And  more  espetially 
that  y^  favour  and  countenance  of  God  may  be  so  toward  you, 
as  y'  you  may  find  abundaute  joye  &  peace  even  amids  tribu- 
lations, that  you  may  say  with  David,  Though  my  father  & 
mother  should  forsake  me,  yet  y"  Lord  would  take  me  up. 

We  have  sent  you  hear  some  catle,  cloath,  hose,  shoes, 
leather,  &c.,  but  in  another  nature  then  formerly,  as  it  stood 
us  in  hand  to  doe ;  we  have  coiSitted  them  to  y*  charge 
&  custody  of  M'.  Allerton  and  M'.  Winslow,  as  our  factours, 
at  whose  discretion  they  are  to  be  sould,  and  coiSodities  to 
be  taken  for  them,  as  is  fitting.  And  by  how  much  y^  more 
they  will  be  chargable  unto  you,  the  better*  they  had  need  to 
be  husbanded,  &c.  Goe  on,  good  freinds,  comfortably,  pluck 
up  your  spirits,  and  quitte  your  selves  like  men  in  all  your 
difficulties,  that  notwithstanding  all  displeasure  and  threats  of 
men,  yet  y*  work  may  goe  on  you  are  aboute,  and  not  be 
neglected.  Which  is  so  much  for  y*^  glorie  of  God,  and  the 
furthrance  of  our  countrie-men,  as  that  a  man  may  with 
more  comforte  [137]  spend  his  life  in  it,  then  live  y*  life 
of  Mathusala,  in  wasting  y®  plentie  of  a  tilled  land,  or  eating 
y^  fruite  of  a  growne  tree.     Thus  with  harty  salutations  to 

•  Bet-  in  MS. 


1625.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  243 

you  all,  and  haity  prayers  for  you  all,  we  lovingly  take  our 
leaves,  this  18.  of  Des :   1624. 

Your  assured  freinds  to  our  powers, 

J.  S.     W.  C.     T.  F.     R.  H.    &c. 


By  this  leter  it  appears  in  what  state  y*"  affairs  of  y® 
plantation  stood  at  this  time.  These  goods  they  bought, 
but  they  were  at  deare  rates,  for  they  put  40.  in  y*"  hun- 
dred upon  them,  for  profite  and  adventure,  outward 
bound;  and  because  of  y*  vnture  of  y*'  paiment  home- 
ward, they  would  have  30.*  in  y"  100.  more,  w^hich  was 
in  all  70.  p^  cent ;  a  thing  thought  unreasonable  by  some, 
and  too  great  an  oppression  upon  y*"  poore  people,  as  their 
case  stood.  The  catle  were  y''  best  goods,  for  y"-  other 
being  ventured  ware,  were  neither  at  y''  best  (some  of 
them)  nor  at  y*"  best  prises.  Sundrie  of  their  freinds 
disliked  these  high  rates,  but  coming  from  many  hands ^ 
they  could  not  help  it. 

They  sent  over  also  2.  ships  on  fishing  on  their  owne 
acounte ;  the  one  was  y*^  pinass  that  was  cast  away  y*'  last 
year  hear  in  y''  cuntrie,  and  recovered  by  y*^  planters,  (as 
was  before  related,)  who,  after  she  came  home,  was  at- 
tached by  one  of  y*^  company  for  his  perticuler  debte,  and 
now  sent  againe  on  this  accounte.  The  other  was  a  great 
ship,  who  was  well  fitted  with  an  experienced  m"".  &  com- 
pany of  fisher-men,  to  make  a  viage,  &  to  goe  to  Bilbo 
or  Sabastians  with  her   fish  ;   the   lesser,  her  order  was 


If  I  mistake  not,  it  was  not  much  less.     [30"  in  the  maiuijcript  ] 


244  HISTORY    OF  [book    II. 

to  load  with  cor-fish,  and  to  bring  the  beaver  home  for 
England,  y'  should  be  received  for  y"  goods  sould  to  y" 
plantation.  This  bigger  ship  made  a  great' viage  of  good 
drie  fish,  the  which,  if  they  had  gone  to  a  market  w"", 
would  have  yeelded  them  (as  such  fish  was  sould  y' 
season)  1800".  which  would  have  enriched  them.  But 
because  ther  was  a  bruite  of  warr  with  France,  y''  nV. 
neglected  (through  timerousnes)  his  order,  and  put  firs-t 
into  Plimoth,  &  after  into  Portsmouth,  and  so  lost  their 
opportunitie,  and  came  by  the  loss.  The  lesser  ship  had 
as  ill  success,  though  she  was  as  hopfull  as  y*^  other  for 
y®  marchants  profite ;  for  they  had  fild  her  with  goodly 
cor-fish  taken  upon  y^  banke,  as  full  as  she  could  swime  ; 
and  besids  she  had  some  800**.  weaight  of  beaver,  besids 
other  furrs  to  a  good  value  from  y*^  plantation.  The  m^ 
seeing  so  much  goods  come,  put  it  abord  y""  biger  ship, 
for  more  saftie ;  but  M^  Winslow  (their  factor  in  this 
busines)  was  bound  in  a  bond  of  500*'.  to  send  it  to  Lon- 
don in  y*^  smale  ship ;  ther  was  some  contending  between 
y®  m"".  &  him  aboute  it.  But  he  tould  y*^  m"".  he  would 
follow  his  order  aboute  it ;  if  he  would  take  it  out  after- 
ward, it  should  be  at  his  perill.  So  it  went  in  y*"  smale 
ship,  and  he  sent  bills  of  lading  in  both.  The  m^  was 
so  carfull  being  both  so  well  laden,  as  they  went  joyfully 
home  togeather,  for  he  towed  y**  leser  ship  at  his  sterne 
all  y*"  way  over  bound,  and  they  had  such  fayr  weather 
as  he  never  cast  her  of  till  they  were  shott  deep  in  to 
y'^  English  Chauell,  almost  within  y*"  sight  of  Plimoth ; 


1625.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  245 

and  yet  ther  she  was  unhaply  taken  by  a  Turks  man 
of  warr,  and  carried  into  Saly,  whcr  y°  m''.  and  men 
were  made  slaves,  and  many  of  y""  beaver  skins  were 
sould  for  4''  a  peece.  [138]  Thus  was  all  their  hops 
dasht,  and  the  joyfull  news  they  ment  to  cary  home 
turned  to  heavie  tidings.  Some  thought  this  a  hand  of 
God  for  their  too  great  exaction  of  y'^  poore  plantation, 
but  Gods  judgments  are  unseerchable,  neither  dare  I  be 
bould  therwith ;  but  however  it  shows  us  y*"  uncertainty 
of  all  humane  things,  and  what  litle  cause  ther  is  of 
joying  in  them  or  trusting  to  them. 

In  y*'  bigger  of  these  ships  was  sent  over  Captine  Stan- 
dish  from  y'^  plantation,  w"'  leters  &  instructions,  both 
to  their  freinds  of  y*"  company  which  still  clave  to  them, 
and  also  to  y°  Honourable  Counsell  of  New-England. 
To  y*'  company  to  desire  y^  seeing  that  they  ment  only 
to  let  them  have  goods  upon  sale,  that  they  might  have 
them  upon  easier  termes,  for  they  should  never  be  al)le 
to  bear  such  high  intrest,  or  to  allow  so  much  per  cent ; 
also  that  what  they  would  doe  in  y'  way  that  it  might 
be  disburst  in  money,  or  such  goods  as  were  fitte  and 
needfull  for  them,  &  bought  at  best  hand;  and  to 
aquainte  them  with  y''  contents  of  his  leters  to  y*"  Counsell 
above  said,  which  was  to  this  purpose,  to  desire  their 
favour  &  help ;  that  such  of  y*"  adventurers  as  had  thus 
forsaken  &  deserted  them,  might  be  brought  to  some 
order,  and  not  to  keepe  them  bound,  and  them  selves  be 
free.      But  that  they  might  either  stand  to  ther  former 


246  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

covenants,  or  ells  come  to  some  faire  end,  by  dividente, 
or  composition.  But  he  came  in  a  very  bad  time,  for 
y*"  Stat  was  full  of  trouble,  and  y*"  plague  very  bote  in 
London,  so  as  no  bussines  could  be  done ;  yet  he  spake 
with  some  of  y*"  Honourd  Counsell,  who  promised  all 
helpfullnes  to  y*  plantation  which  lay  in  them.  And 
sundrie  of  their  freinds  y®  adventurers  were  so  weakened 
with  their  losses  y®  last  year,  by  y®  losse  of  y*"  ship 
taken  by  the  Turks,  and  y^  loss  of  their  fish,  w''''  by  rea- 
son of  y^  warrs  they  were  forcte  to  land  at  Portsmouth, 
and  so  came  to  litle ;  so  as,  though  their  wills  were 
good,  jet  they""  power  was  litle.  And  ther  dyed  such 
multituds  weekly  of  y*^  plague,  as  all  trade  was  dead, 
and  litle  money  stirring.  Yet  with  much  adooe  he 
tooke  up  150".  (&  spent  a  good  deal  of  it  in  expences) 
at  50.  per  cent,  which  he  bestowed  in  trading  goods 
&  such  other  most  needfull  comodities  as  he  knew 
requiset  for  their  use ;  and  so  returned  passenger  in 
a  fhishing  ship,  haveing  prepared  a  good  way  for  y^ 
compossition  that  was  afterward  made. 

In  y*"  mean  time  it  pleased  y®  Lord  to  give  y*  plan- 
tation peace  and  health  and  contented  minds,  and  so  to 
blese  ther  labours,  as  they  had  corne  sufficient,  (and 
some  to  spare  to  others,)  with  other  foode  ;  neither  ever 
had  they  any  supply  of  foode  but  what  they  first  brought 
with  them.  After  harvest  this  year,  they  sende  out 
a  boats  load  of  corne  40.  or  50.  leagues  to  y*"  east- 
ward, up  a  river  called  Kenibeck ;   it  being  one  of  those 


1626.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  247 

2.  shalops  which  their  carpenter  had  built  them  y''  year 
before ;  for  bigger  vessell  had  they  none.  They  had 
laid  a  litle  deck  over  her  midships  to  keepe  y'^  corne 
drie,  but  y*  men  were  fame  to  stand  it  out  all  weathers 
without  shelter ;  and  y'  time  [139]  of  y*"  year  begins  to 
growe  tempestious.  But  God  preserved  them,  and  gave 
them  good  success,  for  they  brought  home  700".  of  beaver, 
besids  some  other  furrs,  havino;  litle  or  nothing  els  but 
this  corne,  which  them  selves  had  raised  out  of  y*^  earth. 
This  viage  was  made  by  M"".  Winslow  &  some  of  y"  old 
standards,*  for  seamen  they  had  none. 

Anno  Dom:  1626. 
About  y^  begining  of  Aprill  they  heard  of  Captain 
Standish  his  arrivall,  and  sent  a  boat  to  fetch  him  home, 
and  y*"  things  he  had  brought.  Welcome  he  was,  but 
y®  news  he  broughte  was  sadd  in  many  regards ;  not 
only  in  regarde  of  the  former  losses,  before  related, 
which  their  freinds  had  suffered,  by  which  some  in  a 
maner  were  undon,  others  much  disabled  from  doino- 
any  further  help,  and  some  dead  of  y""  plague,  but  also 
y*  M"".  Robinson,  their  pastor,  was  dead,  which  struck 
them  with  much  sorrow  &  sadnes,  as  they  had  cause. 
His  and  their  adversaries  had  been  long  &  continually 
plotting  how  they  might  hinder  his  coming  hither,  but 
y®  Lord  had  appointed  him  a  better  place ;    concerning 

*  First  written  as  in  the  text,  then  altered  to  standerss. 


248  HISTORY    OF  [book    II. 

whose  death  &  the  maner  therof,  it  will  appere  by  these 
few  lines  write  to  y''  Gov'  &  M'.  Brewster. 

Loving  &  kind  frinds,  &c.      I  know  not  whether  this  will 
ever  come  to  your  hands,  or  miscarie,  as  other  my  letters  have 
done ;   yet  in  regard  of  y''  Lords  dealing  with  us  hear,  I  have 
had  a  great  desire  to  write  unto  you,  knowing  your  desire  to 
bear  a  parte  with  us,  both  in  our  joyes,  &  sorrows,  as  we  doe 
w'^  you.     These  are  therfore  to  give  you  to  understand,  that 
it  hath  pleased  the  Lord  to  take  out  of  this  vaell  of  tears, 
your  and  our  loving  &  faithfull  pastor,  and  my  dear  &  Eeve*^ 
brother,  M'.  John  Robinson,  who  was  sick  some  8.  days.     He 
begaue  to  be  sick  on  Saturday  in  y"  morning,  yet  y''  next  day 
(being  the  Lords  day)  he  taught  us  twise.     And  so  y'^  weeke 
after  grew  weaker,  every  day  more  then  other;    yet  he   felt 
no  paine  but  weaknes  all  y*  time  of  his  sicknes.     The  phisick 
he    tooke  wrought  kindly  in  mans   judgmente,   but   he    grew 
weaker  every  day,  feeling  litle  or  no  paine,  and   sensible  to 
y«  very  last.     He  fell  sicke  y*  22.  of  Feb  :  and  departed  this 
life  y^  1.  of  March.     He  had  a  continuall  inwarde  ague,  but 
free  from  infection,  so  y'  all  his  freinds  came  freely  to  him. 
And  if  either  prayers,  tears,  or  means,  would  have  saved  his 
life,  he  had  not  gone  hence.     But  he  having  faithfully  finished 
his    course,    and    performed    his    worke    which    y*"    Lord    had 
appointed  him  here  to  doe,  he   now  resteth  with  y'^  Lord   in 
eternall    hapines.      We    wanting    him    &    all    Church    Gov", 
yet  we   still  (by  y*   mercie  of  God)  continue   &  hould   close 
togeather,  in  peace  and  quietnes ;   and  so  hope  we  shall  doe, 
though  we  be  very  weake.     Wishing  (if  such  were  y*"  will  of 
God)   that   you   &  we  were   againe   united  togeather  in   one, 
either  ther  or  here  ;    but  seeing  it  is  y^  will  of   y^  Lord  thus 
to  dispose    of   things,   we    must   labour  w*   patience   to   rest 
contented,   till  it  please    y''  Lord   otherwise   to   dispose.     For 
[140]  news,  is  here  not  much;    only  as  in  England  we  have 


]626.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  249 

lost  our  old  king  James,  who  departed  this  life  aboute  a 
month  agoe,  so  here  they  have  lost  y*^  old  prince,  Grave 
Mourise  ;  who  both  departed  this  life  since  my  brother  Robin- 
son. And  as  in  England  we  have  a  new-king  Charls,  of 
whom  ther  is  great  hope,  so  hear  they  have  made  prince 
Hendrick  Generall  in  his  brothers  place,  &c  Thus  with  my 
love  remembred,  I  take  leave  &  rest. 

Your  assured  loving  freind, 

Roger  White. 
Leyden,  Aprill  28. 
An°:  1625. 

Thus  these  too  great  princes,  and  their  pastor,  left  this 
world  near  aboute  one  time.     Death  maks  no  difference. 

He  further  brought  them  notice  of  y*"  death  of  their 
anciente  freind,  M'".  Cush-man,  whom  y^  Lord  tooke 
away  allso  this  year,  &  aboute  this  time,  who  was  as  their 
right  hand  with  their  freinds  y''  adventurers,  and  for 
diverce  years  had  done  &  agitated  all  their  bussines  with 
them  to  ther  great  advantage.  He  had  write  to  y*^  Gove"^ 
but  some  few  months  before,  of  y"  sore  sicknes  of  M^ 
James  Sherley,  who  was  a  cheefe  freind  to  y®  plantation, 
and  lay  at  y^  pointe  of  death,  declaring  his  love  &  help- 
fullnes,  in  all  things ;  and  much  bemoned  the  loss  they 
should  have  of  him,  if  God  should  now  take  him  away, 
as  being  y*"  stay  &  life  of  y''  whole  bussines.  As  allso  his 
owne  purposs  this  year  to  come  over,  and  spend  his  days 
with  them.  But  he  that  thus  write  of  anothers  sicknes, 
knew  not  y*  his  owne  death  was  so  near.  It  shows  allso 
that  a  mas  ways  are  not  in  his  owne  power,  but  in  his 


250  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

hands  who  hath  y®  issues  of  life  and  death.  Man  may 
purpose,  but  God  doth  dispose. 

Their  other  freinds  from  Leyden  writ  many  leters  to 
them  full  of  sad  laments  for  ther  heavie  loss  ;  and  though 
their  wills  were  good  to  come  to  them,  yet  they  saw  no 
probabilitie  of  means,  how  it  might  be  efiected,  but  con- 
cluded (as  it  were)  that  all  their  hopes  were  cutt  of;  and 
many,  being  aged,  begane  to  drop  away  by  death. 

All  which  things  (before  related)  being  well  weighed 
and  laied  togither,  it  could  not  but  strick  them  with  great 
perplexitie  ;  and  to  looke  humanly  on  y®  state  of  things 
as  they  presented  them  selves  at  this  time,  it  is  a  marvell 
it  did  not  wholy  discourage  them,  and  sinck  them.  But 
they  gathered  up  their  spirits,  and  y**  Lord  so  helped 
them,  whose  worke  they  had  in  hand,  as  now  when  they 
were  at  lowest  *  they  begane  to  rise  againe,  and  being 
striped  (in  a  maner)  of  all  humane  helps  and  hops,  he 
brought  things  aboute  other  wise,  in  his  devine  provi- 
dence, as  they  were  not  only  upheld  &  sustained,  but 
their  proceedings  both  honoured  and  imitated  by  others ; 
as  by  y°  sequell  will  more  appeare,  if  y^  Lord  spare  me 
life  &  time  to  declare  y*  same. 

Haveing  now  no  fishing  busines,  or  other  things  to 
intend,  but  only  their  trading  &  planting,  they  sett  them 
selves  to  follow  the  same  with  y*'  best  Industrie  they 
could.  The  planters  finding  their  corne,  what  they  could 
spare  from  ther  necessities,  to  be  a  comoditie,  (for  they 

*  Note. 


1626.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  251 

sould  it  at  6^  a  bushell,)  used  great  dilligence  in  planting 
y^  same.     And  y*^  Gove''  and  such  as  were  designed  to 
manage  the  trade,    (for  it  was  retained  for  y*"  generall 
good,  [141]  and  none  were  to  trade  in  perticuler,)  they 
followed  it  to  the  best  advantage  they  could  ;  and  want- 
ing trading  goods,  they  understoode   that  a  plantation 
which  was  at  Monhigen,  &  belonged  to  some  marchants 
of  Plimoth  was  to  breake  up,  and  diverse  usefull  goods 
was  ther  to  be  sould ;  the  Gove""  and  M"".  Winslow  tooke 
a  boat  and  some  hands  and  went  thither.     But  M'.  David 
Thomson,  who  lived  at  Pascataway,  understanding  their 
purpose,  tooke  oppertunitie  to  goe  with  them,  which  was 
some  hinderance  to  them  both ;  for  they,  perceiveing  their 
joynte  desires  to  buy,  held  their  goods  at  higher  rates ; 
and  not  only  so,  but  would  not  sell  a  parcell  of  their 
trading   goods,   excepte   they   sould   all.     So,   lest   they 
should  further  prejudice  one  an  other,  they  agreed  to  buy 
all,  &  devid  them  equally  between  them.     They  bought 
allso  a  parcell  of  goats,  which  they  distributed  at  home 
as  they  saw  neede  &  occasion,  and  tooke  corne  for  them 
of  y*^   people,    which   gave   them   good   content.     Their 
moyety  of  y®  goods  came  to  above  400^'.  starling.     Ther 
was  allso  that  spring  a  French  ship  cast  away  at  Saca- 
dahock,  in  w*^^  were  many  Biscaie  ruggs  &  other  comodi- 
ties,  which  were  falen  into  these  mens  hands,   &  some 
other   fisher   men   at   Damerins-cove,    which   were   allso 
bought   in   partnership,   and  made   their   parte   arise  to 
above  500*'.     This  they  made  shift  to  pay  for,  for  y°  most 


252  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

part,  with  y*'  beaver  &  comodities  they  had  gott  y*"  winter 
before,  &  what  they  had  gathered  up  y*  somer.  M"". 
Thomson  having  some  thing  overcharged  him  selfe,  de- 
sired they  would  take  some  of  his,  but  they  refused 
except  he  would  let  them  have  his  French  goods  only ; 
and  y®  marchant  (who  was  one  of  Bristol)  would  take 
their  bill  for  to  be  paid  y*  next  year.  They  were  both 
willing,  so  they  became  ingaged  for  them  &  tooke  them. 
By  which  means  they  became  very  well  furnished  for 
trade ;  and  tooke  of  therby  some  other  ingagments  w°^ 
lay  upon  them,  as  the  money  taken  up  by  Captaine 
Standi sh,  and  y'^  remains  of  former  debts.  With  these 
goods,  and  their  corne  after  harvest,  they  gott  good  store 
of  trade,  so  as  they  were  enabled  to  pay  their  ingage- 
ments  against  y^  time,  &  to  get  some  cloathing  for  y® 
people,  and  had  some  comodities  before  hand.  But  now 
they  begane  to  be  envied,  and  others  wente  and  fild  y® 
Indeans  with  corne,  and  beat  downe  y*"  prise,  giveing 
them  twise  as  much  as  they  had  done,  and  under  traded 
them  in  other  comodities  allso. 

This  year  they  sent  M''.  Allerton  into  England,  and 
gave  him  order  to  make  a  composition  with  y®  adventur- 
ers, upon  as  good  termes  as  he  could  (unto  which  some 
way  had  ben  made  y*^  year  before  by  Captaine  Standish)  ; 
but  yet  injoyned  him  not  to  conclud  absolutly  till  they 
knew  y®  termes,  and  had  well  considered  of  them ;  but 
to  drive  it  to  as  good  an  issew  as  he  could,  and  referr 
y"  conclusion  to  them.     Also  they  gave  him  a  comission 


162G.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  253 

under  their  hands  &  seals  to  take  up  some  money,  pro- 
vided it  exeeded  not  such  a  sume  specified,  for  which 
they  engaged  them  selves,  and  gave  him  order  how  to 
lay  out  y®  same  for  y®  use  of  y®  plantation. 

And  finding  they  rane  a  great  hazard  to  goe  so  long 
viages  in  a  smale  open  boat,  espetialy  y*^  winter  season, 
they  begane  to  thinke  how  they  might  gett  a  small 
pinass ;  as  for  y*^  reason  afibresaid,  so  also  because 
others  had  raised  y®  prise  with  y®  Indeans  above  y® 
halfe  of  what  they  had  formerly  given,  so  as  in  such 
a  boat  they  could  not  [143  *]  carry  a  quantity  suffi- 
cient to  answer  their  ends.  They  had  no  ship-carpen- 
ter amongst  them,  neither  knew  how  to  get  one  at 
presente ;  but  they  having  an  ingenious  man  that  was 
a  house  carpenter,  who  also  had  wrought  with  y*^  ship 
carpenter  (that  was  dead)  when  he  built  their  boats, 
at  their  request  he  put  forth  him  selfe  to  make  a  triall 
that  way  of  his  skill ;  and  tooke  one  of  y*^  bigest  of 
ther  shalops  and  sawed  her  in  y*^  midle,  and  so  lenth- 
ened  her  some  5.  or  6.  foote,  and  strengthened  her 
with  timbers,  and  so  builte  her  up,  and  laid  a  deck 
on  her;  and  so  made  her  a  conveniente  and  wholsome 
vessell,  very  fitt  &  comfortable  for  their  use,  which 
did  them  servise  7.  years  after;  and  they  gott  her 
finished,  and  fitted  with  sayles  &  anchors,  y*^  insuing 
year.     And  thus  passed  y^  aflairs  of  this  year. 

*  Here  occurs  another  error  in  the  paging  of  the  original ;  142  is  omitted. 


254  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

Anno  Dom:  1627. 
At  y''  usuall  season  of  y*^  coming  of  ships  M"".  Aller- 
ton  returned,  and  brought  some  usfull  goods  with  him, 
according  to  y*'  order  given  him.  For  upon  his  com- 
mission he  tooke  up  200*'.  which  he  now  gott  at  30. 
per  cent.  The  which  goods  they  gott  safly  home, 
and  well  conditioned,  which  was  much  to  the  comfort 
&  contente  of  y*^  plantation.  He  declared  unto  them, 
allso,  how,  with  much  adoe  and  no  small  trouble,  he 
had  made  a  composition  with  ^^  adventurers,  by  the 
help  of  sundrie  of  their  faithfuU  freinds  ther,  who  had 
allso  tooke  much  pains  ther  about.  The  agreement  or 
bargen  he  had  brought  a  draught  of,  with  a  list  of  ther 
names  ther  too  annexed,  drawne  by  the  best  counsell 
of  law  they  could  get,  to  make  it  firme.  The  heads 
wherof  I  shall  here  inserte. 

To  all  Christian  people,  greeting,  &c.  Wheras  at  a  meeting 
y^  26.  of  October  last  past,  diverse  &  sundrie  persons,  whose 
names  to  y^  one  part  of  these  presents  are  subscribed  in  a 
schedule  hereunto  annexed.  Adventurers  to  New-Plimoth  in 
New-England  in  America,  were  contented  and  agreed,  in  con- 
sideration of  the  sume  of  one  thousand  and  eight  hundred 
pounds  sterling  to  be  paid,  (in  maner  and  forme  foiling,)  to 
sell,  and  make  sale  of  all  «&;  every  y*"  stocks,  shares,  lands, 
marchandise,  and  chatles,  what  soever,  to  y^  said  adventurers, 
and  other  ther  fellow  adventurers  to  New  Plimoth  aforesaid, 
any  way  accruing,  or  belonging  to  y®  generalitie  of  y*  said 
adventurers  aforesaid  ;  as  well  by  reason  of  any  sume  or  sumes 


1627.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  255 


of  money,  or  marchandise,  at  any  time  heretofore  adventured 
or  disbursed  by  them,  or  other  wise  howsoever  ;  for  y^  better 
expression  and  setting  forth   of  which  said    agreemente,   the 
parties  to  these  presents  subscribing,  doe  for  [144]  them  selves 
severally,  and  as  much  as  in  them  is,  grant,  bargau,  alien,  sell, 
and  transfere  all  &  every  y^  said  shares,  goods,  lauds,  mar- 
chandice,   and   chatles  to  them  belonging  as  aforesaid,   unto 
Isaack  Alerton,  one  of  y*"  planters  resident  at  Plimoth  affore- 
said,    assigned,   and    sent   over   as    agente   for   y^  rest   of    y^ 
planters  ther,  and  to  such  other  planters  at  Plimoth  afforesaid 
as  y*  said  Isack,  his  heirs,  or  assignes,  at  his  or  ther  arrivall, 
shall  by  writing  or  otherwise  thiuke  fitte  to  joyne  or  partake 
in  y^  premisses,  their  heirs,  &   assignes,  in  as  large,   ample, 
and  beneficiall  maner  and  forme,  to  all  intents  and  purposes, 
as  y^  said  subscribing  adventurers  here  could  or  may  doe,  or 
performe.     All  which  stocks,  shares,  lauds,   &c.   to  the  said 
adveu :  in  severallitie  alloted,  apportioned,  or  any  way  belong- 
ing,  the   said  adven :  doe  warrant    &    defend   unto   the    said 
Isaack  Allerton,   his  heirs   and  assignes,  against  them,   their 
heirs  and  assignes,  by  these  presents.     And  therfore  y"  said 
Isaack  Allerton  doth,  for  him,  his  heirs  &  assigns,  covenant, 
promise,  &  grant  too  &  with  y^  adven  :  whose  names  are  here 
unto  subscribed,  ther  heirs,  &c.  well  &  truly  to  pay,  or  cause 
to  be  payed,  unto  y^  said  adven  :  or  5.  of  them  which  were,  at 
y' meeting  afforsaid,  nominated  &  deputed,  viz.  John  Pocock, 
John   Beachamp,    Bobart   Keane,    Edward   Base,    and   James 
Sherley,  marchants,  their  heirs,   &c.  too  and  for  y*  use  of  y* 
generallitie   of  them,    the   sume   of    1800".   of  lawfull    money 
of  England,  at  y^  place  appoynted  for  y^  receipts  of  money, 
on  the  west  side  of  y*^  Roy  all  Exchaing  in  Loudon,  by  200*'. 
yearly,  and  every  year,  on  y^  feast  of  St.  Migchell,  the  first 
paiment  to  be  made  An°:   1628.   &c.     Allso  y^  said  Isaack  is 
to  indeavor  to  procure  &  obtaine  from  y*"  planters  of  N.  P. 
aforesaid,  securitie,  by  severall  obligations,  or  writings  oblig- 


256 


HISTORY    OF 


[book  II. 


atory,  to  make  paiment  of  y"  said  surae  of  1800".  in  forme 
afforsaid,  according  to  y^  true  meaning  of  these  presents.  In 
testimouie  wherof  to  this  part  of  these  presents  remaining  with 
y*"  said  Isaack  Allerton,  y"  said  subscribing  adven :  have  sett 
to  their  names,*  &c.  And  to  y*"  other  part  remaining  with 
y''  said  adven :  the  said  Isaack  Allerton  hath  subscribed  his 
name,  y^  15.  Nov'"'.  An":  1626.  in  y"  2.  year  of  his  Majesties 
raigne. 

*  Below  are  the  names  of  the  adventurers  subscribed  to  this  paper,  taken 
from  Bradford's  Letter-Book,  1  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  III.  48;  being  forty-two  in 
number.  The  names  of  six  of  these  persons  are  found  subsequently  among 
the  members  of  the  Massachusetts  Company,  viz.  John  White,  John  Pocock, 
Thomas  GoflFe,  Samuel  Sharpe,  John  Revell,  and  Thomas  Andrews.  Mr. 
Haven,  who  edited  the  Records  of  the  Massachusetts  Company,  is  of  opinion 
that  the  first  person  on  the  list  is  the  celebrated  clergyman  of  Dorchester,  the 
reputed  author  of  the  Planter's  Plea.  Emnu.  Alltham  is  probably  the  same 
person  named  in  the  Council  Records,  under  date  January  21, 1622-3  :  "  Emanuel 
Altum  to  command  the  Pinnace  built  for  Mr.  Peirce's  Plantation."  Smith 
speaks  of  "  Captaine  Altotn"  as  commanding  this  vessell,  but  Morton  says  the 
name  of  the  master  of  the  Little  James  was  Mr.  Bridges,  who  it  appears  was 
drowned  at  Damariscove,  in  March,  1624.  See  Coll.  of  the  Amer.  Antiq.  Soc, 
III.  26,  62,  Preface;  Felt's  MS.  Memoranda  from  the  Council  Records;  Smith's 
Generall  Historic,  p.  239;  Morton's  Memorial,  p.  48. 


John  White, 
John  Pocock, 
Robert  Kean, 
Edward  Bass, 
William  Hobson, 
William  Penington, 
William  Quarles, 
Daniel  Poynton, 
Richard  Andrews, 
Newman  Rookes, 
Henry  Browning, 
Richard  Wright, 
John  Ling, 
Thomas  Goffe, 


Samuel  Sharpe, 
Robert  Holland, 
James  Sherley, 
Thomas  Mott, 
Thomas  Fletcher, 
Timothy  Hatherly, 
Thomas  Brewer, 
John  Thorned, 
Myles  Knowles, 
William  Collier, 
John  Revell, 
Peter  Gudburn, 
Emnu.  Alltham, 
John  Beauchamp, 


Thomas  Hudson, 
Thomas  Andrews, 
Thomas  Ward, 
Fria.  Newbald, 
Thomas  Heath, 
Joseph  Tilden, 
William  Perrin, 
Eliza  Knight, 
Thomas  Coventry, 
Robert  Allden, 
Lawrence  Anthony, 
John  Knight, 
Matthew  Thornhill, 
Thomas  Millsop- 


1627.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  257 

This  agreemente  was  very  well  liked  of,  &  approved 
by  all  y*"  plantation,  and  consented  unto ;  though  they 
knew  not  well  how  to  raise  y*'  payment,  and  discharge 
their  other  ingagements,  and  supply  the  yearly  wants 
of  y^  plantation,  seeing  they  were  forced  for  their 
necessities  to  take  up  money  or  goods  at  so  high  in- 
trests.  Yet  they  undertooke  it,  and  7.  or  8.  of  y'^ 
cheefe  of  y'^  place  became  joyntly  bound  for  y*^  pai- 
mente  of  this  1800^  (in  y^  behalfe  of  y*'  rest)  at  y^ 
severall  days.  In  which  they  rane  a  great  adventure, 
as  their  present  state  stood,  having  many  other  heavie 
burthens  allready  upon  them,  and  all  things  in  an  un- 
certaine  condition  amongst  them.  So  y°  next  returne 
it  was  absolutly  confirmed  on  both  sids,  and  y"  bargen 
fairly  ingrossed  in  partchmente  and  in  many  things  put 
into  better  forme,  by  y*'  advice  of  y''  learnedest  counsell 
they  could  gett;  and  least  any  forfeiture  should  fall  on 
y^  whole  for  none  paimente  at  any  of  y*"  days,  it  rane 
thus :  to  forfite  30'-  a  weeke  if  they  missed  y''  time ; 
and  was  concluded  under  their  hands  &  seals,  as  may 
be  seen  at  large  by  y**  deed  it  selfe. 

[145]  Now  though  they  had  some  untowarde  per- 
sons mixed  amongst  them  from  the  first,  which  came 
out  of  England,  and  more  afterwards  by  some  of  y'' 
adventurers,  as  freindship  or  other  aflections  led  them, 
—  though  sundrie  were  gone,  some  for  Virginia,  and 
some  to  other  places, — yet  diverse  were  still  mingled 
amongst  them,  about  whom  y'^  Gove''  &   counsell   with 


258  HISTORY   OF  [book  II. 

other  of  their  cheefe  freinds  had  serious  consideration, 
how  to  setle  things  in  regard  of  this  new  bargen  or 
purchas  made,  in  respecte  of  y*^  distribution  of  things 
both  for  y''  presente  and  future.  For  y''  present,  ex- 
cepte  peace  and  union  were  preserved,  they  should  be 
able  to  doe  nothing,  but  indanger  to  over  throw  all, 
now  that  other  tyes  &  bonds  were  taken  away.  Ther- 
fore  they  resolved,  for  sundrie  reasons,  to  take  in  all 
amongst  them,  that  were  either  heads  of  families,  or 
single  yonge  men,  that  were  of  abillity,  and  free,  (and 
able  to  governe  them  selvs  with  meete  descretion,  and 
their  affairs,  so  as  to  be  helpfull  in  y''  comone-welth,) 
into  this  partnership  or  purchass.  First,  y'^^  consid- 
ered that  they  had  need  of  men  &  strength  both  for 
defence  and  carrying  on  of  bussinesses.  2'^,  most  of 
them  had  borne  ther  parts  in  former  miseries  &  wants 
wnth  them,  and  therfore  (in  some  sort)  but  equall  to 
partake  in  a  better  condition,  if  y''  Lord  be  pleased  to 
give  it.  But  cheefly  they  saw  not  how  peace  would 
be  preserved  without  so  doing,  but  danger  &  great  dis- 
turbance might  grow  to  their  great  hurte  &  prejudice 
other  wise.  Yet  they  resolved  to  keep  such  a  mean  in 
distribution  of  lands,  and  other  courses,  as  should  not 
hinder  their  growth  in  others  coming  to  them. 

So  they  caled  y^  company  togeather,  and  conferred 
with  them,  and  came  to  this  conclusion,  that  y''  trade 
should  be  managed  as  before,  to  help  to  pay  the  debts ; 
and  all  such  persons  as  were    above    named    should    be 


1627.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  259 

reputed  and  inrouled  for  purchasers ;  single  free  men 
to  have  a  single  share,  and  every  father  of  a  familie  to 
be  alowed  to  purchass  so  many  shares  as  he  had  per- 
sons in  his  family  ;  that  is  to  say,  one  for  him  selfe, 
and  one  for  his  wife,  and  for  every  child  that  he  had 
living  with  him,  one.  As  for  servants,  they  had  none, 
but  what  either  their  maisters  should  give  them  out  of 
theirs,  or  their  deservings  should  obtaine  from  y''  com- 
pany afterwards.  Thus  all  were  to  be  cast  into  single 
shares  according  to  the  order  abovesaid ;  and  so  every 
one  was  to  pay  his  part  according  to  his  proportion 
towards  y'^  purchass,  &  all  other  debts,  what  y"*  profits 
of  y^  trade  would  not  reach  too ;  viz.  a  single  man  for 
a  single  share,  a  maister  of  a  famalie  for  so  many  as 
he  had.  This  gave  all  good  contente.  And  first  ac- 
cordingly the  few  catle  which  they  had  were  devided, 
which  arose  to  this  proportion;  a  cowe  to  6.  persons 
or  shars,  &  2.  goats  to  y^  same,  which  were  first 
equalised  for  age  &  goodnes,  and  then  lotted  for ; 
single  persons  consorting  with  others,  as  they  thought 
good,  &  smaler  familys  likwise ;  and  swine  though 
more  [146]  in  number,  yet  by  y*^  same  rule.  Then 
they  agreed  that  every  person  or  share  should  have 
20.  acres  of  land  devided  unto  them,  besids  y*^  single 
acres  they  had  allready ;  and  they  appoynted  were  to 
begin  first  on  y*^  one  side  of  y*^  towne,  &  how  farr  to 
goe ;  and  then  on  y*^  other  side  in  like  maner ;  and 
so   to    devid    it    by    lotte ;     and    appointed    sundrie    by 


260  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

name  to  doe  it,  and  tyed  them  to  certaine  ruls  to  pro- 
ceed by ;  as  that  they  should  only  lay  out  settable  or 
tillable  land,  at  least  such  of  it  as  should  butt  on  y^ 
water  side,  (as  y*  most  they  were  to  lay  out  did,)  and 
pass  by  y®  rest  as  refuse  and  comune  ;  and  what  they 
judged  fitte  should  be  so  taken.  And  they  were  first 
to  agree  of  y''  goodnes  &  fitnes  of  it  before  the  lott 
was  drawne,  and  so  it  might  as  well  prove  some  of 
ther  owne,  as  an  other  mans ;  and  this  course  they 
were  to  hould  throwout.  But  yet  seekeing  to  keepe 
y'^  people  togither,  as  much  as  might  be,  the}^  allso 
agreed  upon  this  order,  by  mutuall  consente,  before 
any  lots  were  cast :  that  whose  lotts  soever  should  fall 
next  y^  towne,  or  most  conveninte  for  nearnes,  they 
should  take  to  them  a  neigboure  or  tow,  whom  they 
best  liked ;  and  should  suffer  them  to  plant  corne  with 
them  for  4.  years ;  and  afterwards  they  might  use  as 
much  of  theirs  for  as  long  time,  if  they  would.  Allso 
every  share  or  20.  acers  was  to  be  laid  out  5.  acres 
in  breadth  by  y*^  water  side,  and  4.  acres  in  lenght, 
excepting  nooks  &  corners,  which  were  to  be  measured 
as  y'^''  would  bear  to  best  advantage.  But  no  meadows 
were  to  be  laid  out  at  all,  nor  were  not  of  many  years 
after,  because  they  were  but  streight  of  meadow  grounds ; 
and  if  they  had  bene  now  given  out,  it  would  have 
hindred  all  addition  to  them  afterwards ;  but  every 
season  all  were  appoynted  wher  they  should  mo  we, 
according   to    y®   proportion    of    catle   they   had.      This 


1627.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  261 

distribution  gave  generally  good  contente,  and  setled 
mens  minds.  Also  they  gave  y*'  Gove""  &  4.  or  5.  of 
y®  spetiall  men  amongst  them,  y*^  houses  they  lived  in  ; 
y^  rest  were  valued  &  equalised  at  an  indiferent  rate, 
and  so  every  man  kept  his  owne,  and  he  that  had  a 
better  alowed  some  thing  to  him  that  had  a  worse,  as 
y^  valuation  wente. 

Ther  is  one  thing  that  fell  out  in  y*"  begining  of  y'' 
winter  before,  which  I  have  refferred  to  this  place,  that 
I  may  handle  y'^  whole  matter  togeither.  Ther  was  a 
ship,  with  many  passengers  in  her  and  sundrie  goods, 
bound  for  Virginia.  They  had  lost  them  selves  at  sea, 
either  by  y*^  insufBciencie  of  y®  maister,  or  his  ilnes ; 
for  he  was  sick  &  lame  of  y*^  scurvie,  so  that  he  could 
but  lye  in  y''  cabin  dore,  &  give  direction  ;  and  it  should 
seeme  was  badly  assisted  either  w^''  mate  or  mariners  ; 
or  else  y^  fear  and  unrulines  of  y^  passengers  were  such, 
as  they  made  them  stear  a  course  betweene  y*^  southwest 
&  y°  norwest,  that  they  might  fall  with  some  land, 
what  soever  it  was  they  cared  not.  For  they  had  been 
6.  weeks  at  sea,  and  had  no  water,  nor  beere,  nor  any 
woode  left,  but  had  burnt  up  all  their  emptie  caske ; 
only  one  of  y*^  company  had  a  hogshead  of  wine  or  2. 
which  was  allso  allmost  spente,  so  as  they  feared  they 
should  be  starved  at  sea,  or  consumed  with  diseases, 
which  made  them  rune  this  desperate  course.  But  it 
plased  God  that  though  they  came  so  neare  y''  shoulds 
of  Cap-Codd  [147]  or  else  ran  stumbling  over  them  in 


262  HISTORY   OF  [book  II. 

y®  night,  they  knew  not  how,  they  came  right  before 
a  small  blind  harbore,  that  lyes  about  y''  midle  of  Mana- 
moyake  Bay,  to  y*^  southward  of  Cap-Codd,  with  a  small 
gale  of  wind ;  and  about  highwater  toucht  upon  a  barr 
of  sand  that  lyes  before  it,  but  had  no  hurte,  y®  sea 
being  smoth;  so  they  laid  out  an  anchore.  But  towards 
the  eveing  the  wind  sprunge  up  at  sea,  and  was  so 
rough,  as  broake  their  cable,  &  beat  them  over  the  barr 
into  y^  harbor,  wher  they  saved  their  lives  &  goods, 
though  much  were  hurte  with  salt  water ;  for  w*^  beating 
they  had  sprung  y*^  but  end  of  a  planke  or  too,  &  beat 
out  ther  occome ;  but  they  were  soone  over,  and  ran 
on  a  drie  flate  within  the  harbor,  close  by  a  beach ;  so 
at  low  water  they  gatt  out  their  goods  on  drie  shore, 
and  dried  those  that  were  wette,  and  saved  most  of 
their  things  without  any  great  loss ;  neither  was  y®  ship 
much  hurt,  but  shee  might  be  mended,  and  made  ser- 
visable  againe.  But  though  they  were  not  a  litle  glad 
that  they  had  thus  saved  their  lives,  yet  when  they  had 
a  litle  refreshed  them  selves,  and  begane  to  thinke  on 
their  condition,  not  knowing  wher  they  were,  nor 
what  they  should  doe,  they  begane  to  be  strucken 
with  sadnes.  But  shortly  after  they  saw  some  Indians 
come  to  them  in  canows,  which  made  them  stand 
upon  their  gard.  But  when  they  heard  some  of  y^ 
Indeans  speake  English  unto  them,  they  were  not  a 
litle  revived,  especially  when  they  heard  them  demand 
if  they   were   the  Gove''  of  Plimoths  men,   or  freinds ; 


1627.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  263 

and  y'  they  would  bring  them  to  y''  English  houses,  or 
carry  their  letters. 

They  feasted  these  Indeans,  and  gave  them  many 
giftes ;  and  sente  2.  men  and  a  letter  with  them  to  y* 
Gove"",  and  did  intreat  him  to  send  a  boat  unto  them, 
with  some  pitch,  &  occume,  and  spiks,  w'*^  divers  other 
necessaries  for  y''  mending  of  ther  ship  (which  was  re- 
coverable). AUso  they  besought  him  to  help  them  with 
some  come  and  sundrie  other  things  they  wanted,  to 
enable  them  to  make  their  viage  to  Virginia ;  and  they 
should  be  much  bound  to  him,  and  would  make  satis- 
faction for  any  thing  they  had,  in  any  comodities  they 
had  abord.  After  y''  Gov""  was  well  informed  by  y® 
messengers  of  their  condition,  he  caused  a  boate  to  be 
made  ready,  and  such  things  to  be  provided  as  they 
write  for ;  and  because  others  were  abroad  upon  trading, 
and  such  other  atiairs,  as  had  been  fitte  to  send  unto 
them,  he  went  him  selfe,  &  allso  carried  some  trading 
comodities,  to  buy  them  corne  of  y*'  Indeans.  It  was 
no  season  of  y®  year  to  goe  withoute  y*^  Cape,  but 
understanding  wher  y*^  ship  lay,  he  went  into  y®  bottom 
of  y*'  bay,  on  y®  inside,  and  put  into  a  crick  called 
Naumskachett,  wher  it  is  not  much  above  2.  mile  over 
[148]  land  to  y*^  bay  wher  they  were,  wher  he  had 
y*^  Indeans  ready  to  cary  over  any  thing  to  them.  Of 
his  arrivall  they  were  very  glad,  and  received  the 
things  to  mend  ther  ship,  &  other  necessaries.  Allso 
he   bought   them   as    much   corne   as  they   would  have ; 


264  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

and  wheras  some  of  their  sea-men  were  rune  away 
amonge  the  Indeans,  he  procured  their  returne  to  y^ 
ship,  and  so  left  them  well  furnished  and  contented, 
being  very  thankfull  for  y*'  curtesies  they  receaved.  But 
after  the  Gove'"  thus  left  them,  he  went  into  some  other 
harbors  ther  aboute  and  loaded  his  boat  with  corne, 
which  he  traded,  and  so  went  home.  But  he  had  not 
been  at  home  many  days,  but  he  had  notice  from  them, 
that  by  the  violence  of  a  great  storme,  and  y"  bad 
morring  of  their  ship  (after  she  was  mended)  she  was 
put  a  shore,  and  so  beatten  and  shaken  as  she  was  now 
wholy  unfitte  to  goe  to  sea.  And  so  their  request  was 
that  they  might  have  leave  to  repaire  to  them,  and 
soujourne  with  them,  till  they  could  have  means  to 
convey  them  selves  to  Virginia ;  and  that  they  might 
have  means  to  trasport  their  goods,  and  they  would 
pay  for  y^  same,  or  any  thing  els  wher  with  y*"  plan- 
tation should  releeve  them.  Considering  their  distres, 
their  requests  were  granted,  and  all  helpfuUnes  done 
unto  them ;  their  goods  transported,  and  them  selves 
&  goods  sheltered  in  their  houses  as  well  as  they  could. 
The  cheefe  amongst  these  people  was  one  M"".  Fells 
and  M^  Sibsie,  which  had  many  servants  belonging 
unto  them,  many  of  them  being  Irish.  Some  others 
ther  were  y^  had  a  servante  or  2.  a  peece  ;  but  y*  most 
were  servants,  and  such  as  were  ino^affed  to  the  former 
persons  J  who  allso  had  y*"  most  goods.  AfFter  they 
were  hither  come,  and  some  thing  setled,  the  maisters 


1627.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  265 

desired  some  ground  to  imploye  ther  servants  upon ; 
seing  it  was  like  to  be  y'^  latter  end  of  y®  year  before 
they  could  have  passage  for  Virginia,  and  they  had 
now  y"  winter  before  them ;  they  might  clear  some 
ground,  and  plant  a  crope  (seeing  they  had  tools, 
&  necessaries  for  y''  same)  to  help  to  bear  their  charge, 
and  keep  their  servants  in  imployment ;  and  if  they 
had  oppertunitie  to  de parte  before  the  same  was  ripe, 
they  would  sell  it  on  y*^  ground.  So  they  had  ground 
appointed  them  in  convenient  places,  and  Fells  &  some 
other  of  them  raised  a  great  deall  of  corne,  which  they 
sould  at  their  departure.  This  Fells,  amongst  his  other 
servants,  had  a  maid  servante  which  kept  his  house 
&  did  his  household  affairs,  and  by  the  intimation  of 
some  that  belonged  unto  him,  he  was  suspected  to  keep 
her,  as  his  concubine ;  and  both  of  them  were  examined 
ther  upon,  but  nothing  could  be  proved,  and  they  stood 
upon  their  justification ;  so  with  admonition  they  were 
dismiste.  But  afterward  it  appeard  she  was  with  child, 
so  he  gott  a  small  boat,  &  ran  away  with  her,  for 
fear  of  punishmente.  First  he  went  to  Cap-Anne,  and 
after  into  y®  bay  of  y"  Massachussets,  but  could  get  no 
passage,  and  had  like  to  have  been  cast  away ;  and 
was  forst  to  come  againe  and  submite  him  selfe ;  but 
they  pact  him  away  &  those  that  belonged  unto  him  by 
the  first  oppertunitie,  and  dismiste  all  the  rest  as  soone 
as  could,  being  many  untoward  people  amongst  them ; 
though   ther   were    allso    some   that   caried   them    selves 


266  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

very  orderly  all  y^  time  they  stayed.  And  the  [149] 
plantation  had  some  benefite  by  them,  in  selling  them 
corne  &  other  provisions  of  food  for  cloathing ;  for  they 
had  of  diverse  kinds,  as  cloath,  perpetuanes,  &  other 
stuffs,  besids  hose,  &  shoes,  and  such  like  comodities  as 
y^  planters  stood  in  need  of.  So  they  both  did  good, 
and  received  good  one  from  another;  and  a  cuple  of 
barks  caried  them  away  at  y^  later  end  of  somer.  And 
sundrie  of  them  have  acknowledged  their  thankfuUnes 
since  from  Virginia. 

That  they  might  y''  better  take  all  convenient  oppor- 
tunitie  to  follow  their  trade,  both  to  maintaine  them 
selves,  and  to  disingage  them  of  those  great  sumes 
which  they  stood  charged  with,  and  bound  for,  they 
resoloved  to  build  a  smale  pinass  at  Manamet,  a  place 
20.  mile  from  y"  plantation,  standing  on  y''  sea  to  y® 
southward  of  them,  unto  which,  by  an  other  creeke  on 
this  side,  they  could  cary  their  goods,  within  4.  or  5. 
miles,  and  then  trasport  them  over  land  to  their  ves- 
sell ;  and  so  avoyd  the  compasing  of  Cap-Codd,  and 
those  deangerous  shoulds,  and  so  make  any  vioage  to 
y®  southward  in  much  shorter  time,  and  with  farr  less 
danger.  Also  for  y*^  saftie  of  their  vessell  &  goods, 
they  builte  a  house  their,  and  kept  some  servants,  who 
also  planted  corne,  and  reared  some  swine,  and  were 
allwayes  ready  to  goe  out  with  y^  barke  when  ther  was 
occasion.  All  which  tooke  good  eifecte,  and  turned  to 
their  proiite. 


1627.]  PLYMOUni    PLANTATION.  267 

They  now  sent  (with  y''  returne  of  y®  ships)  M"". 
Allerton  againe  into  England,  giveing  him  full  power, 
under  their  hands  &  seals,  to  conclude  the  former  bar- 
gaine  with  y®  adventurers ;  and  sent  ther  bonds  for  y*^ 
paimente  of  the  money.  AUso  they  sent  what  beaver 
they  could  spare  to  pay  some  of  their  ingagementes, 
&  to  defray  his  chargs ;  for  those  deepe  interests  still 
kepte  them  low.  Also  he  had  order  to  procure  a  patente 
for  a  fitt  trading  place  in  y*^  river  of  Kenebec ;  for  being 
emulated  both  by  the  planters  at  Pascataway  &  other 
places  to  y®  eastward  of  them,  and  allso  by  y*"  fishing 
ships,  which  used  to  draw  much  protite  from  y'^  Indeans 
of  those  parts,  they  threatened  to  procure  a  grante, 
&  shutte  them  out  from  thence ;  espetially  after  they 
saw  them  so  well  furnished  with  comodities,  as  to  carie 
the  trade  from  them.  They  thought  it  but  needfull  to 
prevente  such  a  thing,  at  least  that  they  might  not  be 
excluded  from  free  trade  ther,  wher  them  selves  had 
first  begune  and  discovered  the  same,  ad  brought  it  to 
so  good  efiecte.  This  year  allso  they  had  letters,  and 
messengers  from  y'^  Dutch-plantation,  sent  unto  them 
from  y*"  Gov""  ther,  writen  both  in  Dutch  &  French. 
The  Dutch  had  traded  in  these  southerne  parts,  diverse 
years  before  they  came ;  but  they  begane  no  plantation 
hear  till  4.  or  5.  years  after  their  coming,  and  here 
beofinino^.  Ther  letters  were  as  followeth.  It  being 
their  maner  to  be  full  of  complementall  titles. 


268  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

Eedele,  Eerenfeste  Wyse  Voorsinnige  Heeren,  den  Goveer- 
neur,  ende  Raeden  in  Nieu-Pliemuen  residerende  ;  onse  seer 
Goede  vrinden  den  directeur  ende  Raed  van  Nieu-Nederlande, 
wensen  vwe  Edn  :  eerenfesteu,  ende  wijse  voorsinnige  geluck 
salichitt  [gelukzaligheid?],  In  Christi  Jesu  onsen  Heere  ;  met 
goede  voorspoet,  ende  gesonthijt,  naer  siele,  ende  lichaem. 
Amen.* 

The  rest  I  shall  render  in  English,  leaving  out  the 
repetition  of  superfluous  titles. 

[150]  We  have  often  before  this  wished  for  an  opportunitie 
or  an  occasion  to  congratulate  you,  and  your  prosperous  and 
praise-worthy  undertakeings,  and  Goverment  of  your  colony 
ther.  And  the  more,  in  that  we  also  have  made  a  good 
begining  to  pitch  y^  foundation  of  a  collonie  hear ;  and  seeing 
our  native  countrie  lyes  not  farr  from  yours,  and  our  fore- 
fathers (diverse  hundred  years  agoe)  have  made  and  held 
fi'endship  and  alliance  with  your  aucestours,  as  sufficently 
appears  by  y*"  old  contractes,  and  entrecourses,  confirmed 
under  y''  hands  of  kings  &  princes,  in  y®  pointe  of  warr  & 
trafick  ;  as  may  be  seene  and  read  by  all  y^  world  in  y''  old 
chronakles.  The  which  are  not  only  by  the  king  now  reign- 
ing confirmed,  but  it  hath  pleased  his  majesty,  upon  mature 
deliberation,  to  make  a  new  covenante,  (and  to  take  up 
armes,)  with  y*"  States  Generall  of  our  dear  native  country, 
against  our  coinone  euemie  the  Spaniards,  who  seeke  nothing 

*  The  orthography  of  some  of  these  words  differs  from  the  modern  way 
of  spelling  them;  and  we  have  no  means  of  ascertaining  the  accuracy  of 
Bradford's  copy  from  the  original  letter.  This  passage  may  be  rendered 
thus :  — 

"Noble,  worshipful,  wise,  and  prudent  Lords,  the  Governor  and  Council- 
lors residing  in  New  Plymouth,  our  very  dear  friends:  — The  Director  and 
Council  of  New  Netherland  wish  to  your  Lordships,  worshipful,  wise,  and 
prudent,  happiness  in  Christ  Jesus  our  Lord,  with  prosperity  and  health,  in 
soul  and  body." 


1627.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  269 

else  but  to  usurpe  aud  overcome  other  Christian  kings  and 
princes  lauds,  that  so  he  might  obtaine  aud  possess  his  pre- 
tended monarchic  over  all  Christendom  ;  and  so  to  rule  and 
coiiiand,  after  his  owne  pleasure,  over  y^  consciences  of  so 
many  hundred  thousand  sowles,  which  God  forbid. 

And  also  seeing  it  hath  some  time  since  been  reported  unto 
us,  by  some  of   our  people,  that  by  occasion   came   so   farr 
northward    with    their    shalop,   and    met    with    sundry    of    y'' 
Indeans,  who  tould  them  that  they  were  within  halfe  a  days 
journey  of  your  plantation,  and  offered  ther  service  to  cary 
letters  unto  you ;   therfore  we  could  not  forbear  to  salute  you 
with  these  few  lines,  with  presentation  of  our  good  will   and 
servise    unto   you,    in   all   freudly-kindnes    &    neighbourhood. 
And  if  it  so  fall  out  that  any  goods  that  comes  to  our  hands 
from  our  native  countrie,   may  be  serviceable  unto  you,  we 
shall  take  our  selves  bound  to  help  and  accomadate  you  ther 
with  ;    either  for  beaver  or  any  other  wares  or  marchandise 
that  you  should  be  pleased  to  deale  for.     And  if  in  case  we 
have   uo   coinodity  at   present   that   may  give   you   contente, 
if  you  please  to  sell   us  auy  beaver,   or  otter,   or  such  like 
comodities   as  may  be   usefull  for  us,  for  ready  money,  and 
let  us  understand  therof  by  this  bearer  in  writing,  (whom  we 
have  apoynted  to  stay  3.  or  4.  days  for  your  answer,)  when 
we   understand   your  minds    therin,   we    shall   depute   one   to 
deale  with  you,  at  such  place  as  you  shall  appointe.      In  y^ 
mean    time    we   pray    the    Lord    to    take    you,    our   honoured 
good  freinds  and  neighbours,  into  his  holy  protection. 
By  the  appointment  of  y"  Gov''  and  Counsell,  &c. 

IsAAK  DE  Rasier,  Sccrcctaris. 
From  y*  Manhatas,  in  y*"  fort  Amsterdam, 
March  9.  An°:  1627. 

To    this    they   returned    answer   as    followeth,    on    y^ 
other  side. 


270  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

[151]  To  the  Honoured,   &c. 

The  Gove''  &  Counsell  of  New-Plim  :  wisheth,  &c.  We  have 
received  j^our  leters,  &c.  wherin  appeareth  your  good  wills 
&  frendship  towards  us  ;  but  is  expresed  w'^  over  high  titls, 
more  then  belongs  to  us,  or  is  uieete  for  us  to  receive.  But 
for  3'our  good  will,  and  congratulations  of  our  prosperitie  in 
these  smale  beginings  of  our  poore  colonic,  we  are  much 
bound  unto  you,  and  with  many  thanks  doe  acknowledg  y® 
same ;  taking  it  both  for  a  great  honour  done  unto  us,  and 
for  a  certaine  testimoney  of  your  love  and  good  neighbourhood. 

Now  these  are  further  to  give  your  Wor^P'  to  understand, 
that  it  is  to  us  no  smale  joye  to  hear,  that  his  majestic  hath 
not  only  bene  pleased  to  conflrme  y'  ancient  amitie,  aliance, 
and  frendship,  and  other  contracts,  formerly  made  &  ratified 
by  his  predecessors  of  famous  memorie,  but  hath  him  selfe 
(as  you  say)  strengthened  the  same  with  a  new-union  the 
better  to  resist  y^  prid  of  y'  cornone  enemy  y"  Spaniard,  from 
whose  cruelty  the  Lord  keep  us  both,  and  our  native  coun- 
tries. Now  forasmuch  as  this  is  sufficiente  to  unite  us 
togeather  in  love  and  good  neighbourhood,  in  all  our  deal- 
ings, yet  are  many  of  us  further  obliged,  by  the  good  and 
curteous  entreaty  which  we  have  found  in  your  countrie  ;  have- 
ing  lived  ther  many  years,  with  freedome,  and  good  contente, 
as  also  many  of  our  freinds  doe  to  this  day ;  for  which  we, 
and  our  children  after  us,  are  bound  to  be  thaukfull  to  your 
Nation,  and  shall  never  forgett  y*^  same,  but  shall  hartily 
desire  your  good  &  prosperity,  as  our  owne,  for  ever. 

Likwise  for  your  freindly  tender,  &  offer  to  acoiiiodate 
and  help  us  with  any  comodities  or  marchandise  you  have, 
or  shall  come  to  you,  either  for  beaver,  otters,  or  other  wares, 
it  is  to  us  very  acceptable,  and  we  doubte  not  but  in  short 
time  we  may  have  profitable  coiuerce  &  trade  togeather. 
But  for  this  year  we  are  fully  supplyed  with  all  necessaries, 
both  for  cloathing  and  other  things  ;    but  hereafter  it  is  like 


1627.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  271 

we  shall  deale  with  you,  if  your  rates  be  reasonable.  Aud 
therfore  when  you  please  to  send  to  us  againe  by  any  of 
yours,  we  desire  to  know  how  you  will  take  beaver,  by  y* 
pounde,  &  otters,  by  y*  skine  ;  aud  how  you  will  deale  per 
cent,  for  other  comodities,  and  what  3'ou  can  furnishe  us 
with.  As  likvyise  what  other  commodities  from  us  may  be 
acceptable  unto  you,  as  tobaco,  fish,  corne,  or  other  things, 
and  what  prises  you  will  give,  &c. 

Thus  hoping  that  you  will  pardon  &  excuse  us  for  our  rude 
and  imperfecte  writing  in  your  language,  and  take  it  in  good 
parte,  because  [152]  for  wante  of  use  we  cannot  so  well 
express  that  we  understand,  nor  hapily  understand  every  thing 
so  fully  as  we  should.  And  so  we  humbly  pray  the  Lord  for 
his  mercie  sake,  that  he  will  take  both  us  and  you  into  his 
keeping  &  gratious  protection. 

By  y*  Gove'  and  Counsell  of  New-Plimoth, 

Your  WorPP'  very  good  freiuds  «&;  ueigbours,  &c. 

New-Plim:  March  19. 

After  this  ther  was  many  passages  betweene  them 
both  by  letters  and  other  entercourse ;  and  they  had 
some  profitable  commerce  togither  for  diverce  years,  till 
other  occasions  interrupted  y®  same,  as  may  happily 
appear  afterwards,  more  at  large. 

Before  they  sent  jVP.  Allerton  away  for  England  this 
year,  y*"  Gove'"  and  some  of  their  cheefe  freinds  had 
serious  consideration,  not  only  how  they  might  discharge 
those  great  ingagments  which  lay  so  heavily  upon  them, 
as  is  afibre  mentioned,  but  also  how  they  might  (if  pos- 
siblie  they  could)  devise  means  to  help  some  of  their 
freinds  and  breethren   of  Ley  den  over  unto  them,  who 


272  HISTORY    OF  [book    II. 

desired  so  much  to  come  to  them,  ad  they  desired  as 
much  their  company.  To  effecte  which,  they  resolved 
to  rune  a  high  course,  and  of  great  adventure,  not 
knowing  otherwise  how  to  bring  it  aboute.  Which  was 
to  hire  y''  trade  of  y''  company  for  certaine  years,  and 
in  that  time  to  undertake  to  pay  that  1800^'.  and  all  y'' 
rest  of  y*'  debts  that  then  lay  upon  y''  plantation,  which 
was  aboute  some  600*'.  more;  and  so  to  set  them  free, 
and  returne  the  trade  to  y®  generalitie  againe  at  y*^ 
end  of  y*^  terme.  Upon  which  resolution  they  called 
y®  company  togeither,  and  made  it  clearly  appear  unto 
all  what  their  debts  were,  and  upon  what  terms  they 
would  undertake  to  pay  them  all  in  such  a  time,  and 
sett  them  clear.  But  their  other  ends  they  were  faine 
to  keepe  secrete,  haveing  only  privatly  acquaynted  some 
of  their  trusty  freinds  therwith ;  which  were  glad  of  y® 
same,  but  doubted  how  they  would  be  able  to  performe 
it.  So  after  some  agitation  of  the  thing  w"'  y*"  com- 
pany, it  was  yeelded  unto,  and  the  agreemente  made 
upon  y*^  conditions  following. 

Articles  of  agreemente  betweene  y^  collony  of  New-Plimoth 
of  y^  one  partie,  and  William  Bradford,  Capteiu  Myles 
Standisli,  Isaack  Allerton,  &c.  one  y"  other  partie  ;  and 
shuch  others  as  they  shall  thiuke  good  to  take  as  part- 
ners and  undertakers  with  them,  concerning  the  trade 
for  beaver  &  other  furrs  &  comodities,  &c.  ;  made  July, 
1627. 

First,  it  is  agreed  and  covenanted  betweexte  y"  said 
parties,   that   y®  afforsaid   William   Bradford,    Captain    Myles 


1627.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  273 

Standish,  &  Isaack  Allerton,  &c.  have  undertaken,  and  doe 
by  these  presents,  covenante  and  agree  to  pay,  discharge, 
and  acquite  y^  said  collony  of  all  y*"  debtes  both  due  for 
y^  purchass,  or  any  other  belonging  to  them,  at  y''  day  of 
y"  date  of  these  presents. 

[153]  Secondly,  y*  above-said  parties  are  to  have  and 
freely  injoye  y*  pinass  latly  builte,  the  boat  at  Manaraett, 
and  y*"  shalop,  called  y"  Bass-boat,  with  all  other  implements 
to  them  belonging,  that  is  in  y"  store  of  y"  said  company ; 
with  all  y''  whole  stock  of  furrs,  fells,  beads,  corne,  wam- 
pampeak,  hatchets,  knives,  &c.  that  is  now  in  y''  storre,  or 
any  way  due  unto  y"  same  uppon  accounte. 

3'y.  That  y"  above  said  parties  have  y^  whole  trade  to  them 
selves,  their  heires  and  assignes,  with  all  y''  privileges  therof, 
as  y"  said  coUonie  doth  now,  or  may  use  the  same,  for  6.  full 
years,  to  begine  y^  last  of  September  next  insuing. 

4'y.  In  furder  consideration  of  y''  discharge  of  y*  said 
debtes,  every  severall  purchaser  doth  promise  and  covenante 
yearly  to  pay,  or  cause  to  be  payed,  to  the  above  said  par- 
ties, during  y""  full  terme  of  y*"  said  6.  years,  3.  bushells  of 
corne,  or  6".  of  tobaco,  at  y"  undertakers  choyse. 

5'y.  The  said  undertakers  shall  dureing  y"  afforesaid  terme 
bestow  50*'.  per  annum,  in  hose  and  shoese,  to  be  brought 
over  for  y^  collonies  use,  to  be  sould  unto  them  for  corne 
at  6'.  per  bushell. 

6'^.  That  at  y^  end  of  y®  said  terme  of  6.  years,  the  whole 
trade  shall  returne  to  y''  use  and  benefite  of  y**  said  collonie, 
as  before. 

Lastly,  if  y""  afforesaid  undertakers,  after  they  have  aquainted 
their  freinds  in  England  with  these  covenants,  doe  (upon  y* 
first  returne)  resolve  to  performe  them,  and  undertake  to  dis- 
charge y''  debtes  of  y''  said  collony,  according  to  y"  true  mean- 
ing &  intente  of  these  presents,  then  they  are  (upon  such 
notice  given)  to  stand  in  full  force  ;    otherwise  all  things  to 


274  HISTORY   OF  [book   II. 

remaiue  as  formerly  they  were,  and  a  true  accounte  to  be 
given  to  y®  said  collonie,  of  the  disposing  of  all  things 
according  to  the  former  order. 

M'.  Allerton  carried  a  coppy  of  this  agreemente  with 
him  into  England,  and  amongst  other  his  instructions 
had  order  given  him  to  deale  with  some  of  their  speciall 
freinds,  to  joyne  with  them  in  this  trade  upon  y*^  above 
recited  conditions ;  as  allso  to  imparte  their  further 
ends  that  moved  them  to  take  this  course,  namly,  the 
helping  over  of  some  of  their  freinds  from  Ley  den,  as 
they  should  be  able ;  in  which  if  any  of  them  would 
joyne  with  them  they  should  thankfully  acceptt  of  their 
love  and  partnership  herein.  And  with  all  (by  their 
letters)  gave  them  some  grounds  of  their  hops  of  the 
accomplishmente  of  these  things  with  some  advantage. 

Anno  Dom:  1628. 
After  M^  Allertons  arivall  in  England,  he  aquainted 
them  with  his  comission  and  full  power  to  conclude  y® 
forementioned  bargan  &  purchas ;  upon  [154]  the  veiw 
wherof,  and  y'^  delivery  of  y®  botids  for  y*^  paymente  of 
y^  money  yearly,  (as  is  before  mentioned,)  it  was  fully 
concluded,  and  a  deede  *  fairly  ingrossed  in  partch- 
mente  was  delivered  him,  under  their  hands  &  seals 
confirming  the  same.  Morover  he  delte  with  them 
aboute  other  things  according  to   his    instructions.     As 

*  Nov.  6.  1627.  Page  238.  [Reference  is  here  made  to  the  page  of  the 
original  manuscript.] 


1628.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  275 

to  admitt  some  of  these  their  good  freinds  into  this 
purchass  if  they  pleased,  and  to  deale  with  them  for 
moneys  at  better  rates,  &c.  Touching  which  I  shall 
hear  inserte  a  letter  of  M'.  Sherleys,  giving  light  to 
what  followed  therof,  writ  to  y*'  Gov''  as  folio  we  th. 

S'':  I  have  received  yours  of  y"  26.  of  May  by  M^  Gibs, 
&  M''.  Goffe,  with  y®  barrell  of  otter  skins,  according  to  y® 
contents  ;  for  which  I  got  a  bill  of  store,  and  so  tooke  them 
up,  and  sould  them  togeather  at  78".  12'.  sterling;  and 
since,  M^  AUerton  hath  received  y^  money,  as  will  apear  by 
the  accounte.  It  is  true  (as  yoa.  write)  that  j'our  ingag- 
ments  are  great,  not  only  the  purchass,  but  you  are  yet 
necessitated  to  take  up  y^  stock  you  work  upon ;  and  y'  not 
at  6.  or  8.  ^^  cent,  as  it  is  here  let  out,  but  at  30.  40.  yea, 
&  some  at  50.  p''  cent,  which,  were  not  your  gaiues  great, 
and  Gods  blessing  on  your  honest  indeaours  more  then 
ordinarie,  it  could  not  be  y'  you  should  longe  subsiste  in  y* 
maintaining  of,  &  upholding  of  your  worldly  affaires.  And 
this  your  honest  &  discreete  agente,  M^  AUerton,  hath  seri- 
ously considered,  &  deeply  laid  to  mind,  how  to  ease  you 
of  it.  He  tould  me  you  were  contented  to  accepte  of  me 
&  some  few  others,  to  joyne  with  you  in  y*^  purchass,  as. 
partners ;  for  which  I  kindly  thanke  you  and  all  y*  rest,, 
and  doe  willingly  accepte  of  it.  And  though  absente,  shall 
willingly  be  at  shuch  charge  as  you  &  y*  rest  shall  thinke 
meete  ;  and  this  year  am  contented  to  forbear  my  former  50". 
and  2.  years  increase  for  y^  venture,  both  which  now  makes 
it  80".  without  any  bargaine  or  condition  for  y^  proflte,  you 
(I  mean  y®  generalitie)  stand  to  y'^  adventure,  outward,  and 
homeward.  I  have  perswaded  M^  Andrews  and  M^.  Beachamp 
to  doe  y^  like,  so  as  you  are  eased  of  y^  high  rate,  you  were 
at  y*  other  2.  yeares  ;  I  say  we  leave  it  freely  to  your  selves 


276  HISTORY    OF  [book    II. 

to  alow  us  what  you  please,  and  as  God  shall  blesse.  What 
course  I  rune,  M^  Beachamp  desireth  to  doe  y^  same  ;  and 
though  he  have  been  or  seemed  somwhat  harsh  heretofore, 
yet  now  you  shall  find  he  is  new  moulded.  I  allso  see  by 
your  letter,  you  desire  I  should  be  your  agente  ov  factore 
hear.  I  have  ever  found  you  so  faithful!,  honest,  and  upright 
men,  as  I  have  even  resolved  with  my  selfe  (God  assisting 
me)  to  doe  you  all  y®  good  lyeth  in  my  power ;  and  therfore 
if  you  please  to  make  choyse  of  so  weak  a  man,  both  for 
abillities  and  body,  to  performe  your  bussines,  1  promise  (y^ 
Lord  enabling  me)  to  doe  y*^  best  I  can  according  to  those 
abillities  he  hath  given  me  ;  and  wherin  I  faile,  blame  your 
selves,  y'  you  made  no  better  choyce.  Now,  because  I  am 
sickly,  and  we  are  all  mortall,  I  have  advised  M'.  AUerton 
to  joyne  M''.  Beachamp  with  me  in  your  deputation,  which 
I  conceive  to  be  very  necessary  &  good  for  you ;  your  charge 
shall  be  no  more,  for  it  is  not  your  salarie  maks  me  under- 
take your  [156*]  bussines.  Thus  comending  you  &  yours, 
and  all  Gods  people,  unto  y''  guidance  and  protection  of  y* 
Allmightie,  I  ever  rest, 

Your  faithful  1  loving  freind, 
London,  Nov.   17.   1628.  James  Sherley.| 

*  155  omitted  in  original  MS.  —  Com. 

t  Another  leter  of  his,  that  should  have  bene  placed  before :  — 
"We  cannot  but  take  notice  how  y  Lord  hath  been  pleased  to  crosse  our 
proseedings,  and  caused  many  disasters  to  befale  us  therin.  I  conceive  y^ 
only  reason  to  be,  we,  or  many  of  us,  aimed  at  other  ends  then  Gods  glorie ; 
but  now  I  hope  y'  cause  is  talsen  away ;  the  bargen  being  fully  concluded,  as 
farr  as  our  powers  will  reach,  and  confirmed  under  our  hands  &  seals,  to 
M^  Allerton  &  y«  rest  of  his  &  your  copartners.  But  for  my  ovvne  parte, 
I  confess  as  I  was  loath  to  hinder  y<^  full  confirming  of  it,  being  y  first  pro- 
pounder  ther  of  at  our  meeting ;  so  on  y^  other  side,  I  was  as  unwilling  to 
set  my  hand  to  y^  sale,  being  y«  receiver  of  most  part  of  y<^  adventurs,  and 
a  second  causer  of  much  of  y  ingagments ;  and  one  more  threatened,  being 
most  envied  &  aimed  at  (if  they  could  find  any  stepe  to  ground  their  malice 
on)  then  any  other  whosoever.     I  profess  I  know  no  just  cause  they  ever 


1628.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  277 

With  this  leter  they  sent  a  draught  of  a  formall  depu- 
tation to  be  hear  sealed  and  sent  back  unto  them,  to 
authorise  them  as  their  agents,  according  to  what  is 
mentioned  in  y"^  above  said  letter ;  and  because  some 
inconvenience  grue  therby  afterward  I  shall  here  in- 
serte  it. 

had,  or  have,  so  to  doe;   neither  shall  it  ever  be  proved  y'  I  have  wronged 
them  or  any  of  y<=  adventurers,  wittingly  or  willingly,  one  peny  in  ye  dis- 
bursing of  so  many  pounds  in  those  2.  years  trouble.    No,  ye  sole  cause  why 
they  maligne  me  (as  I  &  others  conceived)  was  y'  I  would  not  side  with 
them  against  you,  &  the  going  over  of  y'^'  Leyden  people.    But  as  I  then  card 
not,  so  now  I  litle  fear  what  they  can  doe ;  yet  charge  &  trouble  I  know  they 
may  cause  me  to  be  at.     And  for  these  reasons,  I  would  gladly  have  per- 
swaded  the  other  4.  to  have  sealed  to  this  bargaine,  and  left  me  out,  but  they 
would  not;  so  rather  then  it  should  faile,  M''.  Alerton  having  taken  so  much 
pains,  I  have  sealed  w'^  ye  rest ;  with  this  proviso  &  promise  of  his,  y'  if  any 
trouble  arise  hear,  you  are  to  bear  halfe  y"  charge.     Wherfore  now  I  doubt 
not  but  you  will  give  your  generallitie  good  contente,  and  setle  peace  amongst 
your  selves,  and  peace  with  the  natives;   and  then  no  doubt  but  y"  God  of 
Peace  will  blese  your  going  out  &  your  returning,  and  cause  all  j^  you  sett 
your  hands  unto  to  prosper;   the  which  I  shall  ever  pray  y"  Lord  to  grante 
if  it  be  his  blessed  will.    Asuredly  unless  ye  Lord  be  mercifull  unto  us  &  y" 
whole  land  in  generall,  our  estate  &  condition   is   farr  worse  then   yours. 
Wherfore  if  ye  Lord  should  send  persecution  or  trouble  hear,  (which  is  much 
to  be  feared,)  and  so  should  put  into  our  minds  to  flye  for  refuge,  I  know 
no  place  safer  then  to  come  to  you,  (for  all  Europ  is  at  varience  one  with 
another,  but  cheefly  w">  us,)  not  doubting  but  to  find  such  frendly  enter- 
tainmente  as  shall  be  honest  &  conscionable,  notwithstanding  what  hath  latly 
passed.    For  I  profess  in  ye  word  of  an  honest  man,  had  it  not  been  to  pro- 
cure your  peace  &  quiet  from  some  turbulent  spirites  hear,  I  would  not  have 
sealed  to  this  last  deed;  though  you  would  have  given  me  all  my  adventure 
and  debte  ready  downe.     Thus  desiring  y"  Lord  to  blesse  &  prosper  you, 
I  cease  ever  resting, 

Your  faithfull  &  loving  freind, 
to  my  power, 
Des  :  27.  James  Sheelet. 

[The  above  letter  was  written  on  the  reverse  of  page  154  of  the  original 
manuscript.] 


278  HISTORY    OF  [book   II. 


To  all  to  whom  these  prets  shall  come  greeting  ;   know  yee 
that  we,   William   Bradford,   Gov--   of   Pliraoth,   in   N.   E.   in 
America,  Isaak  Allertou,  Myles  Standish,  William  Brewster, 
&    Ed:  Winslow,    of    Plimoth    aforesaid,   marchants,   doe   by 
these  presents  for  us   &   in  our  names,  make,  substitute,   & 
appointe  James  Sherley,  Goldsmith,  &  John  Beachamp,  Salter, 
citizens  of  London,  our  true  &  lawfuU  agents,  factors,  sub- 
stitutes,  &   assignes ;    as  well   to    take    and  receive    all   such 
goods,    wares,    &    marchandise    what    soever   as    to    our  said 
substitutes   or  either  of    them,   or  to  y*'  citie  of   London,  or 
other  place  of  y^  Relme  of  Engl :  shall  be  sente,  transported, 
or  come  from  us  or  any  of  us,  as  allso  to  vend,  sell,  barter, 
or  exchaing  y*  said  goods,  wares,  and  marchandise  so  from 
time   to   time   to   be    sent   to    such   person    or   persons    upon 
credite,   or  other  wise  in  such  mauer  as  to  our  said   agents 
&  factors  joyently,  or  to  either  of  them  severally  shall  seeme 
meete.     And  further  we   doe  make  &  ordaine   our  said  sub- 
stituts  &  assignes  joyntly  &  severally  for  us,  &  to  our  uses, 
&   accounts,   to  buy   and  consigne  for  and  to  us  into  New- 
Engl :   aforesaid,  such  goods  and  marchandise  to  be  provided 
here,  and  to  be  returned  hence,  as  by  our  said  assignes,   or 
either  of  them,  shall  be  thought  fitt.     And  to  recover,  receive, 
and  demand  for  us  &  in  our  names  all  such  debtes  &  sumes 
of    money,   as    now   are    or  hereafter  shall   be   due    incidente 
accruing   or  belonging   to   us,   or   any  of   us,  by  any  wayes 
or  means  ;    and  to  acquite,   discharge,  or  compound  for  any 
debte   or  sume   of  money,   which   now  or  hereafter  shall   be 
due  or  oweing  by  any  person  or  persons  to  us,  or  any  of  us. 
And  generally  for  us  &  in  our  names  to  doe,  performe,  and 
execute  every  acte   &  thing  which  to   our  said   assignes,   or 
either  of  them,  shall  seeme  meete  to  be  done  in  or  aboute  y' 
premissies,  as  fully  &  effectually,  to  all  intents  &  purposes, 
as  if  we  or  any  of  us  were  in  person  presente.     And  what- 
soever our  said  agents   &   factors  joyntly  or  severally   shall 


]628.J  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  279 

doe,  or  cause  to  be  done,  in  or  aboute  y®  premisses,  we  will 
&  doe,  &  every  of  us  doth  ratife,  alow,  &  confirme,  by 
these  presents.  In  wittnes  wherof  we  have  here  unto  put 
our  hands  &  seals.     Dated  18.  Nov''^  1628. 

This  was  accordingly  confirmed  by  the  above  named, 
and  4.  more  of  the  cheefe  of  them  under  their  hands 
&  seals,  and  delivered  unto  them.  Also  M"".  Allerton 
formerly  had  authoritie  under  their  hands  &  seals  for 
y®  transacting  of  y"  former  bussines,  and  taking  up  of 
moneys,  &c.  which  still  he  retained  whilst  he  was 
imployed  in  these  afijiires ;  they  mistrusting  neither 
him  nor  any  of  their  freinds  faithfullnes,  which  made 
them  more  remisse  in  looking  to  shuch  acts  as  had 
passed  under  their  hands,  as  necessarie  for  y'"  time ; 
but  letting  them  rune  on  to  long  unminded  or  recaled, 
it  turned  to  their  harme  afterwards,  as  will  appere  in 
its  place. 

[157]  M''.  Allerton  having  setled  all  things  thus  in 
a  good  and  hopfull  way,  he  made  hast  to  returne  in  y^ 
first  of  y®  spring  to  be  hear  with  their  supply  for  trade, 
(for  j°  fishermen  with  whom  he  came  used  to  sett  forth 
in  winter  &  be  here  betimes.)  He  brought  a  resonable 
supply  of  goods  for  y*^  plantation,  and  without  those 
great  interests  as  before  is  noted ;  and  brought  an 
accounte  of  y'^  beaver  sould,  and  how  y°  money  was 
disposed  for  goods,  &  y®  paymente  of  other  debtes, 
having  paid  all  debts  abroad  to  others,  save  to  M"". 
Sherley,   M"".   Beachamp,   &  M^   Andrews ;    from  whom 


280  HISTORY    OF  [book    II. 

likwise  he  brought  an  accounte  which  to  them  all 
amounted  not  to  above  400*'.  for  which  he  had  passed 
bonds.  Allso  he  had  payed  the  first  paymente  for  y® 
purchass,  being  due  for  this  year,  viz.  200''.  and  brought 
them  y''  bonde  for  y^  same  canselled ;  so  as  they  now 
had  no  more  foreine  debtes  but  y®  abovesaid  400".  and 
odde  pownds,  and  y"  rest  of  y''  yearly  purchass  monie. 
Some  other  debtes  they  had  in  y*'  cuntrie,  but  they 
were  without  any  intrest,  &  they  had  wherwith  to  dis- 
charge them  when  they  were  due.  To  this  p^ss  the 
Lord  had  brought  things  for  them.  Also  he  brought 
them  further  notice  that  their  freinds,  the  abovenamed, 
&  some  others  that  would  joyne  with  them  in  y^ 
trad  &  purchass,  did  intend  for  to  send  over  to  Leyden, 
for  a  competente  number  of  them,  to  be  hear  the  next 
year  without  fayle,  if  y*^  Lord  pleased  to  blesse  their 
journey.  He  allso  brought  them  a  patente  for  Kene- 
beck,  but  it  was  so  straite  &  ill  bounded,  as  they  were 
faine  to  renew  &  inlarge  it  the  next  year,  as  allso  that 
which  they  had  at  home,  to  their  great  charge,  as  will 
after  appeare.  Hithertoo  M"".  Allerton  did  them  good 
and  faithfull  service ;  and  well  had  it  been  if  he  had 
so  continued,  or  els  they  had  now  ceased  for  imploy- 
ing  him  any  longer  thus  into  England.  But  of  this 
more  afterwards. 

Having  procured  a  patente  (as  is  above  said)  for 
Kenebeck,  they  now  erected  a  house  up  above  in  y® 
river  in  y*^  most  convenientest  place  for  trade,  as  they 


1628.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  281 

conceived,  and  furnished  the  same  with  coinodities  for 
y*  end,  both  winter  &  somor,  not  only  with  corne,  but 
also  with  such  other  commodities  as  y*^  fishermen  had 
traded  with  them,  as  coats,  shirts,  ruggs,  &  blankets, 
biskett,  pease,  prunes,  &c.  ;  and  what  they  could  not 
have  out  of  England,  they  bought  of  the  fishing  ships, 
and  so  carried  on  their  bussines  as  well  as  they  could. 
This  year  the  Dutch  sent  againe  unto  them  from 
their  plantation,  both  kind  leterss,  and  also  diverse 
comodities,  as  suger,  linen  cloth,  Holand  finer  & 
courser  stufes,  &c.  They  came  up  with  their  barke 
to  Manamete,  to  their  house  ther,  in  which  came  their 
Secretarie  Rasier ;  who  was  accompanied  with  a  noyse 
of  trumpeters,  and  some  other  attendants ;  and  desired 
that  they  would  send  a  boat  for  him,  for  he  could 
not  travill  so  farr  over  land.  So  they  sent  a  boat 
to  Manonscussett,  and  brought  him  to  y''  plantation, 
with  y*^  cheefe  of  his  company.  And  after  some  few 
days  entertainmente,  he  returned  to  his  barke,  and 
some  of  them  wente  with  him,  and  bought  sundry  of 
his  goods ;  after  which  begining  thus  made,  they  sente 
often  times  to  y*^  same  place,  and  had  entercourse  to- 
geather  for  diverce  years ;  and  amongst  other  comodi- 
ties, they  vended  [158]  much  tobaco  for  linen  cloath, 
stuffs,  &c.,  which  was  a  good  benefite  to  y"  people, 
till  the  Virginians  found  out  their  plantation.  But 
that  which  turned  most  to  their  profite,  in  time,  was 
an  entrance  into  the  trade  of  Wampampeake ;  for  they 


282  HISTORY    OF  [book    II. 

now  bought  aboute  50**-  worth  of  it  of  them ;  and  the}' 
tould  them  how  vendable  it  was  at  their  forte  Orania ; 
and  did  perswade  them  they  would  find  it  so  at  Kene- 
beck ;  and  so  it  came  to  pass  in  time,  though  at  first 
it  stuck,  &  it  was  2.  years  before  they  could  put  of 
this  small  quantity,  till  y''  inland  people  knew  of  it; 
and  afterwards  they  could  scarce  ever  gett  enough  for 
them,  for  many  years  togeather.  And  so  this,  with 
their  other  provissions,  cutt  of  they  trade  quite  from 
y*  fisher-men,  and  in  great  part  from  other  of  y*'  strag- 
ling  planters.  And  strange  it  was  to  see  the  great  all- 
teration  it  made  in  a  few  years  amonge  y^  Indeans 
them  selves ;  for  all  the  Indeans  of  these  parts,  &  y® 
Massachussets,  had  none  or  very  litle  of  it,*  but  y^ 
sachems  &  some  spetiall  persons  that  wore  a  litle  of 
it  for  ornamente.  Only  it  was  made  &  kepte  amonge 
y®  Nariganssets,  &  Pequents,  which  grew  rich  &  potent 
by  it,  and  these  people  were  poore  &  begerly,  and  had 
no  use  of  it.  Neither  did  the  English  of  this  planta- 
tion, or  any  other  in  y*"  land,  till  now  that  they  had 
knowledg  of  it  from  y*'  Dutch,  so  much  as  know  what 
it  was,  much  less  y*  it  was  a  comoditie  of  that  worth 
&  valew.  But  after  it  grue  thus  to  be  a  comoditie 
in  these  parts,  these  Indeans  fell  into  it  allso,  and  to 
learne  how  to  make  it ;  for  y"  Narigansets  doe  geather 
y®  shells  of  which  y^^  make  it  from  their  shors.  And 
it  hath  now  continued  a  current  comoditie  aboute  this 


1628.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  283 

20.  years,  and  it  may  prove  a  drugg  in  time.  In  y*^ 
mean  time  it  maks  y®  Indeans  of  these  i)arts  rich  & 
power  full  and  also  prowd  therby ;  and  fills  them  with 
peeces,  powder,  and  shote,  which  no  laws  can  restraine, 
by  reasone  of  y®  bassnes  of  sundry  unworthy  persons, 
both  English,  Dutch,  &  French,  which  may  turne  to 
y®  ruine  of  many.  Hithertoo  y®  Indeans  of  these  parts 
had  no  peeces  nor  other  armes  but  their  bowes  & 
arrowes,  nor  of  many  years  after ;  nether  durst  they 
scarce  handle  a  gune,  so  much  were  they  affraid  of 
them ;  and  y*^  very  sight  of  one  (though  out  of  kilter) 
was  a  terrour  unto  them.  But  those  Indeans  to  y°  east 
parts,  which  had  comerce  with  y*"  French,  got  peces  of 
them,  and  they  in  y'^  end  made  a  commone  trade  of  it ; 
and  in  time  our  English  fisher-men,  led  with  y^  like 
covetoussnes,  followed  their  example,  for  their  owne 
gaine ;  but  upon  complainte  against  them,  it  pleased 
the  kings  majestic  to  prohibite  y*'  same  by  a  stricte 
proclaimation,  commanding  that  no  sorte  of  armes,  or 
munition,  should  by  any  of  his  subjects  be  traded  with 
them. 

Aboute  some  3.  or  4.  years  before  this  time,  ther 
came  over  one  Captaine  Wolastone,  (a  man  of  pretie 
parts,)  and  with  him  3.  or  4.  more  of  some  eminencie, 
who  brought  with  them  a  great  many  servants,  with 
provissions  &  other  implments  for  to  begine  a  planta- 
tion ;  and  pitched  them  selves  in  a  place  within  the 
Massachusets,    which   they   called,    after    their   Captains 


284  HISTORY    OF  [book   II. 

name,  Mount-WoUaston.  Amongst  whom  was  one  M^ 
Morton,  who,  it  should  seeme,  had  some  small  adventure 
(of  his  owne  or  other  mens)  amongst  them ;  but  had 
litle  respecte  [159j  amongst  them,  and  was  sleghted 
by  y®  meanest  servants.  Haveing  continued  ther  some 
time,  and  not  finding  things  to  answer  their  expecta- 
tions, nor  profite  to  arise  as  they  looked  for,  Captaine 
Wollaston  takes  a  great  part  of  y®  sarvants,  and  trans- 
ports them  to  Virginia,  wher  he  puts  them  of  at  good 
rates,  selling  their  time  to  other  men ;  and  w^rits  back 
to  one  M''.  Rassdall,  one  of  his  cheefe  partners,  and 
accounted  their  marchant,  to  bring  another  parte  of 
them  to  Verginia  likewise,  intending  to  put  them  of 
ther  as  he  had  done  y*^  rest.  And  he,  w'^  y*^  consente 
of  y®  said  Rasdall,  appoynted  one  Fitcher  to  be  his 
Livetenante,  and  governe  y^  remaines  of  y^  planta- 
tion, till  he  or  Rasdall  returned  to  take  further  order 
theraboute.  But  this  Morton  abovesaid,  haveing  more 
craft  then  honestie,  (who  had  been  a  kind  of  petie- 
fogger,  of  Furnefells  Inne,)  in  y^  others  absence, 
watches  an  oppertunitie,  (commons  being  but  hard 
amongst  them,)  and  gott  some  strong  drinck  &  other 
junkats,  &  made  them  a  feast ;  and  after  they  were 
merie,  he  begane  to  tell  them,  he  would  give  them 
good  counsell.  You  see  (saith  he)  that  many  of  your 
fellows  are  carried  to  Virginia;  and  if  you  stay  till 
this  Rasdall  returne,  you  will  also  be  carried  away 
and  sould   for    slaves  with   y''  rest.     Therfore   I  would 


1628.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  285 

advise  you  to  thriiste  out  this  Levetenant  Fitcher ;  and 
I,  having  a  parte  in  the  plantation,  will  receive  you 
as  my  partners  and  consociats ;  so  may  you  be  free 
from  service,  and  we  will  converse,  trad,  plante,  & 
live  togeather  as  equalls,  &  supporte  &  protecte  one 
another,  or  to  like  effecte.  This  counsell  was  easily 
received;  so  they  tooke  oppertunitie,  and  thrust  Leve- 
tenante  Fitcher  out  a  dores,  and  would  suffer  him  to 
come  no  more  amongst  them,  but  forct  him  to  seeke 
bread  to  eate,  and  other  releefe  from  his  neigbours, 
till  he  could  gett  passages  for  England.  After  this 
they  fell  to  great  licenciousnes,  and  led  a  dissolute 
life,  powering  out  them  selves  into  all  profanenes. 
And  Morton  became  lord  of  misrule,  and  maintained 
(as  it  were)  a  schoole  of  Athisme.  And  after  they 
had  gott  some  good  into  their  hands,  and  gott  much 
by  trading  with  y^  Indeans,  they  spent  it  as  vainly, 
in  quaffing  &  drinking  both  wine  &  strong  waters  in 
great  exsess,  and,  as  some  reported,  10*".  worth  in  a 
morning.  They  allso  set  up  a  May-pole,  drinking  and 
dancing  aboute  it  many  days  togeather,  inviting  the 
Indean  women,  for  their  consorts,  dancing  and  frisk- 
ing togither,  (like  so  many  fairies,  or  furies  rather,) 
and  worse  practises.  As  if  they  had  anew  revived  & 
celebrated  the  feasts  of  j^  Roman  Goddes  Flora,  or 
y®  beasly  practieses  of  y*"  madd  Bacchinalians.  Mor- 
ton likwise  (to  shew  his  poetrie)  composed  sundry 
rimes    &   verses,    some    tending    to    lasciviousnes,    and 


286  HISTORY   OF  [book  II. 

others  to  y*"  detraction  &  scandall  of  some  persons, 
which  he  affixed  to  this  idle  or  idoll  May-polle.  They 
chainged  allso  the  name  of  their  place,  and  in  stead 
of  calling  it  Mounte  Wollaston,  they  call  it  Merie- 
mounte,  [160]  as  if  this  joylity  would  have  lasted 
ever.  But  this  continued  not  long,  for  after  Morton 
was  sent  for  England,  (as  follows  to  be  declared,) 
shortly  after  came  over  that  worthy  gentlman,  M"". 
John  Indecott,  who  brought  over  a  patent  under  y® 
broad  seall,  for  y^  govermente  of  y®  Massachusets,  who 
visiting  those  parts  caused  y*  May-polle  to  be  cutt 
downe,  and  rebuked  them  for  their  profannes,  and 
admonished  them  to  looke  ther  should  be  better  walk- 
ing ;  so  they  now,  or  others,  changed  y*^  name  of  their 
place  againe,  and  called  it  Mounte-Dagon . 

Now  to  maintaine  this  riotous  prodigallitie  and  pro- 
fuse excess,  Morton,  thinking  him  selfe  lawless,  and 
hearing  what  gaine  y®  French  &  fisher-men  made  by 
trading  of  peeces,  powder,  &  shotte  to  y^  Indeans,  he, 
as  y®  head  of  this  consortship,  begane  y®  practise  of  y^ 
same  in  these  parts ;  and  first  he  taught  them  how  to 
use  them,  to  charge,  &  discharg,  and  what  proportion 
of  powder  to  give  y®  peece,  according  to  y*^  sise  or 
bignes  of  y*^  same;  and  what  shotte  to  use  for  foule, 
and  what  for  deare.  And  having  thus  instructed  them, 
he  imployed  some  of  them  to  hunte  &  fowle  for  him, 
so  as  they  became  farr  more  active  in  that  imploy- 
mente    then    any    of    y^    English,    by    reason    of    ther 


1628.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  287 

swiftnes  of  foote,  &  nimblnes  of  body,  being  also 
quick-sighted,  and  by  continuall  exercise  well  know- 
ing y*  hants  of  all  sorts  of  game.  So  as  when  they 
saw  y''  execution  that  a  peece  would  doe,  and  y*^  bene- 
fite  that  might  come  by  y*^  same,  they  became  madd, 
as  it  were,  after  them,  and  would  not  stick  to  give 
any  prise  they  could  attaine  too  for  them ;  account- 
ing their  bowes  &  arrowes  but  babies  in  comparison 
of  them. 

And  here  I  may  take  occasion  to  bewaile  y®  mis- 
chefe  that  this  wicked  man  began  in  these  parts,  and 
which  since  base  covetousnes  prevailing  in  men  that 
should  know  better,  has  now  at  length  gott  y^  upper 
hand,  and  made  this  thing  comone,  notwithstanding  any 
laws  to  y"*  contrary  ;  so  as  y''  Indeans  are  full  of  peeces 
all  over,  both  fouling  peeces,  muskets,  pistols,  &c. 
They  have  also  their  moulds  to  make  shotte,  of  all 
sorts,  as  muskett  bulletts,  pistoll  bullets,  swane  &  gose 
shote,  &  of  smaler  sorts ;  yea,  some  have  seen  them 
have  their  scruplats  to  make  scrupins  them  selves,  when 
they  wante  them,  with  sundery  other  implements,  wher- 
with  they  are  ordinarily  better  fited  &  furnished  then 
y*^  English  them  selves.  Yea,  it  is  well  knowne  that 
they  will  have  powder  &  shot,  when  the  English  want 
it,  nor  cannot  gett  it ;  and  y'  in  a  time  of  warr  or 
danger,  as  experience  hath  manifested,  that  when  lead 
hath  been  scarce,  and  men  for  their  owne  defence  would 
gladly  have  given  a  groat  a  ii.,  which  is  dear  enoughe. 


288  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

yet  hath  it  bene  bought  up  &  sent  to  other  places, 
and  sould  to  shuch  as  trade  it  with  y^  Indeans,  at 
12.  pence  y®  ti. ;  and  it  is  like  they  give  3.  or  4.'-  y^ 
pound,  for  they  will  have  it  at  any  rate.  And  these 
things  have  been  done  in  y""  same  times,  when  some  of 
their  neigbours  &  freinds  are  daly  killed  by  y*'  Indeans, 
or  are  in  deanger  therof,  and  live  but  at  y*^  Indeans 
mercie.  [161]  Yea,  some  (as  they  have  aquainted  them 
with  all  other  things)  have  tould  them  how  gunpowder 
is  made,  and  all  y^  materialls  in  it,  and  that  they  are 
to  be  had  in  their  owne  land ;  and  I  am  confidente, 
could  they  attaine  to  make  saltpeter,  they  would  teach 
them  to  make  powder.  O  the  horiblnes  of  this  vilanie  ! 
how  many  both  Dutch  &  English  have  been  latly  slaine 
by  those  Indeans,  thus  furnished;  and  no  remedie  pro- 
vided, nay,  y*^  evill  more  increased,  and  y®  blood  of 
their  brethren  sould  for  gaine,  as  is  to  be  feared;  and 
in  what  danger  all  these  colonies  are  in  is  too  well 
known.  Oh !  that  princes  &  parlements  would  take 
some  timly  order  to  prevente  this  mischeefe,  and  at 
length  to  suppress  it,  by  some  exemplerie  punishmente 
upon  some  of  these  gaine  thirstie  murderers,  (for  they 
deserve  no  better  title,)  before  their  collonies  in  these 
parts  be  over  throwne  by  these  barbarous  savages,  thus 
armed  with  their  owne  weapons,  by  these  evill  instru- 
ments, and  traytors  to  their  neigbors  and  cuntrie.  But 
I  have  forgott  my  selfe,  and  have  been  to  louge  in  this 
digression ;    but  now  to  returne.     This  Morton   having 


1628.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  289 

thus  taught  them  y*"  use  of  peeces,  he  sould  them  all 
he  could  spare ;  and  he  and  his  consorts  detirmined 
to  send  for  many  out  of  England,  and  had  by  some 
of  y*^  ships  sente  for  above  a  score.  The  which  being 
knowne,  and  his  neigbours  meeting  y^  Indeans  in  y'' 
woods  armed  with  guns  in  this  sorte,  it  was  a  terrour 
unto  them,  who  lived  straglingly,  and  were  of  no 
strenght  in  any  place.  And  other  places  (though  more 
remote)  saw  this  mischeefe  would  quietly  spread  over 
all,  if  not  prevented.  Besides,  they  saw  they  should 
keep  no  servants,  for  Morton  would  entertaine  any, 
how  vile  soever,  and  all  y°  scume  of  y*"  countrie,  or 
any  discontents,  would  flock  to  him  from  all  places, 
if  this  nest  was  not  broken ;  and  they  should  stand 
in  more  fear  of  their  lives  &  goods  (in  short  time) 
from  this  wicked  &  deboste  crue,  then  from  y®  sal- 
vages them  selves. 

So  sundrie  of  y®  cheefe  of  y''  stragling  plantations, 
meeting  togither,  agreed  by  mutuall  consente  to  sollissite 
those  of  Plimoth  (who  were  then  of  more  strength  then 
them  all)  to  joyne  with  them,  to  prevente  y*^  further 
grouth  of  this  mischeefe,  and  suppress  Morton  &  his 
consortes  before  y®^  grewe  to  further  head  and  strength. 
Those  that  joyned  in  this  acction  (and  after  contributed 
to  y®  charge  of  sending  him  for  England)  were  from 
Pascataway,  Namkeake,  Winisimett,  Weesagascusett, 
Natasco,  and  other  places  wher  any  English  were  seated. 
Those  of  Plimoth  being  thus  sought  too  by  their  mes- 


290  HISTORY   OF  [book  II. 

sengers  &  letters,  and  waying  both  their  reasons,  and 
the  comone  danger,  were  willing  to  afford  them  their 
help ;  though  them  selves  had  least  cause  of  fear  or 
hurte.  So,  to  be  short,  they  first  resolved  joyntly  to 
write  to  him,  and  in  a  freindly  &  neigborly  way 
to  admonish  him  to  forbear  these  courses,  &  sent 
a  messenger  with  their  letters  to  bring  his  answer. 
But  he  was  so  highe  as  he  scorned  all  advise,  and 
asked  who  had  to  doe  with  him ;  he  had  and  would 
trade  peeces  with  y''  Indeans  in  dispite  of  all,  with 
many  other  scurillous  termes  full  of  disdaine.  They 
sente  to  him  a  second  time,  and  bad  him  be  better 
advised,  and  more  temperate  in  his  termes,  for  y*" 
countrie  could  not  beare  y®  injure  he  did ;  it  was 
against  their  comone  saftie,  and  against  y''  king's  proc- 
lamation. He  answerd  in  high  terms  as  before,  and 
that  y*^  kings  proclaimation  was  no  law ;  demanding 
what  penaltie  was  upon  it.  It  was  answered,  more 
then  he  could  [162]  bear,  his  majesties  displeasure. 
But  insolently  he  persisted,  and  said  y®  king  was  dead 
and  his  displeasure  with  him,  &  many  y^  like  things ; 
and  threatened  withall  that  if  any  came  to  molest 
him,  let  them  looke  to  them  selves,  for  he  would  pre- 
pare for  them.  Upon  which  they  saw  ther  was  no 
way  but  to  take  him  by  force ;  and  having  so  farr 
proceeded,  now  to  give  over  would  make  him  farr  more 
hautie  &  insole nte.  So  they  mutually  resolved  to 
proceed,   and  obtained   of  y*"  Gov""  of  Plimoth  to  send 


1628.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  291 

Captaine    Staudish,    &   some    other    aide   with    him,    to 
take    Morton    by   force.      The    which    accordingly    was 
done ;    but   they  found   him   to    stand    stifly  in   his   de- 
fence,  having   made  fast   his  dors,  armed  his  consorts, 
set   diverse   dishes    of   powder   &   bullets    ready    on   y*^ 
table ;  and  if  they  had  not  been  over  armed  with  drinke, 
more  hurt  might  have  been  done.      They  somaned  him 
to   yeeld,   but   he   kept  his  house,  and  they  could  gett 
nothing  but  scofes  &  scorns  from  him ;    but  at  length, 
fearing  they  would  doe  some  violence  to   y*^  house,  he 
and  some  of  his  crue  came  out,  but  not  to  yeeld,  but 
to  shoote ;    but  they  were  so  steeld  with  drinke  as  their 
peeces  were  to  heavie  for  them ;    him  selfe  with  a  car- 
bine   (over   charged   &   allmost   halfe   fild   with   powder 
&  shote,  as  was  after  found)  had  thought  to  have  shot 
Captaine  Standish ;    but  he  stept  to  him,  &  put  by  his 
peece,  &  tooke  him.     Neither  was  ther  any  hurte  done 
to  any  of  either  side,  save  y'  one  was  so  drunke  y'  he 
rane  his  owne  nose  upon  y®  pointe  of  a  sword  y'  one 
held  before   him   as   he   entred   y'^   house ;    but   he    lost 
but   a   litle   of  his   hott   blood.      Morton   they  brought 
away  to  Plimoth,  wher  he  was  kepte,  till  a  ship  went 
from   y®  He   of  Shols  for  England,  with  which  he  was 
sente  to  y^  Counsell  of  New-England ;  and  letters  writen 
to  give  them  information  of  his  course  &  cariage  ;   and 
also  one   was   sent  at  their   comone    charge   to   informe 
their   Ho"   more   perticulerly,    &   to    prosecute    against 
him.     But  he  foold  of  y*^  messenger,  after  he  was  gone 


292  HISTORY   OF  '       [book  II. 

from  hence,  and  thoup:]i  he  wente  for  England,  yet 
nothing  was  done  to  him,  not  so  much  as  rebukte,  for 
ought  was  heard ;  but  returned  y°  nexte  year.  Some 
of  y*^  worst  of  y*"  company  were  disperst,  and  some 
of  y®  more  modest  kepte  y®  house  till  he  should  be 
heard  from.  But  I  have  been  too  long  aboute  so  un- 
worthy a  person,   and  bad  a  cause. 

This  year  M"".  AUerton  brought  over  a  yonge  man 
for  a  minister  to  y*^  people  hear,  wheather  upon  his 
owne  head,  or  at  y^  motion  of  some  freinds  ther,  I 
well  know  not,  but  it  was  without  y*^  churches  send- 
ing ;  for  they  had  bene  so  bitten  by  M"".  Lyford,  as 
they  desired  to  know  y'^  person  well  whom  they  should 
invite  amongst  them.  His  name  was  M^  Rogers ;  but 
they  perceived,  upon  some  triall,  that  he  was  erased  in 
his  braine ;  so  they  were  faine  to  be  at  further  charge 
to  send  him  back  againe  y®  nexte  year,  and  loose  all 
y^  charge  that  was  expended  in  his  hither  bringing, 
which  was  not  smalle  by  M"".  Allerton's  accounte,  in 
provissions,  aparell,  bedding,  &c.  After  his  returne 
he  grue  quite  distracted,  and  M^  AUerton  was  much 
blamed  y*  he  would  bring  such  a  man  over,  they  hav- 
ing charge  enough  otherwise. 

M"".  AUerton,  in  y*"  years  before,  had  brought  over 
some  small  quantie  of  goods,  upon  his  owne  perticuler, 
and  sould  them  for  his  owne  private  benefite ;  which 
was  more  then  any  man  had  yet  hithertoo  attempted. 
But   because    he    had   other  wise    done   them   good   ser- 


1628.]  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.  293 

vice,   and  also  he   sould   them   among  y''    people    at    y" 
plantation,    by    which    their    wants    were    supplied,    and 
he  aledged  it  was  the    [163]    love  of  M"".    Sherley  and 
some    other   freinds   that    would    needs    trust    him    with 
some  goods,  conceiveing  it  might  doe  him  some  good, 
and   none    hurte,   it  was    not   much   lookt   at,   but   past 
over.     But  this  year  he  brought  over   a   greater    quan- 
titie,    and   they    were    so   intermixte    with  y''   goods    of 
y^   generall,    as   they    knew   not   which   were   theirs,    & 
w'^^  was  his,  being  pact  up  together;    so  as  they   well 
saw  that,  if  any  casualty  had  beefalne  at  sea,  he  might 
have  laid  y*"  whole  on  them,  if  he  would ;  for  ther  was 
no    distinction.      Allso   what   was    most   vendible,    and 
would   yeeld   presente    pay,    usualy   that   was   his ;    and 
he  now  begane  allso  to  sell  abroad  to   others  of  forine 
places,    which,    considering    their    comone    course,    they 
began   to  dislike.      Yet  because   love  thinkes    no   evill, 
nor   is   susspitious,  they  tooke  his  faire  words    for   ex- 
cuse,   and   resolved   to    send   him    againe   this   year   for 
England ;    considering  how  well  he  had  done  y*"  former 
bussines,  and  what  good  acceptation  he  had  with  their 
freinds   ther ;    as   also    seeing    sundry    of    their    freinds 
from   Leyden   were    sente    for,    which   would    or   might 
be    much  furthered  by  his  means.     Againe,   seeing  the 
patente  for  Kenebeck  must  be    inlarged,   by   reason    of 
y''  former  mistaks    in   the    bounding    of  it,   and   it   was 
conceived,   in  a  maner,  y''   same  charge  would  serve  to 
inlarge  this  at  home  with   it,  and   he   that  had  begane 


294  HISTORY   OF  [book   II. 

y*^  former  y'^  last  year  would  be  y*^  fittest  to  effecte 
this ;  so  they  gave  him  instructions  and  sente  him 
for  England  this  year  againe.  And  in  his  instructions 
bound  him  to  bring  over  no  goods  on  their  accounte, 
but  50^.  in  hose  &  shoes,  and  some  linen  cloth,  (as 
yey  "vvere  bound  by  covenante  when  they  tooke  y^ 
trad;)  also  some  trading  goods  to  such  a  value;  and 
in  no  case  to  exseed  his  instructions,  nor  rune  them 
into  any  further  charge ;  he  well  knowing  how  their 
state  stood.  Also  y*  he  should  so  provide  y'  their 
trading  goods  came  over  betimes,  and  what  so  ever 
was  sent  on  their  accounte  should  be  pact  up  by  it 
selfe,  marked  with  their  marke,  and  no  other  goods 
to  be  mixed  with  theirs.  For  so  he  prayed  them  to 
give  him  such  instructions  as  they  saw  good,  and  he 
would  folow  them,  to  prevente  any  jellocie  or  farther 
ofience,  upon  the  former  forementioned  dislikes.  And 
thus  they  conceived  they  had  well  provided  for  all 
things. 

jLnno  Dom:  1629. 
M''.  Allerton  safly  arriving  in  England,  and  deliv- 
ering his  leters  to  their  freinds  their,  and  aquainting 
them  with  his  instructions,  found  good  acceptation  with 
them,  and  they  were  very  forward  &  willing  to  joyne 
with  them  in  y*^  partnership  of  trade,  &  in  y^  charge 
to  send  over  y"  Leyden  people ;  a  company  wherof 
were  allready  come  out  of  Holand,  and  prepared  to 
come  over,  and  so  were  sent  away  before  M'.  Allerton 


1629.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  295 

could  be  ready  to  come.  They  had  passage  with  y® 
ships  that  came  to  Salem,  that  brought  over  many 
godly  persons  to  begine  y°  plantations  &  churches  of 
Christ  ther,  &  in  y*^  Bay  of  Massachussets ;  so  their 
long  stay  &  keeping  back  [164]  was  recompensed  by 
y®  Lord  to  ther  freinds  here  with  a  duble  blessing, 
in  that  they  not  only  injoyed  them  now  beyond  ther 
late  expectation,  (when  all  their  hops  seemed  to  be 
cutt  of,)  but,  with  them,  many  more  godly  freinds 
&  Christian  breethren,  as  y*"  begining  of  a  larger  har- 
vest unto  y^  Lord,  in  y*^  increase  of  his  churches  & 
people  in  these  parts,  to  y®  admiration  of  many,  and 
allmost  wonder  of  y**  world ;  that  of  so  small  begin- 
ings  so  great  things  should  insue,  as  time  after  mani- 
fested ;  and  that  here  should  be  a  resting  place  for  so 
many  of  y*^  Lords  people,  when  so  sharp  a  scourge 
came  upon  their  owne  nation.  But  it  was  y*=  Lords 
doing,   &  it  ought  to  be  marvellous  in  our  eyes. 

But  I  shall  hear  inserte  some  of  their  freinds  letters, 
which  doe  best  expresse  their  owne  minds  in  these  thir 
proceedings. 

A  leter  of  Jf'.  Sherleys  to  y^  Gov"". 

May  25,  1629.* 
S':    &c.      Here    are    now   many   of    your   and    our    freinds 
from  Leyden  coming   over,   who,   though   for   y®   most   parte 
be  but  a  weak  company,  yet  herein  is  a  good  parte  of  that 

*  1629,  May  25,  the  first  letter  concerning  the  former  company  of  Leyden 
people.  —  Prince. 


296  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

end  obtaiued  which  was  aimed  at,  and  which  hath  been  so 
strongly  opposed  by  some  of  our  former  adventurers.  But 
God  hath  his  working  in  these  things,  which  man  cannot 
frustrate.  With  them  we  have  allso  sent  some  servants  in 
y"  ship  called  the  Talbut,  that  wente  hence  latly  ;  but  these 
come  in  y"  May-flower.  M^  Beachamp  &  my  selfe,  with 
M^  Andrews  &  M^  Hatherly,  are,  with  your  love  and  lik- 
ing,  joyned  partners  with  you,   &c. 

Your  deputation  we  have  received,  and  y^  goods  have 
been  taken  up  &  sould  by  your  freind  &  agente,  M^  Aller- 
ton,  my  selfe  having  bine  nere  3.  months  in  Holland,  at 
Amsterdam  &  other  parts  in  y''  Low-Countries.  I  see  further 
the  agreemente  you  have  made  with  y^  generallitie,  in  which 
I  cannot  understand  but  you  have  done  very  well,  both  for 
them  &  you,  and  also  for  your  freinds  at  Leyden.  M'. 
Beachamp,  M".  Andrews,  M'.  Hatherley,  &  my  selfe,  doe 
so  like  and  approve  of  it,  as  we  are  willing  to  joyne  with 
you,  and,  God  directing  and  inabling  us,  will  be  assisting 
and  helpfull  to  you,  y"  best  y'  possiblie  we  can.  Nay,  had 
you  not  taken  this  course,  I  doe  not  see  how  you  should 
accomplish  y®  end  you  first  aimed  at,  and  some  others  in- 
devored  these  years  past.  We  know  it  must  keep  us  from 
y*  profite,  which  otherwise  by  y*"  blessing  of  God  and  your 
indeaours,  might  be  gained ;  for  most  of  those  that  came 
in  May,  &  these  now  sente,  though  I  hope  honest  &  good 
people,  yet  not  like  to  be  helpfull  to  raise  pi'ofite,  but  rather, 
ney,  certaine  must,  some  while,  be  chargable  to  you  &  us; 
at  which  it  is  lickly,  had  not  this  wise  &  discreete  course 
been  taken,  many  of  your  generalitie  would  have  grudged. 
Againe,  you  say  well  in  your  letter,  and  I  make  no  doubte 
but  you  will  performe  it,  that  now  being  but  a  few,  on 
whom  y^  burthen  must  be,  you  will  both  menage  it  y®  beter, 
and  sett  too  it   more   cherfully,   haveing   no   discontente  nor 


1629.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  297 

contradiction,  but  so  lovingly  to  joyne  togeithev,  in  affection 
and  counsell,  as  God  no  doubte  will  blesse  and  prosper  your 
honest  labours  &  indeavors.  And  therfore  in  all  respects 
I  doe  not  see  but  you  have  done  marvelously  discreetly,  & 
advisedly,  and  no  doubt  but  it  gives  all  parties  good  con- 
tente ;  I  mean  y'  are  reasonable  &  honest  men,  such  as 
make  conscience  of  giving  y^  best  satisfaction  they  be  able 
for  their  debts,  and  y'  regard  not  their  owne  perticuler  so 
much  as  y*  accomplishing  of  y'  good  end  for  which  this 
bussines  was  first  intended,  &c.  Thus  desiring  y''  Lord 
to  blese  «&  prosper  you,  &  all  yours,  and  all  our  honest 
endeavors,   I  rest 

Your  unfained  &  ever  loving  freind, 

James  Sherley. 
Lon:  March  8.  1629.* 

[165]  That  I  may  handle  things  together,  I  have 
put  these  2.  companies  that  came  from  Ley  den  in  this 
place ;  though  they  came  at  2.  severall  times,  yet  they 
both  came  out  of  England  this  year.  The  former  com- 
pany, being  35.  persons,  were  shiped  in  May,  and 
arived  here  aboute  August.  The  later  were  shiped  in 
y*^  begining  of  March,  and  arived  hear  y®  later  end  of 
May,  1630.  M"".  Sherleys  2.  letters,  y*^  effect  wherof 
I  have  before  related,  (as  much  of  them  as  is  perti- 
nente,)  mentions  both.  Their  charge,  as  M'.  Allerton 
brought  it  in  afterwards  on  accounte,  came  to  above 
550^-  besids  ther  fetching  hither  from  Salem  &  y^ 
Bay,    wher    they    and    their    goods    were    landed ;    viz. 

*  1629-30,  March  8th,  the  second  letter  concerning  the  latter  company  of 
Leyden  people.  —  Prince. 


298  HISTORY  or  [book  ir. 

their  transportation  from  Holland  to  England,  &  their 
charges  lying  ther,  and  passages  hither,  with  clothing 
provided  for  them.  For  I  find  by  accounte  for  y®  one 
company,  125.  yeards  of  karsey,  127.  ellons  of  linen 
cloath,  shoes,  66.  p"",  with  many  other  perticulers.  The 
charge  of  y*"  other  company  is  reckoned  on  y'^  severall 
families,  some  50*^.,  some  40''.,  some  30''.,  and  so  more 
or  less,  as  their  number  &  expencess  were.  And  besids 
all  this  charg,  their  freinds  &  bretheren  here  were  to 
provid  corne  &  other  provissions  for  them,  till  they 
could  reap  a  crope  which  was  long  before.  Those  that 
came  in  May  were  thus  maintained  upward  of  16.  or  18. 
months,  before  they  had  any  harvest  of  their  owne,  & 
y''  other  by  proportion.  And  all  they  could  doe  in  y® 
mean  time  was  to  gett  them  some  housing,  and  prepare 
them  grounds  to  plant  on,  against  the  season.  And 
this  charg  of  maintaining  them  all  this  while  was  litle 
less  then  y®  former  sume.  These  things  I  note  more 
perticulerly,  for  sundry  regards.  First,  to  shew  a  rare 
example  herein  of  brotherly  love,  and  Christian  care 
in  performing  their  promises  and  covenants  to  their 
bretheren,  too,  &  in  a  sorte  beyonde  their  power; 
that  they  should  venture  so  desperatly  to  ingage  them 
selves  to  accomplish  this  thing,  and  bear  it  so  cheer- 
fully ;  for  they  never  demanded,  much  less  had,  any 
repaymente  of  all  these  great  sumes  thus  disbursed. 
2'^.  It  must  needs  be  that  ther  was  more  then  of  man 
in  these  acheevements,  that  should  thus  readily  stire  up 


1629.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  299 

y''  harts  of  shuch  able  frinds  to  joyne  in  partnership 
with  them  in  shuch  a  case,  and  cleave  so  faithfullie 
to  them  as  these  did,  in  so  great  adventures ;  and  the 
more  because  the  most  of  them  never  saw  their  faces 
to  this  day ;  ther  being  neither  kindred,  aliance,  or 
other  acquaintance  or  relations  betweene  any  of  them, 
then  hath  been  before  mentioned ;  it  must  needs  be 
therfore  the  spetiall  worke  and  hand  of  God.  3'^'. 
That  these  poore  people  here  in  a  wilderness  should, 
notwithstanding,  be  inabled  in  time  to  repay  all  these 
ingagments,  and  many  more  unjustly  brought  upon 
them  through  the  unfaithfuUnes  of  some,  and  many 
other  great  losses  which  they  sustained,  which  will  be 
made  manifest,  if  y*^  Lord  be  pleased  to  give  life  and 
time.  In  y**  mean  time,  I  cannot  but  admire  his  ways 
and  workes  towards  his  servants,  and  humbly  desire 
to  blesse  his  holy  name  for  his  great  mercies  hithertoo. 
[166]  The  Leyden  people  being  thus  come  over,  and 
sundry  of  y"  generalitie  seeing  &  hearing  how  great  y^ 
charg  was  like  to  be  that  was  that  way  to  be  expended, 
they  begane  to  murmure  and  repine  at  it,  notwith- 
standing y®  burden  lay  on  other  mens  shoulders ; 
espetially  at  y*  paying  of  y''  3.  bushells  of  corne 
a  year,  according  to  y''  former  agreemente,  when  y® 
trad  was  lett  for  y*"  6.  years  aforesaid.  But  to  give 
them  contente  herein  allso,  it  was  promised  them,  that 
if  they  could  doe  it  in  y*^  time  without  it,  they  would 
never  demand  it  of  them;    which  gave  them  good  con- 


300  HISTORY    OF  [book   II. 

tente.     And  indeed  it  never  was  paid,  as  will  appeare 
by  y*^  sequell. 

Concerning  M'".  Allertons  proceedings  about  y''  in- 
larging  cS:  confirming  of  their  patent,  both  y*  at  home 
&  Kenebeck,  will  best  appere  by  another  leter  of 
M' .  Sherleys ;  for  though  much  time  &  money  was 
expended  aboute  it,  yet  he  left  it  unaccomplisht  this 
year,  and  came  without  it.     See  M^  Sherleys  letter. 


Most  worthy  &  loving  freinds,   &c. 

Some  of  your  letters  I  received  in  July,  &  some  since 
by  M^  Peirce,  but  till  our  maine  bussines,  y*  patent,  was 
granted,  I  could  not  setle  my  mind  nor  pen  to  writing.  M^ 
Allerton  was  so  turrmoyled  about  it,  as  verily  I  would  not 
nor  could  not  have  undergone  it,  if  I  might  have  had  a 
thousand  pounds  ;  but  y''  Lord  so  blessed  his  labours  (even 
beyond  expectation  in  these  evill  days)  as  he  obtained  y"" 
love  &  favore  of  great  men  in  repute  &  place.  He  got 
granted  from  y^  Earle  of  Warwick  &  S'.  Ferdinando  Gorge 
all  that  M'.  Winslow  desired  in  his  letters  to  me,  &  more 
also,  which  I  leave  to  him  to  relate.  Then  he  sued  to  y^ 
king  to  confirme  their  grante,  and  to  make  you  a  corporation, 
and  so  to  inable  you  to  make  &  execute  lawes,  in  such 
large  &  ample  maner  as  y®  Massachusett  plantation  hath  it ; 
which  y°  king  graciously  granted,  referring  it  to  y'  Lord 
Keeper  to  give  order  to  y'=  solisiter  to  draw  it  up,  if  ther 
were  a  presidente  for  it.  So  y"  Lord  Keeper  furthered  it  all 
he  could,  and  allso  y*'  solissiter ;  but  as  Festus  said  to  Paule, 
With  no  small  sume  of  money  obtained  I  this  freedom  ;  for 
by  y^  way  many  ridells  must  be  resolved,  and  many  locks 
must  be  opened  with  y^  silver,  ney,  y^  golden  key.  Then 
it  was  to  come  to  y^  Lord  Treasurer,  to  have  his  warrente 


1629.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  301 

for  freeing  y*^  custume  for  a  certaine  time  ;  but  he  would 
not  doe  it,  but  refferd  it  to  y^  Counsell  table.  And  ther 
]\P.  Allertou  atended  day  by  day,  when  they  sate,  but  could 
not  gett  his  petition  read.  And  by  reason  of  M"".  Peirce 
his  staying  with  all  y*"  passengers  at  Bristoll,  he  was  forct 
to  leave  y*^  further  prosecuting  of  it  to  a  solissiter.  But  ther 
is  no  fear  nor  doubte  but  it  will  be  granted,  for  he  hath  y*^ 
cheef  e  of  them  to  f  reind ;  yet  it  will  be  marvelously  need- 
full  for  him  to  returne  by  y^  first  ship  y'  comes  from  thence  ; 
for  if  you  had  this  confirmed,  then  were  you  compleate, 
and  might  bear  such  sway  &  govermeut  as  were  fitt  for 
your  ranke  &  place  y'  God  hath  called  you  unto  ;  and  stope 
y^  moueths  of  base  and  scurrulous  fellowes,  y'  are  ready 
to  question  &  threaten  you  in  every  action  you  [167]  doe. 
And  besids,  if  you  have  y*^  custome  free  for  7.  years  inward, 
iSc  21.  outward,  y*^  charge  of  y^  patent  will  be  sooue  re- 
covered, and  ther  is  no  fear  of  obtaining*  it.  But  such 
things  must  work  by  degrees  ;  men  cannot  hasten  it  as  they 
would  ;  werefore  we  (I  write  in  behalfe  of  all  our  partners 
here)  desire  you  to  be  ernest  with  M"".  Allerton  to  come, 
and  his  wife  to  spare  him  this  one  year  more,  to  finish  this 
great  &  waighty  bussiues,  which  we  conceive  will  be  much 
for  your  good,  &  I  hope  for  your  posteritie,  and  for  many 
generations  to  come. 


Thus  much  of  this  letter.  It  was  dated  y®  19.  March, 
1629. 

By  which  it  appears  what  progress  was  made  herein, 
&  in  part  what  charge  it  was,  and  how  left  unfinished, 
and    some    reason    of  y*^    same ;    but    in   truth    (as    was 

*  This  word  is  here  substituted  for  recovering  in  the  mauuscript,  oa  the 
authority  of  Bradford's  Letter-Book. 


302  HISTORY    OF  [book   II. 

afterwards  appehended)  the  meaine  reason  was  M^ 
Allerton's  policie,  to  have  an  opportunitie  to  be  sent 
over  againe,  for  other  regards  ;  and  for  that  end  pro- 
cured them  thus  to  write.  For  it  might  then  well 
enough  have  been  finshed,  if  not  with  y*  clause  aboute 
y"  custumes,  which  was  M'".  Allertons  &  M'".  Sherleys 
device,  and  not  at  all  thought  on  by  y"".  colony  here, 
nor  much  regarded,  yet  it  might  have  been  done  with- 
out it,  without  all  queston,  having  passed  y*"  kings  hand ; 
nay  it  was  conceived  it  might  then  have  beene  done 
with  it,  if  he  had  pleased ;  but  covetousnes  never  brings 
ought  home,  as  y'^  proverb  is,  for  this  oppertunytie 
being  lost,  it  was  never  accomplished,  but  a  great  deale 
of  money  veainly  &  lavishly  cast  away  aboute  it,  as 
doth  appear  upon  their  accounts.  But  of  this  more  in 
its  place. 

M"".  Alerton  gave  them  great  and  just  ofence  in  this 
(which  I  had  omited  *  and  almost  forgotten),  —  in 
bringing  over  this  year,  for  base  gaine,  that  unworthy 
man,  and  instrumente  of  mischeefe,  Morton,  who  was 
sent  home  but  y^  year  before  for  his  misdemenors.  He 
not  only  brought  him  over,  but  to  y''  towne  (as  it  were 
to  nose  them),  and  lodged  him  at  his  owne  house,  and 
for  a  while  used  him  as  a  scribe  to  doe  his  bussines, 
till  he  was  caused  to  pack  him  away.  So  he  wente  to 
his  old  nest  in  y^  Massachusets,   wher  it  was  not  long 

*  This  paragraph  is  written  on  the  reverse  of  the  page  immediately  pre- 
ceding, in  the  original  manuscript. 


1629.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  303 

but  by  his  miscariage  he  gave  them  just  occation  to 
lay  hands  on  him ;  and  he  was  by  them  againe  sent 
prisoner  into  England,  vvher  he  lay  a  good  while  in 
Exeter  Jeole.  For  besids  his  miscariage  here,  he  was 
vemently  suspected  for  y^  murder  of  a  man  that  had 
adventured  moneys  with  him,  when  he  came  first  into 
New-England.  And  a  warrente  was  sente  from  y*^  Lord 
Cheefe  Justice  to  apprehend  him,  by  vertue  wherof  he 
was  by  the  Gov""  of  y'^  Massachusets  sent  into  England ; 
and  for  other  his  misdemenors  amongst  them,  they 
demolisht  his  house,  that  it  might  be  no  longer  a  roost 
for  shuch  unclaine  birds  to  nestle  in.  Yet  he  got  free 
againe,  and  write  an  infamouse  &  scurillous  booke 
against  many  godly  &  cheefe  men  of  y"  cuntrie ;  full 
of  lyes  &  slanders,  and  fraight  with  profane  callumnies 
against  their  names  and  persons,  and  y®  ways  of 
God.  After  sundry  years,  when  y^  warrs  were  hott 
in  England,  he  came  againe  into  y*^  cuntrie,  and  was 
impiisoned  at  Boston  for  this  booke  and  other  things, 
being;  grown  old  in  wickednes. 

Concerning  y''  rest  of  M^  AUertons  instructions,  in 
which  they  strictly  injoyned  him  not  to  exceed  above 
y*  50^.  in  y*"  goods  before  mentioned,  not  to  bring  any 
but  trading  comodities,  he  followed  them  not  at  all, 
but  did  the  quite  contrarie ;  bringing  over  many  other 
sorts  of  retaile  goods,  selling  what  he  could  by  the 
way  on  his  owne  accounte,  and  delivering  the  rest, 
which    he    said    to    be    theirs,    into    y"    store ;    and    for 


304  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

trading  goods  brought  but  litle  in  comparison ;  excusing 
the  matter,  they  had  laid  out  much  about  y"  Laiden 
people,  &  patent,  &c.  And  for  other  goods,  they  had 
much  of  them  of  ther  owne  dealings,  without  present 
disbursemente,  &  to  like  effect.  And  as  for  passing 
his  bounds  &  instructions,  he  laid  it  on  M'".  Sherley, 
&c.,  who,  he  said,  they  might  see  his  mind  in  his 
leters ;  also  that  they  had  sett  out  Ashley  at  great 
charg ;  but  next  year  they  should  have  what  trading 
goods  they  would  send  for,  if  things  were  now  well 
setled,  &c.  And  thus  were  they  put  off";  indeed  M''. 
Sherley  write  things  tending  this  way,  but  it  is  like  he 
was  overruled  by  M"".  Allerton,  and  barkened  more  to 
him  then  to  their  letters  from  hence. 

Thus  he  further  writs  in  y*"  former  leter. 

I  see  what  you  write  in  your  leters  concerning  y^  over- 
coining  &  paying  of  our  debts,  which  I  confess  are  great, 
and  had  need  be  carfully  looked  unto ;  yet  no  doubt  but 
we,  joyning  in  love,  may  soone  over-come  them;  but  we 
must  follow  it  roundly  &  to  purposs,  for  if  we  pedle  out 
y®  time  of  our  trad,  others  will  step  in  and  nose  us.  But 
we  know  y'  you  have  y'  aquaintauce  &  experience  in  y*^  coun- 
trie,  as  none  have  the  like  ;  wherfore,  freinds  &  partners,  be 
no  way  discouraged  with  y^  greatnes  of  y^  debt,  &c.,  but  let 
us  not  fulfill  y*^  proverbe,  to  bestow  12*^.  on  a  purse,  and  put 
6*^.  [  1 68]  in  it ;  but  as  you  and  w^e  have  been  at  great  charg, 
and  undergone  much  for  selling  you  ther,  and  to  gaine  ex- 
perience, so  as  God  shall  enable  us,  let  us  make  use  of  it. 
And  think  not  with  50*'.  pound  a  yeare  sent  you  over,  to 
rayse    shuch  means  as  to  pay  our  debts.      AVe   see   a  possi- 


1629.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  305 

billitie  of  good  if  you  be  well  supplied,  and  fully  furnished  ; 
and  cheefly  if  you  lovingly  agree.  I  know  I  write  to  godly 
and  wise  men,  such  as  have  lerued  to  bear  one  an  others 
infirmities,  and  rejoyce  at  any  ones  prosperities ;  and  if 
I  were  able  I  would  press  this  more,  because  it  is  hoped 
by  some  of  your  enimies,  that  you  will  fall  out  one  with 
another,  and  so  over  throw  your  hopfull  bussines.  Nay, 
I  have  heard  it  crediblie  reported,  y'  some  have  said,  that 
till  you  be  disjoynted  by  discontents  &  factions  *  amongst 
your  sellves,  it  bootes  not  any  to  goe  over,  in  hope  of  getting 
or  doing  good  in  those  parts.  But  we  hope  beter  things  of 
you,  and  that  you  will  not  only  bear  one  with  another,  but 
banish  such  thoughts,  and  not  suffer  them  to  lodg  in  your 
brests.  God  grant  you  may  disappointe  y'^  hopes  of  your 
foes,  and  procure  y^  hartie  desire  of  your  selves  &  freinds 
in  this  perticuler. 

By  this  it  appears  that  ther  was  a  kind  of  concurrance 
betweene  M^  Allerton  and  them  in  these  things,  and 
that  they  gave  more  regard  to  his  way  &  course  in 
these  things,  then  to  y®  advise  from  hence ;  which  made 
him  bould  to  presume  above  his  instructions,  and  to 
rune  on  in  y*^  course  he  did,  to  their  greater  hurt  after- 
wards, as  will  appear.  These  things  did  much  trouble 
them  hear,  but  they  well  knew  not  how  to  help  it, 
being  loath  to  make  any  breach  or  contention  hear 
aboute;  being  so  premonished  as  l)efore  in  y'^  leter 
above  recited.  An  other  more  secrete  cause  was  here- 
with concurrente ;  M"".  Allerton  had  maried  y''  daughter 
of  their  Reverend  Elder,  M"".  Brewster  (a  man  beloved 

•  Fractions  in  the  manuscript. 


306  HISTORY    OF  [book    II. 

&  honoured  amongst  them,  and  who  tooke  great  paines 
in  teaching  &  dispenceing  y'^  word  of  God  unto  them), 
whom  they  w^ere  loath  to  greeve  or  any  way  offend, 
so  as  they  bore  with  much  in  that  respecte.  And  with 
all  M^  Allerton  carried  so  faire  with  him,  and  procured 
such  leters  from  M^  Sherley  to  him,  with  shuch  ap- 
plause of  M"".  AUertons  wisdom,  care,  and  faithfullnes, 
in  y'^  bussines ;  and  as  things  stood  none  were  so  fitte 
to  send  aboute  them  as  he ;  and  if  any  should  suggest 
other  wise,  it  was  rather  out  of  en  vie,  or  some  other 
sinister  respecte  then  other  wise.  Besids,  though  pri- 
vate gaine,  I  doe  perswade  my  selfe,  was  some  cause 
to  lead  M'.  Allerton  aside  in  these  beginings,  yet  I 
thinke,  or  at  least  charitie  caries  me  to  hope,  that  he 
intended  to  deale  faithfully  with  them  in  y®  maine,  and 
had  such  an  opinion  of  his  owne  abillitie,  and  some 
experience  of  y®  benefite  that  he  had  made  in  this 
singuler  way,  as  he  conceived  he  might  both  raise  him 
selfe  an  estate,  and  allso  be  a  means  to  bring  in  such 
profite  to  M',  Sherley,  (and  it  may  be  y*^  rest,)  as 
might  be  as  lickly  to  bring  in  their  moneys  againe 
with  advantage,  and  it  may  be  sooner  then  from  the 
generall  way ;  or  at  least  it  was  looked  upon  by  some 
of  them  to  be  a  good  help  ther  unto ;  and  that  neither 
he  nor  any  other  did  intend  to  charge  y^  generall 
accounte  with  any  thing  that  rane  in  perticuler ;  or 
y'  M"".  Sherley  or  any  other  did  purposs  but  y^  y® 
generall  should  be  first  &  fully  supplyed.     I  say  charitie 


1629.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  307 


makes  me  thus  conceive ;  though  things  fell  out  other 
wise,  and  they  missed  of  their  aimes,  and  y''  generall 
suflered  abundantly  hereby,  as  will  afterwards  apear. 

[169]  Togeither  herewith  sorted  an  other  bussines 
contrived  by  M''.  Allerton  and  them  ther,  w'^'out  any 
knowledg  of  y®  partners,  and  so  farr  proceeded  in  as 
they  were  constrained  to  allow  therof,  and  joyne  in 
y®  same,  though  they  had  no  great  liking  of  it,  but 
feared  what  might  be  y""  evente  of  y*"  same.  I  shall 
relate  it  in  a  further  part  of  M'.  Sherley's  leter  aa 
foloweth. 

I  am  to  aquainte  you  that  we  have  thought  good  to  joyne 
with  one  Edward  Ashley  (a  man  I  thinke  y'  some  of  you 
know)  ;  but  it  is  only  of  y'  place  wherof  he  hath  a  patente 
in  M"".  Beachamps  name ;  and  to  that  end  have  furnished 
him  with  larg  provissions,  &c.  Now  if  you  please  to  be 
partners  with  us  in  this,  we  are  willing  you  shall ;  for  after 
we  heard  how  forward  Bristoll  men  (and  as  I  hear  some 
able  men  of  his  owue  kindrid)  have  been  to  stock  &  sup- 
ply him,  hoping  of  profite,  we  thought  it  fitter  for  us  to  lay 
hould  of  such  an  opportuuitie,  and  to  keep  a  kind  of  ruiiiug 
plantation,  then  others  who  have  not  borne  y"  burthen  of 
setling  a  plantation,  as  we  have  done.  And  he,  on  y*"  other 
side,  like  an  understanding  yonge  man,  thought  it  better  to 
joyne  with  those  y'  had  means  by  a  plantation  to  supply 
&  back  him  ther,  rather  then  strangers,  that  looke  but  only 
after  profite.  Now  it  is  not  kuowne  that  you  are  partners 
with  him;  but  only  we  4.,  M^  Andrews,  M^  Beachamp,  my 
selfe,  &  AP.  Hatherley,  who  desired  to  have  y^  patente,  in 
consideration  of  our  great  loss  we  have  allready  sustained 
in  setling  y*^  first  plantation  ther ;  so  we  agreed  togeather  to 


308  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

take  it  in  our  names.  And  now,  as  I  said  before,  if  you 
please  to  joyne  with  us,  we  are  willing  you  should.  M'. 
Allerton  had  no  power  from  you  to  make  this  new  con- 
tracte,  neither  was  he  willing  to  doe  any  thing  therin  with- 
out your  consente  &  approbation.  M^  ^Villiam  Peirce  is 
joyned  with  us  in  this,  for  we  thought  it  very  conveniente, 
because  of  lauding  Ashley  and  his  goods  ther,  if  God  please ; 
and  he  will  bend  his  course  accordingl}'.  He  hath  a  new 
boate  with  him,  and  boards  to  make  another,  with  4.  or  5. 
lustie  fellowes,  wherof  one  is  a  carpenter.  Now  in  case 
you  are  not  willing  in  this  perticuler  to  joyne  with  us,  fear- 
ing y''  charge  &  doubting  y"  success,  yet  thus  much  we  in- 
treate  of  you,  to  afford  him  all  the  help  you  can,  either  by 
men,  commodities,  or  boats ;  yet  not  but  y*  we  will  pay 
you  for  any  thing  he  hath.  And  we  desire  you  to  keep 
y*"  accounts  apart,  though  you  joyne  with  us ;  becase  ther 
is,  as  you  see,  other  partners  in  this  then  y^  other  ;  so,  for 
all  mens  wages,  boats-hire,  or  comodities,  which  we  shall 
have  of  you,  make  him  debtore  for  it;  and  what  you  shall 
have  of  him,  make  y*  plantation  or  your  selves  debtore 
for  it  to  him,  and  so  ther  will  need  no  mingling  of  y''  ac- 
counts. 

And  now,  loving  freinds  &  partners,  if  you  joyne  in  Ashles 
patent  &  bussines,  though  we  have  laid  out  y^  money  and 
taken  up  much  to  stock  this  bussines  &  the  other,  yet  I 
thinke  it  conscionable  and  reasonable  y'  you  should  beare 
your  shares  and  proportion  of  y*"  stock,  if  not  by  present 
money,  yet  by  securing  us  for  so  much  as  it  shall  come 
too  ;  for  it  is  not  barly  y'  interest  y'  is  to  be  alowed  &  con- 
sidered of,  but  allso  y^  adventure ;  though  1  hope  in  God, 
by  his  blessing  &  your  honest  indeavors,  it  may  soon  be 
payed ;  yet  y^  years  y'  this  partnership  holds  is  not  long, 
nor  many  ;  let  all  therfore  lay  it  to  harte,  and  make  y*"  best 
use   of  y^   time    that  possiblie   we    canu,   and    let  every   man 


1G29.]  PLYMOUTH    TLAXTATION.  309 

put  too  his  shoulder,  and  y*"  burthen  will  be  the  lighter. 
I  know  you  are  so  honest  &  conscionable  men,  as  you  will 
consider  hereof,  [170]  and  returne  shuch  an  answer  as  may 
give  good  satisfaction.  Ther  is  none  of  us  that  would  ven- 
ture as  we  have  done,  were  it  not  to  strengthen  &  setle  you 
more  then  our  owne  perticuler  profite. 

Ther  is  no  liclyhood  of  doing  any  good  in  buying  y''  debte 
for  y^  purchas.  I  know  some  will  not  abate  y''  interest,  and 
therfore  let  it  rune  its  course  ;  they  are  to  be  paied  yearly, 
and  so  I  hope  they  shall,  according  to  agreemente.  The 
Lord  grant  y'  our  loves  &  affections  may  still  be  united, 
and  knit  togeither ;  and  so  we  rest  your  ever  loving  friends, 

James  Sherley. 
Timothy  Hatherley. 

Bristoll,  March  19.   1629. 

This  mater  of  y''  buying  y®  debts  of  y^  purchass 
was  parte  of  M^  Allertons  instructions,  and  in  many 
of  them  it  might  have  been  done  to  good  profite  for 
ready  pay  (as  some  were)  ;  but  M"".  Sherley  had  no 
mind  to  it.  But  this  bussines  aboute  Ashley  did  not 
a  litle  trouble  them  ;  for  though  he  had  wite  &  abillitie 
enough  to  menage  y*^  bussines,  yet  some  of  them  knew 
him  to  be  a  very  profane  yonge  man ;  and  he  had  for 
some  time  lived  araonge  y*^  Indeans  as  a  savage,  & 
wente  naked  amongst  them,  and  used  their  maners  (in 
w^*^  time  he  got  their  language),  so  they  feared  he 
might  still  rune  into  evill  courses  (though  he  prom- 
ised better),  and  God  would  not  prosper  his  ways. 
As  soone  as  he  was  landed  at  y'^  place  intended,  caled 
Penobscote,  some   4.    score  leagues  from  this  place,  he 


310  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

write  (&  afterwards  came)  for  to  desire  to  be  sup- 
plyed  with  Wampampeake,  corne  against  winter,  and 
other  things.  They  considered  these  were  of  their 
cheefe  coESodities,  and  would  be  continually  needed  by 
him,  and  it  would  much  prejudice  their  owne  trade 
at  Kenebeck  if  they  did  not  joyne  with  him  in  y® 
ordering  of  things,  if  thus  they  should  supply  him ; 
and  on  y*  other  hand,  if  they  refused  to  joyne  with 
him,  and  allso  to  afford  any  supply  unto  him,  they 
should  greatly  offend  their  above  named  friends,  and 
might  hapily  lose  them  hereby ;  and  he  and  M'".  Aller- 
ton,  laying  their  craftie  wits  togither,  might  gett  sup- 
plies of  these  things  els  wher;  besids,  they  considered 
that  if  they  joyned  not  in  y*"  bussines,  they  knew  M^ 
Allerton  would  be  with  them  in  it,  &  so  would  swime, 
as  it  were,  betweene  both,  to  y"  prejudice  of  boath, 
but  of  them  selves  espetially.  For  they  had  reason 
to  thinke  this  bussines  was  cheefly  of  his  contriving, 
and  Ashley  was  a  man  fitte  for  his  turne  and  dealings. 
So  they,  to  prevente  a  worse  mischeefe,  resolved  to 
joyne  in  y''  bussines,  and  gave  him  supplies  in  what 
they  could,  &  overlooked  his  proceedings  as  well  as 
they  could ;  the  which  they  did  y®  better,  by  joyning 
an  honest  yonge  man,*  that  came  from  Ley  den,  with 
him  as  his  fellow  (in  some  sorte),  and  not  merely  as 
a  servante.  Which  yonge  man  being  discreete,  and 
one    whom    they    could    trust,     they    so    instructed    as 

*  Thomas  Willett. 


1629.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  311 

keept  Ashley  in  some  good  mesure  within  bounds. 
And  so  they  returned  their  answer  to  their  freinds 
in  England,  that  they  accepted  of  their  motion,  and 
joyned  with  them  in  Ashleys  bussines ;  and  yet  with- 
all  tould  them  what  their  fears  were  concernino- 
him. 

But  when  they  came  to  have  full  notice  of  all  y*^ 
goods  brought  them  that  year,  they  saw  they  fell  very 
short  of  trading  goods,  and  Ashley  farr  better  sup- 
pleyed  then  [171]  themselves;  so  as  they  were  forced 
to  l)uy  of  the  fisher  men  to  furnish  them  selves,  yea, 
&  cottens  &  carseys  &  other  such  like  cloath  (for 
want  of  trading  cloath)  of  M"".  Allerton  himselfe,  and 
so  to  put  away  a  great  parte  of  their  beaver,  at  under 
rate,  in  the  countrie,  which  they  should  have  sente 
home,  to  help  to  discharge  their  great  ingagementes ; 
which  was  to  their  great  vexation ;  but  M''.  Allerton 
prayed  them  to  be  contente,  and  y*^  nexte  yere  they 
might  have  what  they  would  write  for.  And  their  in- 
gagmentes  of  this  year  were  great  indeed  when  they 
came  to  know  them,  (which  was  not  wholy  till  2. 
years  after)  ;  and  that  which  made  them  y*"  more,  M"". 
Allerton  had  taken  up  some  large  sumes  at  Bristoll  at 
50.  ^"^  cent,  againe,  which  he  excused,  that  he  was 
forcte  to  it,  because  other  wise  he  •  could  at  y*^  spring 
of  year  get  no  goods  transported,  such  were  their 
envie  against  their  trade.  But  wheither  this  was  any 
more  then  an  excuse,  some  of  them  doubted ;  but  how- 


312  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

ever,  y*'  burden  did  lye  on  their  backs,  and  they  must 
bear  it,  as  they  did  many  heavie  loads  more  in  y^ 
end. 

This  paying  of  50.  p""  cent,  and  dificulty  of  having 
their  goods  trasported  by  y''  fishing  ships  at  y*'  first 
of  y^  year,  (as  was  beleeved,)  which  was  y®  cheefe 
season  for  trade,  put  them  upon  another  projecte.  M"". 
AUerton,  after  y'^  fishing  season  was  over,  light  of  a 
bargan  of  salte,  at  a  good  fishing  place,  and  bought 
it;  which  came  to  aboute  113*'.;  and  shortly  after  he 
might  have  had  30^'-  cleare  profile  for  it,  without  any 
more  trouble  aboute  it.  But  M'.  Winslow  coming  that 
way  from  Kenebeck,  &  some  other  of  ther  partners 
with  him  in  y®  barke,  they  mett  with  M^  Allerton, 
and  falling  into  discourse  with  him,  they  stayed  him 
from  selling  y'^  salte ;  and  resolved,  if  it  might  please 
y*^  rest,  to  keep  it  for  them  selves,  and  to  hire  a  ship 
in  y*'  west  cuntrie  to  come  on  fishing  for  them,  on 
shares,  according  to  y*"  coustome ;  and  seeing  she  might 
have  her  salte  here  ready,  and  a  stage  ready  builte 
&  fitted  wher  the  salt  lay  safely  landed  &  housed. 
In  stead  of  bringing  salte,  they  might  stowe  her  full 
of  trading  goods,  as  bread,  pease,  cloth,  &c.,  and  so 
they  might  have  a  full  supply  of  goods  without  paing 
fraight,  and  in  due  season,  which  might  turne  greatly  to 
their  advantage.  Coming  home,  this  was  propounded, 
and  considered  on,  and  aproved  by  all  but  y*^  Gov'", 
who    had  no   mind  to    it,   seeing   they  had   allway    lost 


1629.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  313 

by  fishing ;  but  y®  rest  were  so  ernest,  as  thinkeing 
that  they  might  gaine  well  by  y^  fishing  in  this  way ; 
and  if  they  should  but  save,  yea,  or  lose  some  thing 
by  it,  y''  other  benefite  would  be  advantage  inough ; 
so,  seeing  their  ernestnes,  he  gave  way,  and  it  was 
referd  to  their  freinds  in  England  to  alow,  or  disalow 
it.     Of  which   more   in   its   place. 

Upon  y^  consideration  of  y''  bussines  about  y*"  paten, 
&  in  what  state  it  was  left,  as  is  before  remembred, 
and  M^  Sherleys  ernest  pressing  to  have  M"^.  Allerto 
to  come  over  againe  to  finish  it,  &  perfect  y*'  accounts, 
&c.,  it  was  concluded  to  send  him  over  this  year 
againe ;  though  it  was  with  some  fear  &  jeolocie ;  yet 
he  gave  them  fair  words  and  promises  of  well  perform- 
ing all  their  bussineses  according  to  their  directions, 
and  to  mend  his  former  errors.  So  he  was  accordingly 
sent  with  full  instructions  for  all  things,  with  large  let- 
ters to  M\  Sherley  &  y*"  rest,  both  aboute  Ashleys 
bussines  and  their  owne  suply  with  trading  comodities, 
and  how  much  it  did  concerne  them  to  be  furnished 
therwith,  &  w^hat  y®  had  suffered  for  wante  therof;  and 
of  what  litle  use  other  goods  were  [172]  in  com- 
parison therof;  and  so  likewise  aboute  this  fishing  ship, 
to  be  thus  hired,  and  fraught  with  trading  goods, 
which  might  both  supply  them  &  Ashley,  and  y*" 
benefite  therof;  which  was  left  to  their  consideration 
to  hire  &  set  her  out,  or  not ;  but  in  no  case  not  to 
send   any,    exepte   she    was   thus   fraighte   with    trading 


314  HISTORY    OF  [book    II. 

goods.  But  what  these  things  came  too  will  appere 
in  y®  next  years  passages. 

I  had  like  to  have  omited  an  other  passage  that 
fell  out  y''  begining  of  this  year.  Ther  was  one  M^ 
Ealfe  Smith,  &  his  wife  &  familie,  y*  came  over  into 
y**  Bay  of  y®  Massachusets,  and  sojourned  at  presente 
with  some  stragling  people  that  lived  at  Natascoe ;  here 
being  a  boat  of  this  place  putting  in  ther  on  some 
occasion,  he  ernestly  desired  that  they  would  give  him 
&  his,  passage  for  Plimoth,  and  some  such  things  as 
they  could  well  carrie ;  having  before  heard  y*  ther  was 
liklyhood  he  might  procure  house-roome  for  some  time, 
till  he  should  resolve  to  setle  ther,  if  he  might,  or 
els-wher  as  God  should  disposs ;  for  he  was  werie  of 
being  in  y*  uncoth  place,  &  in  a  poore  house  y'  would 
neither  keep  him  nor  his  goods  drie.  So,  seeing  him  to 
be  a  grave  man,  &  understood  he  had  been  a  minister, 
though  they  had  no  order  for  any  such  thing,  yet  they 
presumed  and  brought  him.  He  was  here  accordingly 
kindly  entertained  &  housed,  &  had  y*"  rest  of  his  goods 
&  servants  sente  for,  and  exercised  his  gifts  amongst 
them,  and  afterwards  was  chosen  into  y^  ministrie,  and 
so  remained  for  sundrie  years. 

It  was  before  noted  that  sundry  of  those  that  came 
from  Leyden,  came  over  in  the  ships  y*  came  to  Salem, 
wher  M"".  Endecott  had  cheefe  comand ;  and  by  infection 
that  grue  amonge  y*"  passengers  at  sea,  it  spread  also 
among  them  a  shore,  of  which  many  dyed,  some  of  y^ 


1629.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  315 

scurvie,  other  of  an  infectious  feaoure,  which  continued 
some  time  amongst  them  (though  our  people,  through 
Gods  goodnes,  escaped  it).  Upon  which  occasion  he 
write  hither  for  some  help,  understanding  here  was  one 
that  had  some  skill  y'  way,  &  had  cured  diverse  of  y^ 
scurvie,  and  others  of  other  diseases,  by  letting  blood, 
&  other  means.  Upon  which  his  request  y°  Gov""  hear 
sent  him  unto  them,  and  also  write  to  him,  from  whom 
he  received  an  answere ;  the  which,  because  it  is  breefe, 
and  shows  y"  begining  of  their  aquaintance,  and  closing 
in  y^  truth  &  ways  of  God,  I  thought  it  not  unmeete, 
nor  without  use,  hear  to  inserte  it ;  and  an  other  show- 
ing y''  begining  of  their  fellowship  &  church  estate  ther. 
Being  as  followeth. 

Right  worthy  S"": 

It  is  a  thing  not  usiiall,  that  servants  to  one  ra'.  and  of  y* 
same  houshold  should  be  strangers  ;  I  assure  you  I  desire  it 
not,  nay,  to  spealce  more  plainly,  I  cauuot  be  so  to  you. 
Gods  people  are  all  marked  with  one  and  y"  same  marke, 
and  sealed  with  one  andy''  same  seale,  and  have  for  y''  maine, 
one  &  y*  same  harte,  guided  by  one  &  same  spirite  of 
truth  ;  and  wher  this  is,  ther  can  be  no  discorde,  nay,  here 
must  needs  be  sweete  harmouie.  And  y"  same  request  (with 
you)  I  make  unto  y"  Lord,  that  we  may,  as  Christian 
breethren,  be  united  by  a  heavenly  &  unfained  love  ;  bend- 
ing all  our  harts  and  forces  in  furthering  a  worke  be- 
yond our  strength,  with  reverence  &  fear,  fastening  our  eyse 
allways  on  him  that  only  is  able  to  directe  and  prosper  all 
our  ways.  I  acknowledge  my  selfe  much  bound  to  you  for 
your  kind   love    and    care    in   sending  M'.   Fuller  among  us. 


316  HISTORY    OF  [book  11. 

and  rejoyce  much  y'  I  am  by  him  satisfied  touching  your 
judgments  of  y^  outward  forme  of  Gods  worshipe.  It  is,  as 
farr  as  [173]  I  can  yet  gather,  no  other  then  is  warrented 
by  y^  evidence  of  truth,  and  y^  same  which  I  have  proffessed 
and  maintained  ever  since  y'^  Lord  in  mercie  revealed  him 
selfe  unto  me ;  being  farr  from  y*"  commone  reporte  that 
hath  been  spread  of  you  touching  that  perticuler.  But  Gods 
children  must  not  looke  for  less  here  below,  and  it  is  y* 
great  mercie  of  God,  that  he  strengthens  them  to  goe  through 
with  it.  I  shall  not  neede  at  this  time  to  be  tedious  unto 
you,  for,  God  willing,  I  purpose  to  see  your  face  shortly. 
In  y''  mean  time,  I  humbly  take  my  leave  of  you,  coiSiting 
you  to  y^  Lords  blessed  protection,  &  rest, 

Your  assured  loving  friend, 

Jo :  Endecott. 
Naumkeak,  May  11.  An°.  1629. 

This  second  leter  sheweth  ther  proceedings  in  their 
church  affaires  at  Salem,  which  was  y*^  2.  church  erected 
in  these  parts ;  and  afterwards  y^  Lord  established  many 
more  in  sundrie  places. 

S':  I  make  bould  to  trouble  you  with  a  few  lines,  for  to 
certifie  you  how  it  hath  pleased  God  to  deale  with  us,  since 
you  heard  from  us.  How,  notwithstanding  all  opposition 
that  hath  been  hear,  &  els  wher,  it  hath  pleased  God  to  lay 
a  foundation,  the  which  I  hope  is  agreeable  to  his  word  in 
every  thing.  The  20.  of  July,  it  pleased  y^  Lord  to  move 
y*"  hart  of  our  Gov'  to  set  it  aparte  for  a  solemue  day  of 
humilliation  for  y^  choyce  of  a  pastor  &  teacher.  The  former 
parte  of  y"^  day  being  spente  in  pi*aier  &  teaching,  the  later 
parte  aboute  y*"  election,  which  was  after  this  maner.  The 
persons   thought   on  (who    had    been    ministers    in    England) 


1629.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  317 

were  demanded  couceraing  their  callings ;  they  acknowledged 
ther  was  a  towfould  calling,  the  one  an  inward  calling, 
when  y*^  Lord  moved  y'^  harte  of  a  man  to  take  y'  calling 
upon  him,  and  fitted  him  with  guiftes  for  y^  same ;  the 
second  was  an  outward  calling,  which  was  from  y*"  people, 
when  a  company  of  beleevers  are  joyned  togither  in  cove- 
nante,  to  walke  togither  in  all  y^  ways  of  God,  and  evei-y 
member  (being  men)  are  to  have  a  free  voyce  in  y^  choyce 
of  their  officers,  &c.  Now,  we  being  perswaded  that  these 
2.  men  were  so  quallified,  as  y"  apostle  speaks  to  Timothy, 
wher  he  saith,  A  bishop  must  be  blamles,  sober,  apte  to 
teach,  &c.,  I  thinke  I  may  say,  as  y"  eunuch  said  ucto 
Philip,  What  should  let  from  being  baptised,  seeing  ther 
was  water?  and  he  beleeved.  So  these  2.  servants  of  God, 
clearing  all  things  by  their  answers,  (and  being  thus  fitted,) 
we  saw  noe  reason  but  we  might  freely  give  our  voyces  for 
their  election,  after  this  triall.  So  M^  Skelton  was  chosen 
pastor,  and  M^  Higgison  to  be  teacher ;  and  they  accepting 
y*"  choyce,  M"'.  Higgison,  with  3.  or  4.  of  y^  gravest  mem- 
bers of  y*^  church,  laid  their  hands  on  M^  Skelton,  using 
prayer  therwith.  This  being  done,  ther  was  imposission  of 
hands  on  M^  Higgison  also.  And  since  that  time,  Thursday 
(being,  as  I  take  it,  y*"  6.  of  August)  is  appoynted  for 
another  day  of  humilliation,  for  y''  choyce  of  elders  & 
deacons,  &  ordaining  of  them. 

And  now,  good  S%  I  hope  y'  you  &  y^  rest  of  Gods  people 
(who  are  aquainted  with  the  ways  of  God)  with  you,  will 
say  that  hear  was  a  right  foundation  layed,  and  that  these  2. 
blessed  servants  of  y*"  Lord  came  in  at  y*  dore,  and  not  at  y® 
window.  Thus  I  have  made  bould  to  trouble  you  with  these 
few  lines,  desiring  you  to  remember  us,  &c.  And  so  rest, 
At  your  service  in  what  I  may, 

Charles  Gott. 

Salem,  July  30.  1629. 


318  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

[174]  An7io  Dom:  1630. 

Ashley,  being  well  supplyed,  had  quickly  gathered 
a  good  parcell  of  beaver,  and  like  a  crafty  pate  he 
sent  it  all  home,  and  would  not  pay  for  y*^  goods  he 
had  had  of  y''  plantation  hear,  but  lett  them  stand  still 
on  y*^  score,  and  tooke  up  still  more.  Now  though 
they  well  enough  knew  his  aime,  yet  they  let  him  goe 
on,  and  write  of  it  into  England.  But  partly  y**  beaver 
they  received,  &  sould,  (of  which  they  weer  sencible,) 
and  partly  by  M''.  Allertons  extolling  of  him,  they  cast 
more  how  to  supplie  him  then  y**  plantation,  and  some- 
thing to  upbraid  them  with  it.  They  were  forct  to 
buy  him  a  barke  allso,  and  to  furnish  her  w'^  a  m''.  & 
men,  to  transporte  his  corne  &  provissions  (of  which 
he  put  of  much)  ;  for  y*  Indeans  of  those  parts  have 
no  corne  growing,  and  at  harvest,  after  corne  is  ready, 
y'^  weather  grows  foule,  and  y"  seas  dangerous,  so  as 
he  could  doe  litle  good  with  his  shallope  for  y'  pur- 
poss. 

They  looked  ernestly  for  a  timely  supply  this  spring, 
by  the  fishing  ship  which  they  expected,  and  had  been 
at  charg  to  keepe  a  stage  for  her ;  but  none  came,  nor 
any  supply  heard  of  for  them.  At  length  they  heard 
sume  supply  was  sent  to  Ashley  by  a  fishing  ship,  at 
which  they  something  marvelled,  and  the  more  y'  they 
had  no  letters  either  from  M' .  Allerton  or  M^  Sherley ; 
so  they  went  on  in  their  bussines  as  well  as  y*^  could. 


1630.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  319 

At  last  they  heard  of  M''.  Peirce  his  arivalt  in  y*^  Bay 
of  y®  Massachusetts,  who  brought  passengers  &  goods 
thither.  They  presently  sent  a  shallop,  conceiving  they 
should  have  some  thing  by  him.  But  he  tould  them 
he  had  none ;  and  a  ship  was  sett  out  on  fishing,  but 
after  11.  weeks  beating  at  sea,  she  mett  with  shuch 
foull  weather  as  she  was  forcte  back  againe  for  Eng- 
land, and,  y"  season  being  over,  gave  off  y"  vioage. 
Neither  did  he  hear  of  much  goods  in  her  for  y*^  plan- 
tation, or  y'  she  did  belong  to  them,  for  he  had  heard 
some  thing  from  M"".  Allerton  tending  that  way.  But 
M"".  Allerton  had  bought  another  ship,  and  was  to 
come  in  her,  and  was  to  fish  for  bass  to  y'^  east- 
ward, and  to  bring  goods,  &c.  These  things  did  much 
trouble  them,  and  half  astonish  them.  M"".  Winslow 
haveing  been  to  y''  eastward,  brought  nuese  of  the  like 
things,  w""  some  more  perticulers,  and  y*  it  was  like 
M"".  Allerton  would  be  late  before  he  came.  At  length 
they,  having  an  oppertunitie,  resolved  to  send  M"". 
Winslow,  with  what  beaver  they  had  ready,  into  Eng- 
land, to  see  how  y*"  squars  wente,  being  very  jeolouse 
of  these  things,  &  M^  Allertons  courses ;  and  writ 
shuch  leters,  and  gave  him  shuch  instructions,  as  they 
thought  meet ;  and  if  he  found  things  not  well,  to  dis- 
charge M''.  Allerton  for  being  any  longer  agent  for 
them,  or  to  deal  any  more  in  y*^  bussines,  and  to  see 
how  y*"  accounts  stood,   &c. 

Aboute  y®   midle  of  soiiQer  arrives  M"".   Hatherley   in 


320  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 


y''  Bay  of  y*^  Massachusetts,  (being  one  of  y®  part- 
ners,) and  came  over  in  y'^  same  ship  that  was  set 
out  on  fhishing  (called  y*^  Frendship).  They  presently 
sent  to  him,  making,  no  question  but  now  they  had 
goods  come,  and  should  know  how  all  things  stood. 
But  they  found  [175]  the  former  news  true,  how  this 
ship  had  been  so  long  at  sea,  and  spente  and  spoyled 
her  provissions,  and  overthrowne  y®  viage.  And  he 
being  sent  over  by  y^  rest  of  y^  partners,  to  see  how 
things  wente  hear,  being  at  BristoU  with  M''.  Allerton, 
in  y^  shipe  bought  (called  y*^  White-Angell),  ready  to 
set  sayle,  over  night  came  a  messenger  from  Bastable 
to  M^  Allerton,  and  tould  him  of  y®  returne  of  y® 
ship,  and  what  had  befallen.  And  he  not  knowing 
what  to  doe,  having  a  great  chareg  under  hand,  y^ 
ship  lying  at  his  rates,  and  now  ready  to  set  sayle, 
got  him  to  goe  and  discharg  y*"  ship,  and  take  order 
for  y"  goods.  To  be  short,  they  found  M"".  Hatherley 
some  thing  reserved,  and  troubled  in  him  selfe,  (M^ 
Allerton  not  being  ther,)  not  knowing  how  to  dispose 
of  y**  goods  till  he  came ;  but  he  heard  he  was  arived 
with  y®  other  ship  to  y*^  eastward,  and  expected  his 
coming.  But  he  tould  them  ther  was  not  much  for 
them  in  this  ship,  only  2.  packs  of  Bastable  ruggs,  and 
2.  hoggsheads  of  meatheglin,  drawne  out  in  wooden 
flackets  (but  when  these  flackets  came  to  be  received, 
ther  was  left  but  6.  gallons  of  y'^  2.  hogsheads,  it  be- 
ing drunke  up  under  y'^  name   leackage,   and  so   lost). 


1630.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  321 

But  the  ship  was  filled  with  goods  for  sundrie  gentle- 
men, &  others,  that  were  come  to  plant  in  y*^  Mas- 
sachusets,  for  which  they  payed  fraight  by  y"  tun. 
And  this  was  all  the  satisfaction  they  could  have  at 
presente,  so  they  brought  this  small  parcell  of  goods 
&  returned  with  this  nues,  and  a  letter  as  obscure ; 
which  made  them  much  to  marvell  therat.  The  letter 
was  as  folio weth. 

Gentle-men,  partners,  and  loving  friends,  «S:c. 

Breefly  thus :  wee  have  this  year  set  forth  a  fishing  ship, 
and  a  trading  ship,  which  later  we  have  bought ;  and  so 
have  disbursed  a  great  deale  of  money,  as  may  and  will 
appeare  by  y*  accounts.  And  because  this  ship  (called  y* 
AVhite  Angell)  is  to  acte  2.  parts,  (as  I  may  say,)  fishing 
for  bass,  and  trading ;  and  that  while  M''.  Allerton  was  im- 
pioyed  aboute  y''  trading,  the  fishing  might  suffer  by  car- 
lesnes  or  neglecte  of  y*^  sailors,  we  have  entreated  your  and 
our  loving  friend,  M''.  Hatherley,  to  goe  over  with  him, 
knowing  he  will  be  a  comforte  to  M^  Allerton,  a  joye  to 
you,  to  see  a  carfull  and  loving  friend,  and  a  great  stay  to 
y^  bussines ;  and  so  great  coutente  to  us,  that  if  it  should 
please  God  y^  one  should  faile,  (as  God  forbid,)  yet  y"  other 
would  lieepe  both  recconings,  and  things  uprighte.  For  we 
are  now  out  great  sumes  of  money,  as  they  will  acquainte 
you  withall,  &c.  "When  we  were  out  but  4.  or  5.  hundred 
pounds  a  peece,  we  looked  not  much  after  it,  but  left  it  to 
you,  &  your  agente,  (who,  without  flaterie,  deserveth  infinite 
thanks  &  comeudations,  both  of  you  &  us,  for  his  pains, 
&c.)  ;  but  now  we  are  out  double,  nay,  trible  a  peece,  some 
of  us,  &c. ;  which  maks  us  both  write,  and  send  over  our 
friend,  M'.  Hatherley,  whom  we  pray  you  to  entertaiue  kindly, 
of  which  we  doubte   not  of.     The  main  end  of  sendino-  him 


322  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 


is  to  see  y"  state  and  accounte  of  all  y""  bussiues,  of  all  which 
we  pray  3^011  informe  him  fully,  though  y'  ship  &  bussines 
wayte  for  it  and  him.  For  we  should  take  it  very  unkindly 
that  we  should  intreat  him  to  take  such  a  journey,  and  that, 
when  it  pleaseth  God  he  returues,  he  could  not  give  us  con- 
tente  &  satisfaction  in  this  perticuler,  through  defaulte  of 
any  of  you.  [176]  But  we  hope  you  will  so  order  bussines, 
as  neither  he  nor  we  shall  have  cause  to  complaine,  but  to 
doe  as  we  ever  have  done,  thinke  well  of  you  all,  &c.  I 
will  not  promise,  but  shall  indeaour  &  hope  to  effecte  y*'  full 
desire  and  grant  of  your  patente,  &  that  ere  it  be  longe. 
I  would  not  have  you  take  any  thing  unkindly.  I  have 
not  write  out  of  jeolocie  of  any  unjuste  dealing.  Be  you 
all  kindly  saluted  in  y^  Lord,  so  I  rest. 

Yours  in  what  I  may, 

James  Sherley. 
March  25.  1630. 

It  needs  not  be  thought  strange,  that  these  things 
should  amase  and  trouble  them;  first,  that  this  fishing 
ship  should  be  set  out,  and  fraight  with  other  mens 
goods,  &  scarce  any  of  theirs ;  seeing  their  maine  end 
was  (as  is  before  remembred)  to  bring  them  a  full 
supply,  and  their  speatiall  order  not  to  sett  out  any 
excepte  this  was  done.  And  now  a  ship  to  come  on 
their  accounte,  clean  contrary  to  their  both  end  &  order, 
was  a  misterie  they  could  not  understand ;  and  so  much 
y"^  worse,  seeing  she  had  shuch  ill  success  as  to  lose 
both  her  vioage  &  provissions.  The  2.  thing,  that 
another  ship  should  be  bought  and  sente  out  on  new 
designes,  a  thing  not  so  much  as   once  thought  on  by 


1630.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  323 

any  here,  much  less,  not  a  word  intimated  or  spoaken 
of  by  any  here,  either  by  word  or  letter,  neither  could 
they  imagine  why  this  should  be.  Bass  fishing  was 
never  lookt  at  by  them,  but  as  soone  as  ever  they 
heard  on  it,  they  looked  at  it  as  a  vaine  thing,  that 
would  certainly  turne  to  loss.  And  for  M'.  Allerton 
to  follow  any  trade  for  them,  it  was  never  in  their 
thoughts.  And  3'^,  that  their  frieds  should  complaine 
of  disbursements,  and  yet  rune  into  such  great  things, 
and  charge  of  shiping  &  new  projects  of  their  owne 
heads,  not  only  without,  but  against,  all  order  &  advice, 
was  to  them  very  Strang.  And  4'^,  that  all  these  mat- 
ters of  so  great  charg  &  imployments  should  be  thus 
wrapped  up  in  a  breefe  and  obscure  letter,  they  knew 
not  what  to  make  of  it.  But  amids  all  their  doubts 
they  must  have  patience  till  M"".  Allerton  &  M"". 
Hatherley  should  come.  In  y'^  mean  time  M^  Winslow 
was  gone  for  England ;  and  others  of  them  were  forst 
to  folow  their  imployments  with  y""  best  means  thej 
had,  till  they  could  hear  of  better. 

At  length  M^  Hatherley  &  M'.  Allerton  came  unto 
them,  (after  they  had  delivered  their  goods,)  and  find- 
ing them  strucken  with  some  sadnes  aboute  these 
things,  M^  Allerton  tould  them  that  y''  ship  Whit- 
Angele  did  not  belong  to  them,  nor  their  accounte, 
neither  neede  they  have  any  thing  to  doe  with  her, 
excepte  they  would.  And  M''.  Hatherley  confirmed  y^ 
same,  and  said  that  they  would  have   had  him  to  have 


324  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

had  a  parte,  but  he  refused;  but  he  made  question 
whether  they  would  not  turne  her  upon  y**  generall 
accounte,  if  ther  came  loss  (as  he  now  saw  was  like), 
seeing  M"".  AUerton  laid  downe  this  course,  and  put 
them  on  this  projecte.  But  for  y®  fishing  ship,  he  tould 
them  they  need  not  be  so  much  troubled,  for  he  had 
her  accounts  here,  and  showeii  them  that  her  first  set- 
ing  out  came  not  much  to  exceed  600**.  as  they  might 
see  by  y*^  accounte,  which  he  showed  them ;  and  for 
this  later  viage,  it  would  arrise  to  profite  by  y**  fraight 
of  y^  goods,  and  y"  salle  of  some  katle  which  he  shiped 
and  had  allready  sould,  &  was  to  be  paid  for  partly 
here  &  partly  by  bills  into  England,  so  as  they  should 
not  have  this  put  on  their  acounte  at  all,  except  they 
[178]  *  would.  And  for  y*"  former,  he  had  sould  so 
much  goods  out  of  her  in  England,  and  imployed  y'' 
money  in  this  2.  viage,  as  it,  togeither  with  such  goods 
&  implements  as  M^  Allerton  must  need  aboute  his 
fishing,  would  rise  to  a  good  parte  of  y"  money ;  for  he 
must  have  y*^  sallt  and  nets,  allso  spiks,  nails,  &c.  ; 
all  which  would  rise  to  nere  400^. ;  so,  with  y*"  bearing 
of  their  parts  of  y*^  rest  of  y*"  loses  (which  would  not 
be  much  above  200^'.),  they  would  clear  them  of  this 
whole  accounte.  Of  which  motion  they  were  glad,  not 
being  willing  to  have  any  accounts  lye  upon  them  ;  but 
aboute  their  trade,  which  made  them  willing  to  barken 
therunto,  and  demand  of  M"".   Hatherley  how  he  could 

*  177  is  omitted  in  MS. 


1630.]  TLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  325 

make  this  good,  if  they  should  agree  their  unto,  he 
tould  tliem  he  was  sent  over  as  their  agente,  and  had 
this  order  from  them,  that  whatsoever  he  and  M'. 
Allerton  did  togeather,  they  would  stand  to  it ;  but 
they  would  not  alow  of  what  M''.  Allerton  did  alone, 
except  they  liked  it ;  but  if  he  did  it  alone,  they  would 
not  gaine  say  it.  Upon  which  they  sould  to  him  &  M''. 
Allerton  all  y''  rest  of  y^  goods,  and  gave  them  present 
possession  of  them ;  and  a  writing  was  made,  and  con- 
firmed under  both  M^  Hatherleys  and  M^  Allertons 
hands,  to  y''  effecte  afforesaide.  And  M"".  Allertone, 
being  best  aquainted  w*''  y''  people,  sould  away  presenly 
all  shuch  goods  as  he  had  no  need  of  for  y''  fishing, 
as  9.  shallop  sails,  made  of  good  new  canvas,  and  y® 
roads  for  them  being  all  new,  with  sundry  such  usefuU 
goods,  for  ready  beaver,  by  M"".  Hatherleys  allowance. 
And  thus  they  thought  they  had  well  provided  for 
them  selvs.  Yet  they  rebuked  M^  Allerton  very  much 
for  runing  into  these  courses,  fearing  y*^  success  of  them. 
M''.  Allerton  &  M^  Hatherley  brought  to  y*"  towne  with 
them  (after  he  had  sould  what  he  could  abroad)  a  great 
quantity  of  other  goods  besids  trading  comodities ;  as 
linen  cloath,  bedticks,  stockings,  tape,  pins,  ruggs,  &c., 
and  tould  them  they  were  to  have  them,  if  the}^  would ; 
but  they  tould  M^  Allerton  that  they  had  forbid  him 
before  for  bringing  any  such  on  their  accounte ;  it 
would  hinder  their  trade  and  returnes.  But  he  &  M^ 
Hatherley    said,    if    they    would    not    have    them,    they 


326  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

would  Bell  them,  them  selves,  and  take  corne  for  what 
they  could  not  otherwise  sell.  They  tould  them  they 
might,  if  they  had  order  for  it.  The  goods  of  one 
sorte  &  other  came  to  upward  of  500''. 

After  these  things,  M'.  Allerton  wente  to  y*  ship 
aboute  his  bass  fishing ;  and  M"".  Hatherley,  (according 
to  his  order,)  after  he  tooke  knowledg  how  things  stood 
at  y''  plantation,  (of  all  which  they  informed  him 
fully,)  he  then  desired  a  boate  of  them  to  goe  and 
visite  y^  trading  houeses,  both  Kenebeck,  and  Ashley 
at  Penobscote ;  for  so  they  in  England  had  injoyned 
him.  They  accordingly  furnished  him  with  a  boate  & 
men  for  y**  viage,  and  aquainted  him  plainly  &  thorowly 
with  all  things ;  by  which  he  had  good  contente  and 
satisfaction,  and  saw  plainly  y'  M^  Allerton  plaid  his 
owne  game,  and  rane  a  course  not  only  to  y®  great 
wrong  &  detrimente  of  y*^  plantation,  who  imployed  & 
trusted  him,  but  abused  them  in  England  also,  in  pos- 
sessing them  with  prejudice  against  y"  plantation  ;  as 
y*  they  would  never  be  able  to  repaye  their  moneys 
(in  regard  of  their  great  charge),  but  if  [179]  they 
would  follow  his  advice  and  projects,  he  &  Ashley 
(being  well  supplyed)  would  quickly  bring  in  their 
moneys  with  good  advantage.  M^  Hatherley  disclosed 
also  a  further  projecte  aboute  y''  setting  out  of  this 
ship,  y*=  White-angell ;  how,  she  being  wel  fitted  with 
good  ordnance,  and  known  to  have  made  a  great  fight 
at  sea  (when  she  belongd  to  Bristoll)   and  caried  away 


1630.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  327 

y''  victory,  they  had  agreed  (by  M'.  Allerton's  means) 
that,  after  she  had  brought  a  fraight  of  goods  here  into 
y''  countrie,  and  fraight  her  selfe  with  fish,  she  should 
goe  from  hence  to  Port  of  porte,*  and  ther  be  sould, 
both  ship,  goods,  and  ordenauce ;  and  had,  for  this 
end,  had  speech  with  a  factore  of  those  parts,  before- 
hand, to  whom  she  should  have  been  consigned.  But 
this  was  prevented  at  this  time,  (after  it  was  known,) 
partly  by  y*"  contrary  advice  given  by  their  freinds 
hear  to  M^  AUerton  &  M"".  Hatherley,  showing  how  it 
might  insnare  their  friends  in  England,  (being  men 
of  estate,)  if  it  should  come  to  be  knowne ;  and  for 
y*^  plantation,  they  did  and  would  disalow  it,  and  pro- 
test against  it ;  and  partly  by  their  bad  viage,  for 
they  both  came  too  late  to  doe  any  good  for  fishing, 
and  allso  had  such  a  wicked  and  drunken  company  as 
neither  M^  Allerton  nor  any  els  could  rule ;  as  M"". 
Hatherley,  to  his  great  greefe  &  shame,  saw,  &  be- 
held, and  all  others  that  came  nere  them. 

Ashley  likwise  was  taken  in  a  trape,  (before  M''. 
Hatherley  returned,)  for  trading  powder  (Sb  shote  with 
y''  Indeans ;  and  was  ceased  upon  by  some  in  author- 
itie,  who  allso  would  have  confiscated  above  a  thousand 
weight  of  beaver ;  but  y*'  goods  were  freed,  for  y® 
Gov'  here  made  it  appere,  by  a  bond  under  Ashleys 
hand,  wherin  he  was  bound  to  them  in  500^'.  not  to 
trade    any    munition    with    y''    Indeans,    or    other    wise 

*  Oporto,  called  by  the  Dutch  Port  a  port. 


328  HISTORY  or  [book  II. 

to  abuse  him  selfe ;  it  was  also  manifest  against  him 
that  he  had  coiiiited  uncleannes  with  Indean  women, 
(things  that  they  feared  at  his  first  imployment,  which 
made  them  take  this  strict  course  with  him  in  y^  be- 
gining)  ;  so,  to  be  shorte,  they  gott  their  goods  freed, 
but  he  was  sent  home  prisoner.  And  that  I  may  make 
an  end  concerning  him,  after  some  time  of  imprison- 
mente  in  y'^  Fleet,  by  y*^  means  of  friends  he  was  set 
at  liberty,  and  intended  to  come  over  againe,  but  y^ 
Lord  prevented  it ;  for  he  had  a  motion  made  to  him, 
by  some  marchants,  to  goe  into  Russia,  because  he  had 
such  good  skill  in  y*^  beaver  trade,  the  which  he  ac- 
cepted of,  and  in  his  returne  home  was  cast  away  at 
sea ;  this  was  his  end. 

M''.  Hatherley,  fully  understanding  y®  state  of  all 
things,  had  good  satisfaction,  and  could  well  informe 
them  how  all  things  stood  betweene  M\  Allerton  and 
y*^  plantation.  Yea,  he  found  y'  M"".  Allerton  had  gott 
within  him,  and  [180]  got  all  y*^  goods  into  his  owne 
hands,  for  which  M''.  Hatherley  stood  joyntly  ingaged 
to  them  hear,  aboute  y'^  ship-Freidship,  as  also  most 
of  y®  fraigte  money,  besids  some  of  his  owne  perticuler 
estate ;  about  w'=''  more  will  appear  here  after.  So  he 
returned  into  England,  and  they  sente  a  good  quantity 
of  beaver  with  him  to  y*'  rest  of  y"  partners ;  so  both 
he  and  it  was  very  wellcome  unto  them. 

M"".  Allerton  followed  his  affaires,  &  returned  with 
his  White  Angell,  being  no  more  imployed  by  y'^  plan- 


1630.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  329 

tation  ;  but  these  bussinesses  were  not  ended  till  many- 
years  after,  nor  well  understood  of  a  longe  time,  but 
foulded  up  in  obscuritie,  &  kepte  in  y*"  clouds,  to  y^ 
great  loss  &  vexation  of  y^  plantation,  who  in  y*'  end 
were  (for  peace  sake)  forced  to  bear  y*"  unjust  burthen 
of  them,  to  their  allmost  undoing,  as  will  appear,  if 
God  give  life  to  finish  this  history. 

They  sent  their  letters  also  by  M'".  Hatherley  to  y® 
partners  ther,  to  show  them  how  M^  Hatherley  & 
M^  Allerton  had  discharged  them  of  y^  Friendships 
accounte,  and  that  they  boath  affirmed  y'  the  White- 
Angell  did  not  at  all  belong  to  them ;  and  therfore 
desired  that  their  accounte  might  not  be  charged  ther- 
with.  Also  they  write  to  M"".  Winslow,  their  agente, 
that  he  in  like  maner  should  (in  their  names)  protest 
against  it,  if  any  such  thing  should  be  intended,  for 
they  would  never  yeeld  to  y*"  same.  As  allso  to  sig- 
nifie  to  them  that  they  renounsed  M".  Allerton  wholy, 
for  being  their  agente,  or  to  have  any  thing  to  doe  in 
any  of  their  bussines. 

This  year  John  Billinton  y'^  elder  (one  that  came 
over  with  y®  first)  was  arrained,  and  both  by  grand 
&  petie  jurie  found  guilty  of  willful!  murder,  by  plaine 
&  notorious  evidence.  And  was  for  the  same  accord- 
ingly  executed.*      This,    as    it    was   y*"   first   execution 

•  Hubbard,  on  page  101,  notices  the  execution  of  Billington  as  taking 
place  "  about  September "  of  this  year.  "  The  murtherer  expected  that, 
either  for   want  of   power   to   execute   for   capital   offences,    or   for  want  of 


330  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

amongst  them,  so  was  it  a  mater  of  great  sadnes  unto 
tbem.  They  used  all  due  means  about  his  triall,  and 
tooke  y*^  advice  of  M^  Winthrop  and  other  y*^  ablest 
gentle-men  in  y"^  Bay  of  y®  Massachusets,  that  were 
then  new-ly  come  over,  who  concured  with  them  y"^  he 
ought  to  dye,  and  y^  land  to  be  purged  from  blood. 
He  and  some  of  his  had  been  often  punished  for  mis- 
cariags  before,  being  one  of  y^  profanest  families  amongst 
them.  They  came  from  London,  and  I  know  not  by 
what  freinds  shufled  into  their  company.  His  facte  was, 
that  he  way-laid  a  yong-man,  one  John  New-comin, 
(about  a  former  quarell,)  and  shote  him  with  a  gune, 
wherof  he  dyed.* 

Having  by  a  providence  a  letter  or  to  y*  came  to 
my  hands  concerning  the  proceedings  of  their  Re*^: 
freinds  in  y'^  Bay  of  y*^  Massachusets,  who  were  latly 
come  over,  I  thought  it  not  amise  here  to  inserte 
them,  (so  farr  as  is  pertenente,  and  may  be  usefull 
for  after  times,)   before  I  conclude  this  year. 

S^:  Being  at  Salem  y^  25.  of  July,  being  y®  saboath,  after 
y®  eveing  exercise,    M'.    Johnson    received    a   letter   from    y* 

people  to  increase  the  plantation,  he  should  have  his  life  spared;  ])ut  jus- 
tice otherwise  determined,  and  rewarded  him,  the  first  murtherer  of  his  neigh- 
hour  there,  with  the  deserved  punishment  of  death,  for  a  warning  to  others." 
The  first  offence  committed  in  the  colony  was  by  Billington,  in  1621,  who, 
for  contempt  of  the  Captain's  lawful  command,  with  opprobrious  speeches, 
was  adjudged  to  have  his  neck  and  heels  tied  together.  Prince,  I.  103,  from 
Bradford's  pocket-book. 

*  This  paragraph  was  written  on  the  reverse  of  page  180  of  the  original 
manuscript,  near  this  place. 


1630. J  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.  331 

Gov%   M'.    John   Winthrop,  manifesting  y^  hand  of   God    to 
be  upon  them,   and  against  them  at  Charles-towne,   in  visit- 
ing  them    with    sicknes,    and    taking    diverse    from    amongst 
them,  not  sparing  y"  righteous,  but  partaking  with  y^  wicked 
in   these    bodily   judgments.     It   was    therfore    by   his   desire 
taken  into  y*"  Godly  consideration  of  y*"  best  hear,  what  was 
to  be  done  to  pacific  y®  Lords  wrath,  &c.     Wher  it  was  con- 
cluded, that  the  Lord  was  to  be  sought  in  righteousnes  ;  and 
to  that  end,  y*"  6.  day  (being  Friday)  of  this  present  weeke, 
is  set  aparte,  that  they  may  humble  them  selves  before  God, 
and  seeke   him  in  his  ordenances ;    and  that  then  also  such 
godly   persons   that   are    amongst   them,    and   know   each    to 
other,    may   publickly,    at    y''    end    of    their    exercise,    make 
known  their  Godly  desire,  and  practise  y"  same,  viz.  soleinly 
to  enter  into   [181]  covenante  with  y"  Lord  to  walke  in   his 
ways.     And   since   they  are   so  disposed  of   in  their  outward 
estats,   as  to  live  in  three  distinct  places,   each  having  men 
of   abilitie    amongst   them,  ther   to   observe  y''  day,   and   be- 
come 3.  distincte  bodys ;    not  then  intending  rashly   to  pro- 
ceed  to  y*  choyce  of   officers,  or  y"    admitting  of   any  other 
to  their  societie  then  a  few,  to  witte,  such  as  are  well  knowue 
unto  them  ;  promising  after  to  receive  in  such  by  confession 
of   faith,  as    shall  appeare  to  be  fitly  qualified  for  y  estate. 
They  doe  ernestly  entreate  that  y"  church  of  PI i moth  would 
set   apparte   y*   same   day,   for  y*"   same   ends,   beseeching   y* 
Lord,  as  to  withdraw  his  hand  of   correction  from  them,  so 
also  to  establish  and  direct  them  in  his  wayes.     And  though 
y^  time  be  shorte,  we  pray  you  be    provocked  to  this  godly 
worke,  seing  y^  causes  are  so  urgente  ;    wherin  God  will  be 
honoured,    and   they    &    we    undoubtedly    have    sweete    corn- 
forte.     Be  you  all  kindly  saluted,  &c. 

Your  brethren  in  Christ,  &c. 
Salem,  July  26.  1630. 


332  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

S':  &c.  The  sadd  news  here  is,  that  many  are  sicke,  and 
many  are  dead  ;  y^  Lord  in  mercie  looke  upon  them.  Some 
are  here  entered  into  church  covenante ;  the  first  were  4. 
namly,  y*  Gov"",  M^  John  Winthrop,  M^  Johnson,  M'.  Dud- 
ley, and  M'.  Willson ;  since  that  5.  more  are  joyned  unto 
them,  and  others,  it  is  like,  will  adde  them  selves  to  them 
dayly  ;  the  Lord  increase  them,  both  in  number  and  in  holi- 
nes  for  his  mercie  sake.  Here  is  a  gentleman,  one  M"".  Cot- 
tington,  (a  Boston  man,)  who  tould  me,  that  M^  Cottons 
charge  at  Hamton  was,  that  they  should  take  advise  of 
them  at  Plimoth,  and  should  doe  nothing  to  offend  them. 
Here  are  diverce  honest  Christians  that  are  desirous  to  see 
us,  some  out  of  love  which  they  bear  to  us,  and  y*  good 
perswasion  they  have  of  us ;  others  to  see  whether  we  be  so 
ill  as  they  have  heard  of  us.  We  have  a  name  of  holines, 
and  lo\'^  to  God  and  his  saincts ;  the  Lord  make  us  more 
and  more  answerable,  and  that  it  may  be  more  then  a  name, 
or  els  it  will  doe  us  no  good.  Be  you  lovingly  saluted,  and 
all  the  rest  of  our  friends.  The  Lord  Jesus  blese  us,  and  y® 
whole  Israll  of  God.     Amen. 

Your  loving  brother,  &c. 

Charles-towne,  Aug.  2.  1630. 

Thus  out  of  smalle  beginings  greater  things  have  been 
prodused  by  his  hand  y*  made  all  things  of  nothing, 
and  gives  being  to  ail  things  that  are ;  and  as  one 
small  candle  may  light  a  thousand,  so  y®  light  here 
kindled  hath  shone  to  many,  yea  in  some  sorte  to  our 
whole  nation ;  let  y®  glorious  name  of  Jehova  have  all 
y"^  praise. 


1G31.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  333 


[182]  Anno  Bom:  1631. 

Ashley  being  thus  by  y*"  hand  of  God  taken  away, 
and  M"".  AUerton  discharged  of  his  imploymente  for 
them,  their  bussines  began  againe  to  rune  in  one 
chanell,  and  them  selves  better  able  to  guide  the  same, 
Penobscote  being  wholy  now  at  their  disposing.  And 
though  M"".  William  Peirce  had  a  parte  ther  as  is  before 
noted,  yet  now,  as  things  stood,  he  was  glad  to  have 
his  money  repayed  him,  and  stand  out.  M"".  Winslow, 
whom  they  had  sent  over,  sent  them  over  some  supply 
as  soone  as  he  could ;  and  afterwards  when  he  came, 
which  was  something  longe  by  reason  of  bussines,  he 
brought  a  large  supply  of  suitable  goods  with  him, 
by  which  ther  trading  was  well  carried  on.  But  by 
no  means  either  he,  or  y*"  letters  y''^  write,  could  take 
off  M^  Sherley  &  y^  rest  from  putting  both  y*^  Friend- 
ship and  Whit-Angell  on  y*^  generall  accounte ;  which 
caused  continuall  contention  betweene  them,  as  will 
more  appeare. 

I  shall  inserte  a  leter  of  M"".  Winslow's  about  these 
things,  being  as  foloweth. 

S'':  It  fell  out  by  Gods  provldeuce,  y'  I  received  and 
brought  your  leters  p"^  M^  Allertou  from  Bristoll,  to  London  ; 
and  doe  much  feare  what  will  be  y"  event  of  things.  M'. 
AUerton  intended  to  prepare  y''  ship  againe,  to  set  forth 
upon  fishing.  M^  Sherley,  M\  Beachamp,  &  M'.  Andrews, 
they    renounce    all    perticulers,    protesthig    but    for    us    they 


334  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

would  never  have  adventured  one  penie  into  those  parts ; 
M'.  Hatherley  stands  inclinable  to  either.  And  wheras  you 
write  that  he  and  M''.  Allerton  have  taken  y^  Whit-Angell 
upon  them,  for  their  partners  here,  they  professe  they  neiver 
gave  any  such  order,  nor  will  make  it  good  ;  if  them  selves 
will  cleare  y*"  accounte  &  doe  it,  all  shall  be  well.  What 
y^  evente  of  these  things  will  be,  I  know  not.  The  Lord 
so  directe  and  assiste  us,  as  he  may  not  be  dishonoured  by 
our  divissious.  1  hear  (p""  a  freind)  that  I  was  much  blamed 
for  speaking  w'*  I  heard  in  y®  spring  of  y*  year,  concerning 
y^  buying  &  setting  forth  of  y*  ship  ;  f  sure,  if  I  should  not 
have  tould  you  what  I  heard  so  peremtorly  reported  (which 
report  I  offered  now  to  prove  at  Bristoll),  I  should  have 
been  unworthy  my  imploymente.  And  concerning  y^  coiSis- 
sion  so  long  since  given  to  M'.  Allerton,  the  truth  is,  the 
thing  we  feared  is  come  upon  us  ;  for  M^  Sherley  &  y"  rest 
have  it,  and  will  not  deliver  it,  that  being  y^  ground  of  our 
agents  credite  to  procure  shuch  great  sumes.  But  I  looke 
for  bitter  words,  hard  thoughts,  and  sower  looks,  from 
sundrie,  as  well  for  writing  this,  as  reporting  y*^  former. 
1  would  I  had  a  more  thankfull  imploymente ;  but  I  hope 
a  good  conscience  shall  make  it  comefortable,  &c. 

Thus  farr  he.     Dated  Nov:  16.  1631. 

The  comission  above  said  was  given  by  them  under 
their  hand  and  seale,  when  M''.  Allerton  was  first 
imployed  by  them,  and  redemanded  of  him  in  y''  year 
29.  when  they  begane  to  suspecte  his  course.  He 
tould  them  it  was  amongst  his  papers,  but  he  would 
seeke  it  out  &  give  it  them   before  he  wente.     But  he 

*  W'  in  manuscript. 

t  This  was  about  y«  selling  y  ship  in  Spaine. 


1631.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  335 

being  ready  to  goe,  it  was  demanded  againe.  He  said 
he  could  not  find  it,  but  it  was  amongst  his  papers, 
which  he  must  take  w""  him,  [183]  and  he  would  send 
it  by  y*"  boat  from  y*^  eastward ;  but  ther  it  could  not 
be  had  neither,  but  he  would  seeke  it  up  at  sea.  But 
whether  M*^.  Sherley  had  it  before  or  after,  it  is  not  cer- 
taine ;  but  having  it,  he  would  not  let  it  goe,  but  keeps 
it  to  this  day.  Wherfore,  even  amongst  freinds,  men 
had  need  be  carfull  whom  they  trust,  and  not  lett 
things  of  this  nature  lye  long  unrecaled. 

Some  parts    of  Jf .    Sherley's    letters   aboute  these    things,   in 
which  y^  truth  is  best  manifested. 

S':  Yours  I  have  received  by  our  loving  friends,  M^  Aller- 
ton  &  M^  Hatherley,  who,  blesed  be  God,  after  a  long  & 
dangerous  passage  with  y^  ship  Angell,  are  safely  come  to 
Bristoll.  M'.  Hatherley  is  come  up,  but  M'.  Allerton  I  have 
not  yet  seen.  We  thanke  you,  and  are  very  glad  you  have 
disswaded  him  from  his  Spanish  viage,  and  y'  he  did  not 
goe  on  in  these  designes  he  intended ;  for  we  did  all  uterly 
dislick  of  that  course,  as  allso  of  y®  fishing  y*  y^  Freindship 
should  have  performed  ;  for  we  wished  him  to  sell  y®  salte, 
and  were  unwilling  to  have  him  undertake  so  much  bussines, 
partly  for  y^  ill  success  we  formerly  had  in  those  affairs,  and 
partly  being  loath  to  disburse  so  much  money.  But  he  per- 
swaded  us  this  must  be  one  way  y'  must  repay  us,  for  y^ 
plantation  would  be  long  in  doing  of  it ;  ney,  to  my  remem- 
berance,  he  doubted  you  could  not  be  able,  with  y^  trade 
ther,  to  maintaine  your  charge  &  pay  us.  And  for  this  very 
cause  he  brought  us  on  y'  bussines  with  Ed  :  Ashley,  for  he 
was  a  stranger  to  us,  &c. 


336  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

For  y"  fishing  ship,  we  are  sorie  it  proves  so  heavie,  and 
will  be  willing  to  bear  our  parts.  What  M'.  Hatherley  & 
M^  Allerton  have  done,  no  doubt  but  them  selves  will  make 
good ;  *  we  gave  them  no  order  to  make  any  composition, 
to  seperate  you  and  us  in  this  or  any  other.  And  I  thinke 
you  have  no  cause  to  forsake  us,  for  we  put  you  upon  no 
new  thing,  but  what  your  agent  perswaded  us  to,  &  you  by 
your  letters  desired.  If  he  exceede  your  order,  I  hope  you 
will  not  blame  us,  much  less  cast  us  of,  when  our  moneys 
be  layed  out,  &c.  But  I  fear  neither  you  nor  we  have  been 
well  delte  withall,  for  sure,  as  you  write,  halfe  4000''.,  nay,  a 
quarter,  in  fitting  comodities,  and  in  seasonable  time,  would 
have  furnished  you  beter  then  you  were.  And  yet  for  all 
this,  and  much  more  I  might  write,  I  dare  not  but  thinke 
him  honest,  and  that  his  desire  and  intente  was  good  ;  but  y** 
wisest  may  faile.  Well,  now  y'  it  hath  pleased  God  to  give 
us  hope  of  meeting,  doubte  not  but  we  will  all  indeavore 
to  perfecte  these  accounts  just  &  right,  as  soone  as  possibly 
we  can.  And  I  supposs  you  sente  over  M'.  Winslow,  and  we 
M^  Hatherley,  to  certifie  each  other  how  y"  state  of  things 
stood.  We  have  received  some  contente  upon  M^  Hath- 
erley's   returne,   and  I  hope   you  will    receive  good  contente 

*  They  were  too  short  in  resting  on  M^  Hatherleys  honest  word,  for  his 
order  to  discharg  them  from  y°  Friendship's  accounte,  when  he  and  M''. 
Allerton  made  y  bargane  with  them,  and  they  delivered  them  the  rest  of  y" 
goods ;  and  therby  gave  them  oppertunitie  also  to  receive  all  the  fraight 
of  boath  viages,  without  seeing  an  order  (to  have  such  power)  under  their 
hands  in  writing,  which  they  never  doubted  of,  seeing  he  affii'med  he  had 
power;  and  they  both  knew  his  honestie,  and  y'  he  was  spetially  imployed 
for  their  agente  at  this  time.  And  he  was  as  shorte  in  resting  on  a  verball 
order  from  them;  which  was  now  denyed,  when  it  came  to  a  perticuler  of 
loss;  but  he  still  affirmed  the  same.  But  they  were  both  now  taught  how 
to  deale  in  y«  world,  espetially  with  marchants,  in  such  cases.  But  in  y«  end 
this  light  upon  these  here  also,  for  M''.  Allerton  had  gott  all  into  his  owne 
hand,  and  M''.  Hatherley  was  not  able  to  pay  it,  except  they  would  have 
uterlie  undon  him,  as  y^  sequell  will  manifest. 


1631.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  337 

upou  M"".  Winslow's  returne.  Now  I  should  come  to  answer 
more  perticulerly  your  letter,  but  herin  I  shall  be  very  breefe. 
The  coming  of  y*^  White  Angele  on  your  accounte  could  not 
be  more  Strang  to  you,  then  y"  buying  of  her  was  to  us; 
for  3'ou  gave  him  coinission  *  that  what  he  did  you  would 
stand  too ;  we  gave  him  none,  and  yet  for  his  credite,  and 
your  saks,  payed  what  bills  he  charged  on  us,  &c.  For  y' 
I  write  she  was  to  acte  tow  parts,  fishing  &  trade  ;  beleeve 
me,  I  never  so  much  as  thought  of  any  perticuler  trade, 
nor  will  side  with  any  y'  doth,  if  I  conceive  it  may  wrong 
you ;  for  I  ever  was  against  it,  useing  these  words :  They 
will  eate  up  and  destroy  y^  geuerall. 

Other  things  I  omite  as  tedious,  and  not  very  perte- 
nente.     This  was  dated  Nov"".   19.   1631. 

In  an  other  leter  bearing  date  y*^  24.  of  this  month, 
being  an  answer  to  y**  generall  order,  he  hath  these 
words :  — 

[184]  For  y^  White  Angell,  against  which  you  write  so 
ernestly,  and  say  we  thrust  her  upon  you,  contrary  to  y* 
inteute  of  y*  buyer,  herin  we  say  you  forgett  your  selves, 
and  doe  us  wrong.  We  will  not  take  uppon  us  to  devine 
what  y^  thougts  or  intents  of  y"  buyer  was,  but  what  he 
spack  we  heard,  and  that  we  will  afflrme,  and  make  good 
against  any  y'  oppose  it ;  which  is,  y'  unles  shee  were 
bought,  and  shuch  a  course  taken,  Ashley  could  not  be 
supplyed ;  and  againe,  if  he  weer  not  supplyed,  we  could 
not  be  satisfied  what  we  were  out  for  you.  And  further, 
you   were    not   able   to   doe    it ;    and    he    gave    some   reasons 

•  This  comission  is  abused ;  he  never  had  any  for  shuch  end,  as  they  well 
knew,  nether  had  they  any  to  pay  this  money,  nor  would  have  paid  a  peny, 
if  they  had  not  pleased  for  some  other  respecte. 


338  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

which  we  spare  to  relate,  unless  by  your  unreasonable  re- 
fusall  you  will  force  us,  and  so  hasten  y'  fire  which  is  a 
kindling  too  fast  allready,   &c. 

O^it  of  another  of  his,  bearing  date  Jan.  2.   1631. 

We  purpose  to  keep  y^  Freidship  and  y^  Whit  Angell, 
for  y^  last  year  viages,  on  the  generall  accounte,  hoping 
togeither  they  will  rather  produse  profite  then  loss,  and 
breed  less  confution  in  our  accounts,  and  less  disturbance 
in  our  affections.  As  for  y"  White  Angell,  though  we  layed 
out  y*  money,  and  tooke  bills  of  salle  in  our  owne  names, 
yet  none  of  us  had  so  much  as  a  thought  (I  dare  say)  of 
deviding  from  you  in  any  thing  this  year,  because  we  would 
not  have  y^  world  (I  may  say  Bristol!)  take  notice  of  any 
breach  betwixte  M^  Allerton  and  you,  and  he  and  us  ;  and 
so  disgrace  him  in  his  proceedings  on*  in  his  intended  viage. 
We  have  now  let  him  y^  ship  at  30*'.  p'^  month,  by  charter- 
partie,  and  bound  him  in  a  bond  of  a  1000*'.  to  performe 
covenants,  and  bring  her  to  London  (if  God  please).  And 
what  he  brings  in  her  for  you,  shall  be  marked  w*  your 
marke,  and  bils  of  laden  taken,  &  sent  in  M'.  Winslows 
letter,  who  is  this  day  riding  to  Bristoll  about  it.  So  in 
this  viage,  we  deale  &  are  with  him  as  strangers.  He  hath 
brought  in  3.  books  of  accounts,  one  for  y^  company,  an 
other  for  Ashley's  bussines,  and  y'  third  for  y^  Whit-Angell 
and  Freidship.  The  books,  or  coppies,  we  purpose  to  send 
you,  for  you  may  discover  y^  errours  in  them  better  then 
we.  We  can  make  it  appear  how  much  money  he  hath  had 
of  us,  and  you  can  charg  him  with  all  y^  beaver  he  hath 
bad  of  you.  The  totall  sume,  as  he  hath  put  it,  is  7103.  17.  1. 
Of  this  he  hath  expended,  and  given  to  M^  Vines  &  others, 
aboute   543*'.   ode  money,   and   then  by  your  books  you  will 

*  0  in  MS. 


1631.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  339 

find  whether  you  had  such,  &  so  much  goods,  as  he  charge th 
you  with  all ;  and  this  is  all  that  I  can  say  at  presente  con- 
cerning these  accounts.  He  thought  to  dispatch  them  in 
a  few  howers,  but  he  and  Straton  &  Fogge  w-ere  above 
a  month  aboute  them ;  but  he  could  not  stay  till  we  had 
examined  them,  for  losing  his  fishing  viage,  which  I  fear  he 
hath  allready  done,  &c. 

We  blese  God,  who  put  both  you  &  us  in  mind  to  send 
each  to  other,  for  verily  had  he  rune  on  in  that  despei-ate 
&  chargable  coui'se  one  year  more,  we  had  not  been  able  to 
suport  him ;  nay,  both  he  and  we  must  have  lyen  in  y* 
ditch,  and  sunck  under  y^  burthen,  &c.  Had  ther  been 
an  orderly  course  taken,  and  your  bussines  better  managed, 
assuredly  (by  y^  blessing  of  God)  you  had  been  y"  ablest 
plantation  that,  as  we  think,  or  know,  hath  been  under- 
taken by  Englishmen,   &c. 

Thus  farr  of  these  letters  of  M^  Sherley's.* 
[185]  A  few  observations  from  y^  former  letters, 
and  then  I  shall  set  downe  the  simple  truth  of  y^ 
things  (thus  in  controversie  betweene  them),  at  least 
as  farr  as  by  any  good  evidence  it  could  be  made  to 
appeare ;  and  so  laboure  to  be  breefe  in  so  tedious 
and  intricate  a  bussines,  which  hunge  in  expostulation 
betweene  them  many  years  before  y*'  same  was  ended. 
That  though  ther  will  be  often  occasion  to  touch  these 
things  about  other  passages,  yet  I  shall  not  neede  to 
be  large  therin ;    doing  it  hear  once  for  all. 

First,    it    seemes    to    appere    clearly    that    Ashley's 
bussines,   and  y*   buying   of  this    ship,   and   y^    courses 

*  The  last  two  words  not  found  in  the  MS.  but  obviously  intended. 


340  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 


framed  ther  upon,  were  first  contrived  and  proposed 
by  M^  Allerton,  as  also  y'  the  pleaes  and  pretences 
which  he  made,  of  y°  inablitie  of  y""  plantation  to 
repaye  their  moneys,  &c.,  and  y^  hops  he  gave  them 
of  doing  it  with  profite,  was  more  beleeved  &  rested 
on  by  them  (at  least  some  of  them)  then  any  thing 
y®  plantation  did  or  said. 

2.  It  is  like,  though  M"".  Allerton  might  thinke  not 
to  wrong  y"  plantation  in  y'^  maine,  yet  his  owne 
gaine  and  private  ends  led  him  a  side  in  these  things ; 
for  it  came  to  be  knowne,  and  I  have  it  in  a  letter 
under  M"".  Sherley's  hand,  that  in  y^  first  2.  or  3. 
years  of  his  imploymente,  he  had  cleared  up  400*'.  and 
put  it  into  a  brew-house  of  M"".  Colliers  in  London, 
at  first  under  M"".  Sherley's  name,  &c.  ;  besids  what 
he  might  have  other  wise.  Againe,  M"".  Sherley  and 
he  had  perticuler  dealings  in  some  things ;  for  he 
bought  up  y''  beaver  that  sea-men  &  other  passengers 
brought  over  to  Bristoll,  and  at  other  places,  and 
charged  y'^  bills  to  London,  which  M"".  Sherley  payed ; 
and  they  got  some  time  50**.  a  peece  in  a  bargen,  as 
was  made  knowne  by  M"".  Hatherley  &  others,  besids 
what  might  be  other  wise ;  which  might  make  M"". 
Sherle}^  harken  unto  him  in  many  things ;  and  yet 
I  beleeve,  as  he  in  his  forementioned  leter  write, 
he  never  would  side  in  any  perticuler  trade  w'^''  he 
conceived  would  wrong  y®  plantation,  and  eate  up  & 
destroy   y'^   generall. 


1631.]  PLYMOUTH    PLAXTATIOX.  341 

3'^.  It  may  be  perceived  that,  seeing  they  had  done 
so  much  for  y'^  plantation,  both  in  former  adventures 
and  late  disbursements,  and  allso  that  M"".  Allerton 
was  y^  first  occasioner  of  bringing  them  upon  these 
new  designes,  which  at  first  seemed  faire  &  profitable 
unto  them,  and  unto  which  they  agreed ;  but  now, 
seeing  them  to  turne  to  loss,  and  decline  to  greater 
intanglments,  they  thought  it  more  meete  for  y*^  plan- 
tation to  bear  them,  then  them  selves,  who  had  borne 
much  in  other  things  allready,  and  so  tooke  advan- 
tage of  such  comission  &  power  as  M''.  Allerton  had 
formerly  had  as  their  agente,  to  devolve  these  things 
upon   them. 

4'^'.  With  pitie  and  compassion  (touching  M''.  Aller- 
ton) I  may  say  with  y''  apostle  to  Timothy,  1.  Tim. 
6.  9.  They  that  luill  be  rich  fall  into  many  temtaiions 
and  snares,  (&c.,  and  pearce  them  selves  throw  with 
many  sorrows,  (&c. ;  for  the  love  of  money  is  y^  roote  of 
all  evill,  V.  10.  God  give  him  to  see  y*^  evill  in  his 
failings,  that  he  may  find  mercie  by  repentance  for  y^ 
wrongs  he  hath  done  to  any,  and  this  pore  plantation 
in  spetiall.  They  that  doe  such  things  doe  not  only 
bring  them  selves  into  snares,  and  sorrows,  but  many 
with  them,  (though  in  an  other  kind,)  as  lamentable 
experience  shows ;  and  is  too  manifest  in  this  bussines. 

[186]  Now  about  these  ships  &  their  setting  forth, 
the  truth,  as  farr  as  could  be  learned,  is  this.  The 
motion   aboute   setting   forth  y"   fishing    ship    (caled   y* 


342  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

Frindship)  came  first  from  y"  plantation,  and  y"  rea- 
sons of  it,  as  is  before  remembered ;  but  wholy  left  to 
them  selves  to  doe  or  not  to  doe,  as  they  saw  cause. 
But  when  it  fell  into  consideration,  and  y*^  designe  was 
held  to  be  profitable  and  hopefull,  it  was  propounded 
by  some  of  them,  why  might  not  they  doe  it  of  them 
selves,  seeing  they  must  disburse  all  y*^  money,  and 
what  need  they  have  any  refierance  to  y°  plantation 
in  y*;  they  might  take  y''  profite  them  selves,  towards 
other  losses,  &  need  not  let  y^  plantation  share  therin  ; 
and  if  their  ends  were  other  wise  answered  for  their 
supplyes  to  come  too  them  in  time,  it  would  be  well 
enough.  So  they  hired  her,  &  set  her  out,  and 
fraighted  her  as  full  as  she  could  carry  with  passen- 
gers goods  y'  belonged  to  y*"  Massachussets,  which  rise 
to  a  good  sume  of  money ;  intending  to  send  y^  plan- 
tations supply  in  y®  other  ship.  The  effecte  of  this 
M'.  Hatherley  not  only  declared  afterward  upon  occa- 
sion, but  affirmed  upon  othe,  taken  before  y'^  Gov""  & 
Dep:  Gov""  of  y''  Massachusets,  M"".  Winthrop  &  M\ 
Dudley :  That  this  ship-Frindship  was  not  sett  out  nor 
intended  for  y'^  joynt  partnership  of  y""  plantation,  but 
for  y*"  perticuler  accounte  of  M^  James  Sherley,  M^ 
Beachampe,  M"".  Andrews,  M"".  Allerton,  &  him  selfe. 
This  deposition  was  taken  at  Boston  y*^  29.  of  Aug: 
1639.  as  is  to  be  seen  under  their  hands;  besids  some 
other  concurente  testimonies  declared  at  severall  times 
to  sundrie  of  them. 


1631.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  343 

About  y'^  Whit-Angell,  though  she  was  first  bought, 
or  at  least  the  price  beaten,  by  M"".  Allerton  (at  Bris- 
toil),  yet  that  had  been  nothing  if  M''.  Sherley  had 
not  liked  it,  and  disbursed  y*^  money.  And  that  she 
was  not  intended  for  y''  plantation  appears  by  sun- 
drie  evidences ;  *  as,  first,  y'^  bills  of  sale,  or  charter- 
parties,  were  taken  in  their  owne  names,  without  any 
mention  or  relFe ranee  to  y''  plantation  at  all ;  viz.  M"". 
Sherley,  M"".  Beachampe,  M^  Andrews,  M"".  Denison, 
and  M^  Allerton;  for  M^  Hatherley  fell  off,  and 
would  not  joyne  with  them  in  this.  That  she  was 
not  bought  for  their  accounte,  M"".  Hatherley  tooke 
his  oath  before  y*^  parties  afforesaid,  y*"  day  and  year 
above  writen. 

M''.  Allerton  tooke  his  oath  to  like  effecte  concerning 
this  ship,  the  Whit-Angell,  before  y*"  Gov""  &  Deputie, 
the  7.  of  Sep:  1639.  and  likewise  deposed,  y''  same 
time,  that  M"".  Hatherley  and  him  selfe  did,  in  the 
behalfe  of  them  selves  and  y*^  said  M"".  Sherley,  M"". 
Andrews,  &  M"".  Beachamp,  agree  and  undertake  to 
discharge,  and  save  harmless,  all  y^  rest  of  y^  partners 
&  purchasers,  of  and  from  y*^  said  losses  of  Freindship 
for  200^'.,  which  was  to  be  discounted  therupon  ;  as  by 
ther  depossitions  (which  are  in  writing)  may  appeare 
more    at    large,    and    some    other    depositions    &    other 

*  About  y8  Whit-Angell  they  all  matte  at  a  certaine  taverne  in  London, 
wher  they  had  a  diner  prepared,  and  had  a  conference  with  a  factore  aboute 
selling  of  her  in  Spaine,  or  at  Port  a  porte,  as  hath  been  before  mentioned; 
as  M''.  Hatherley  manifested,  &  M'*.  Allerton  could  not  deney. 


344  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

testemonies  by  M''.  Winslow,*  &c.  But  I  suppose 
these  may  be  sufficente  to  evince  the  truth  in  these 
things,  against  all  pretences  to  y"  contrary.  And  yet 
the  burthen  lay  still  upon  y*^  plantation ;  or,  to  speake 
more  truly  and  rightly,  upon  those  few  that  were 
ingaged  for  all,  for  they  were  faine  to  wade  through 
these  things  without  any  help  from  any. 

[187]  Concerning  M"^.  Allerton's  accounts,  they  were 
so  larg  and  intrecate,  as  they  could  not  well  understand 
them,  much  less  examine  &  correcte  them,  without  a 
great  deale  of  time  &  help,  and  his  owne  presence, 
which  was  now  hard  to  gett  amongst  them ;  and  it  was 
2.  or  3.  years  before  they  could  bring  them  to  any 
good  pass,  but  never  make  them  perfecte.  I  know 
not  how  it  came  to  pass,  or  what  misterie  was  in  it, 
for  he  tooke  upon  him  to  make  up  all  accounts  till 
this  time,  though  M^  Sherley  was  their  agente  to  buy 
&  sell  their  goods,  and  did  more  then  he  therin  ;  yet 
he  past  in  accounts  in  a  maner  for  all  disbursments, 
both    concerning    goods    bought,    which   he    never    saw, 


*  M''.  Winslow  deposed,  y®  same  time,  before  y«  Gov  afore  said,  &c.  that 
when  he  came  into  England,  and  y^  partners  inquired  of  y«  success  of  y« 
Whit  Angell,  which  should  have  been  laden  w'^  bass  and  so  sent  for  Port, 
of  Porting-gall,  and  their  ship  &  goods  to  be  sould;  having  informed  them 
that  they  were  like  to  faile  in  their  lading  of  bass,  that  then  M^  James 
Sherley  used  these  termes :  Feck,  we  must  make  one  accounte  of  all ;  and 
ther  upon  presed  him,  as  agente  for  y®  partners  in  Neu-England,  to  accepte 
y  said  ship  Whit-Angell,  and  her  accounte,  into  y"  joynte  partner-ship;  which 
he  refused,  for  many  reasons;  and  after  received  instructions  from  New-Engl: 
to  refuse  her  if  she  should  be  offered,  which  instructions  he  shewed  them; 
and  wheras  he  was  often  pressed  to  accept  her,  he  ever  refused  her,  &c. 


1631.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  345 

but  were  done  when  he  was  hear  in  y®  cuntrie  or  at 
sea ;  and  all  y®  expences  of  y®  Leyden  people,  done 
by  others  in  his  absence ;  the  charges  aboute  y*^  patente, 
&c.  In  all  which  he  made  them  debtore  to  him  above 
300**.  and  demanded  paimente  of  it.  But  when  things 
came  to  scaning,  he  was  found  above  2000*'.  debtore 
to  them,  (this  wherin  M^  Hatherley  &  he  being  joyntly 
ingaged,  which  he  only  had,  being  included,)  besids 
I  know  not  how  much  y'  could  never  be  cleared ;  and 
interest  moneys  which  ate  them  up,  which  he  never 
accounted.  Also  they  were  faine  to  alow  such  large 
bills  of  charges  as  were  intolerable ;  the  charges  of  y® 
patent  came  to  above  500*'.  and  yet  nothing  done  in  it 
but  what  was  done  at  first  without  any  confirmation ; 
dO^.  given  at  a  clape,  and  50*'.  spent  in  a  journey.  No 
marvell  therfore  if  i\P.  Sherley  said  in  his  leter,  if  their 
bussines  had  been  better  managed,  they  might  have 
been  y^  richest  plantation  of  any  English  at  y'  time. 
Yea,  he  scrued  up  his  poore  old  father  in  law's  accounte 
to  above  200*'.  and  brought  it  on  y^  gene  rail  accounte, 
and  to  befreind  him  made  most  of  it  to  arise  out  of 
those  goods  taken  up  by  him  at  Bristoll,  at  50.  per 
cent.,  because  he  knew  they  would  never  let  it  lye 
on  y"  old  man,  when,  alass !  he,  poore  man,  never 
dreamte  of  any  such  thing,  nor  y*  what  he  had  could 
arise  nere  y'  valew ;  but  thought  that  many  of  them 
had  been  freely  bestowed  on  him  &  his  children  by 
M"".    Allerton.     Nither  in   truth  did  they   come   nere  y' 


346  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

valew  in  worth,  but  y'  sume  was  blowne  up  by  interest 
&  high  prises,  which  y*^  company  did  for  y*^  most  parte 
bear,  (he  deserving  farr  more,)  being  most  sory  that 
he  should  have  a  name  to  have  much,  when  he  had  in 
effecte  litle. 

This  year  also  M^  Sherley  sent  over  an  accounte, 
which  was  in  a  maner  but  a  cash  accounte  what  M"^. 
Allerton  had  had  of  them,  and  disbursed,  for  which 
he  referd  to  his  accounts ;  besids  an  account  of  beaver 
sould,  which  M^  Winslow  &  some  others  had  carried 
over,  and  a  large  supply  of  goods  which  M^  Winslow 
had  sent  &  brought  over,  all  which  was  comprised  in  y* 
accounte,  and  all  y^  disbursments  aboute  y®  Freindship, 
&  Whit-Angell,  and  what  concerned  their  accounts 
from  first  to  last;  or  any  thing  else  he  could  charg 
y®  partners  with.  So  they  were  made  debtor  in  y^ 
foote  of  that  accounte  4770^  19.  2.*  besids  1000^  still 
due  for  y®  purchase  yet  unpayed ;  notwithstanding  all 
y''  beaver,  and  returnes  that  both  Ashley  &  they  had 
made,  which  were  not  small. 

[188]  In  these  accounts  of  M"".  Sherley's  some  things 
were  obscure,  and  some  things  twise  charged,  as  a  100. 

*  So  as  a  while  before,  wheras  their  great  care  was  how  to  pay  the  pur- 
chase, and  those  other  few  debts  which  were  upon  them,  now  it  was  with 
them  as  it  was  some  times  with  Saule's  father,  who  left  careing  for  y"  Asses, 
and  sorrowed  for  his  sonn.  1.  Sam,  10.  2.  So  that  which  before  they  looked 
at  as  a  heavie  burthen,  they  now  esteeme  but  a  small  thing  and  a  light 
mater,  in  comparison  of  what  was  now  upon  them.  And  thus  y"  Lord 
oftentimes  deals  with  his  people  to  teach  them,  and  humble  them,  that  he 
may  doe  them  good  in  y  later  end. 


1631.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  347 

of  Bastable  ruggs  which  came  in  y*"  Freindship,  &  cost 
TS**.,  charged  before  by  M"".  Allerton,  and  now  hy  him 
againe,  with  other  perticulers  of  like  nature  doubtfull, 
to  be  twise  or  thrise  charged;  as  also  a  sume  of  600". 
which  M"".  Allerton  deneyed,  and  they  could  never  un- 
derstand for  what  it  was.  They  sent  a  note  of  these 
&  such  like  things  afterward  to  M"".  Sherley  by  M^ 
Winslow;  but  (I  know  not  how  it  came  to  pass)  could 
never  have  them  explained. 

Into  these  deepe  sumes  had  M''.  Allerton  rune  them 
in  tow  years,  for  in  y*"  later  end  of  y®  year  1628.  all 
their  debts  did  not  amounte  to  much  above  400".,  as  , 
was  then  noted ;  and  now  come  to  so  many  thousands. 
And  wheras  in  y^  year  1629.  M^  Sherley  &  M''.  Hath- 
erley  being  at  Bristoll,  and  write  a  large  letter  from 
thence,  in  which  they  had  given  an  account  of  y^  debts, 
and  what  sumes  were  then  disbursed,  M^  Allerton 
never  left  begging  &  intreating  of  them  till  they  had 
put  it  out.  So  they  bloted  out  2.  lines  in  y'  leter  in 
which  y®  sumes  were  contained,  and  write  upon  it  so 
as  not  a  word  could  be  perceived ;  as  since  by  them 
was  confessed,  and  by  y*  leters  may  be  scene.  And 
thus  were  they  kept  hoodwinckte,  till  now  they  were 
so  deeply  ingaged.  And  wheras  M'".  Sherley  did  so 
ernestly  press  y'  M''.  Allerton  might  be  sent  over  to 
finish  y^  great  bussines  aboute  y*^  patente,  as  may 
be  seen  in  his  leter  write  1629.  as  is  before  recorded, 
and  y*  they  should  be  ernest  w""  his  wife  to  suffer  him 


348  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

to  goe,  &c.,  he  hath  since  confessed  by  a  letter  under 
my  hands,  that  it  was  M^  Allerton's  owne  doings,  and 
not  his,  and  he  made  him  write  his  words,  &  not  his 
owne.  The  patent  was  but  a  pretence,  and  not  y® 
thing.  Thus  were  they  abused  in  their  simplicitie, 
and  no  beter  then  bought  &  sould,  as  it  may  seeme. 

And  to  mend  y"  matter,  M"".  AUerton  doth  in  a  sorte 
wholy  now  deserte  them ;  having  brought  them  into  y^ 
briers,  he  leaves  them  to  gett  out  as  they  can.  But 
God  crost  him  mightily,  for  he  having  hired  y''  ship 
of  M^  Sherly  at  30*'.  a  month,  he  set  forth  againe 
with  a  most  wicked  and  drunken  crue,  and  for  covet- 
ousnes  sake  did  so  over  lade  her,  not  only  filling  her 
hould,  but  so  stufed  her  betweene  decks,  as  she  was 
walte,  and  could  not  bear  sayle,  and  they  had  like  to 
have  been  cast  away  at  sea,  and  were  forced  to  put 
for  Millford  Havene,  and  new-stow  her,  &  put  some 
of  ther  ordnance  &  more  heavie  goods  in  y''  botome ; 
which  lost  them  time,  and  made  them  come  late  into 
y®  countrie,  lose  ther  season,  and  made  a  worse  viage 
then  y"^  year  before.  But  being  come  into  y®  countrie, 
he  sells  trading  comodities  to  any  y*  will  buy,  to  y® 
great  prejudice  of  y*^  plantation  here ;  but  that  which 
is  worse,  what  he  could  not  sell,  he  trustes ;  and  sets 
up  a  company  of  base  felows  and  maks  them  traders, 
to  rune  into  every  hole,  &  into  y*^  river  of  Kenebeck, 
to  gleane  away  y*^  trade  from  y^  house  ther,  aboute 
y*^  patente  &  priviledge   wherof  he  had  dasht   away  so 


1G31.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  349 

much  money  ot"  theirs  here ;  [189]  and  now  what  in 
him  lay  went  aboute  to  take  away  y®  benefite  therof, 
and  to  overthrow  them.  Yea,  not  only  this,  but  he 
furnishes  a  company,  and  joyns  with  some  consorts, 
(being  now  deprived  of  Ashley  at  Penobscote,)  and 
sets  up  a  trading  house  beyoned  Penobscote,  to  cute 
of  y''  trade  from  thence  also.  But  y''  French  perceiv- 
ing that  that  would  be  greatly  to  their  damage  allso, 
they  came  in  their  begining  before  they  were  well 
setled,  and  displanted  them,  slue  2.  of  their  men,  and 
tooke  all  their  goods  to  a  good  valew,  y''  loss  being 
most,  if  not  all,  M"".  Allerton's ;  for  though  some  of 
them  should  have  been  his  partners,  yet  he  trusted 
them  for  their  partes ;  the  rest  of  y*"  men  were  sent 
into  France,  and  this  was  the  end  of  y'  projecte.  The 
rest  of  those  he  trusted,  being  lose  and  drunken  fel- 
lows, did  for  y'^  most  parte  but  coussen  &  cheate  him 
of  all  they  got  into  their  hands ;  that  howsoever  he 
did  his  friends  some  hurte  hereby  for  y''  presente,  yet 
he  gate  litle  good,  but  wente  by  y*"  loss  by  Gods  just 
hand.  After  in  time,  when  he  came  to  Pliinoth,  y*' 
church  caled  him  to  accounte  for  these,  and  other  his 
grosse  miscarrages ;  he  confessed  his  faulte,  and  prom- 
ised better  walking,  and  that  he  would  wdnd  him  selfe 
out  of  these  courses  as  sooue  as  he  could,  &c. 

This  year  also  M''.  Sherley  would  needs  send  them 
over  a  new-acountante ;  he  had  made  mention  of  such 
a  thing  y°  year  before,  but  they  write  him  word,  that 


350  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

their  charge  was  great  allready,  aud  they  neede  not 
increase  it,  as  this  would ;  but  if  they  were  well  delte 
with,  and  had  their  goods  well  sent  over,  they  could 
keep  their  accounts  hear  them  selves.  Yet  he  now 
sente  one,  which  they  did  not  refuse,  being  a  yonger 
brother  of  M''.  Winslows,  whom  they  had  been  at 
charge  to  instructe  at  London  before  he  came.  He 
came  over  in  the  White  Angell  with  M^  Allerton, 
and  ther  begane  his  first  iraploymente ;  for  though 
M^  Sherley  had  so  farr  befreinded  M''.  Allerton,  as 
to  cause  *  M^  Winslow  to  ship  y"  supply  sente  to  y® 
partners  here  in  this  ship,  and  give  him  4".  p""  tune, 
wheras  others  carried  for  3.  and  he  made  them  pay 
their  fraight  ready  downe,  before  y*"  ship  wente  out  of 
y*  harbore,  wheras  others  payed  upon  certificate  of  y® 
goods  being  delivei-ed,  and  their  fraight  came  to  up- 
ward of  6.  score  pounds,  yet  they  had  much  adoe  to 
have  their  goods  delivered,  for  some  of  them  were 
chainged,  as  bread  &  pease ;  they  were  forced  to  take 
worse  for  better,  neither  could  they  ever  gett  all. 
And  if  Josias  Winslow  had  not  been  ther,  it  had  been 
worse ;  for  he  had  y®  invoyce,  and  order  to  send  them 
to  y®  trading  houses. 

This  year  their  house  at  Penobscott  was  robed  by  y® 
French,  and  all  their  goods  of  any  worth  they  carried 
away,  to  y^  value  of  400.  or  500*'.  as  y*"  cost  first  peny 
worth ;  in  beaver  300*' .   waight ;  and  y"  rest  in  trading 

*  This  word  is  obscure  in  MS. 


1631.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  351 


goods,  as  coats,  ruggs,  blankett,  biskett,  &c.  It  was 
in  this  maner.  The  m'.  of  y*"  house,  and  parte  of  y^ 
company  with  him,  were  come  with  their  vessell  to  y® 
westward  to  fecth  a  supply  of  goods  which  was  brought 
over  for  them.  In  y''  mean  time  comes  a  smale  French 
ship  into  y®  harbore  (and  amongst  y®  company  was  a 
false  Scott)  ;  they  pretended  they  were  nuly  come  from 
y*  sea,  and  knew  not  wher  they  were,  and  that  their 
vesell  was  very  leake,  and  desired  they  might  hale  her 
a  shore  and  stop  their  leaks.  And  many  French  com- 
plements they  used,  and  congees  they  made ;  and  in 
y®  ende,  seeing  but  3.  or  4.  simple  men,  y*  were  ser- 
vants, and  by  this  Scoth-man  understanding  that  y® 
maister  &  ye  rest  of  y*"  company  were  gone  from 
home,  they  fell  of  comending  their  gunes  and  muskets, 
that  lay  upon  racks  by  y^  wall  side,  and  tooke  them 
downe  to  looke  on  them,  asking  if  they  were  charged. 
And  when  they  were  possesst  of  them,  one  presents 
a  peece  ready  charged  against  y"*  servants,  and  another 
a  pistoll;  and  bid  them  not  sturr,  but  quietly  deliver 
them  their  goods,  and  carries  some  of  y^  men  aborde, 
&  made  y*  other  help  to  carry  away  y"  goods.  And 
when  they  had  tooke  what  they  pleased,  they  sett  them 
at  liberty,  and  w^ente  their  way,  with  this  mocke,  bid- 
ing them  tell  their  m^  when  he  came,  that  some  of 
y^  He  of  Key  gentlemen  had  been  ther.* 

*  The  above  paragraph  was  written  on  the  reverse  of  page  188  of  the 
original  manuscript. 


352  HISTORY    OF  (  BOOK  11. 


*  This  year,  on  S""  Christopher  Gardener,  being,  as 
him  selfe  said,  descended  of  y'  house  y'  the  Bishop  of 
Winchester  came  of  (who  was  so  great  a  persecutor 
of  Gods  saincts  in  Queene  Maries  days),  and  being  a 
great  traveler,  received  his  first  honour  of  knighthood 
at  Jerusalem,  being  made  Knight  of  y^  Sepulcher  ther. 
He  came  into  these  parts  under  pretence  of  forsaking 
y^  world,  and  to  live  a  private  life,  in  a  godly  course, 
not  unwilling  to  put  him  selfe  upon  any  meane  imploy- 
ments,  and  take  any  paines  for  his  living ;  and  some 
time  offered  him  selfe  to  joyne  to  y<^  churchs  in  sundry 
places.  He  brought  over  with  him  a  servante  or  2. 
and  a  comly  yonge  woman,  whom  be  caled  his  cousin, 
but  it  was  suspected,  she  (after  y<^  Italian  maner)  was 
his  concubine.  Living  at  y*^  Massachusets,  for  some 
miscariages  which  he  should  have  answered,  he  fled 
away  from  authority,  and  gott  amonge  y"  Indeans  of 
these  parts;  they  sent  after  him,  but  could  not  gett 
him,  and  promissed  some  reward  to  those  y'  should 
find  him.  The  Indeans  came  to  y"  Gov''  here,  and 
tould  wher  he  was,  and  asked  if  they  might  kill  him; 
he  tould  them  no,  by  no  means,  but  if  they  could  take 
him  and  bring  him  hither,  they  should  be  payed  for 
their  paines.  They  said  he  had  a  gune  &  a  rapier, 
&  he    would    kill   them  if  y'^y  went  aboute    it;    and   y^ 

*  The  following  account  of  Sir  Christopher  Gardiner,  with  the  documents 
accompanying  it,  extending  to  page  357,  does  not  appear  in  the  text  of  the 
original  manuscript,  — having  been  perhaps  inadvertently  omitted,  — but  was 
written  on  the  reverse  of  pages  189-191. 


1631.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  353 

Massachuset  Indeans  said  they  might  kille  him.  But 
y^  Gov''  tould  them  no,  they  should  not  kill  him,  but 
watch  their  opportunitie,  &  take  him.  And  so  they 
did,  for  when  they  light  of  him  by  a  river  side,  he 
got  into  a  canowe  to  get  from  them,  &  when  they 
came  nere  him,  whilst  he  presented  his  peece  at  them 
to  keep  them  of,  the  streame  carried  y®  canow  against 
a  rock,  and  tumbled  both  him  &  his  peece  &  rapier 
into  y^  water;  yet  he  got  out,  and  having  a  litle 
dagger  by  his  side,  they  durst  not  close  with  him,  but 
getting  longe  pols  they  soone  beat  his  dagger  out  of 
his  hand,  so  he  was  glad  to  yeeld ;  and  they  brought 
him  to  y®  Gov"".  But  his  hands  and  armes  were  swolen 
&  very  sore  with  y"  blowes  they  had  given  him.  So 
he  used  him  kindly,  &  sent  him  to  a  lodging  wher  his 
armes  were  bathed  and  anoynted,  and  he  was  quickly 
well  againe,  and  blamed  y'^  Indeans  for  beating  him 
so  much.  They  said  that  they  did  but  a  litle  whip 
him  with  sticks.  In  his  lodging,  those  y'  made  his 
bed  found  a  litle  note  booke  that  by  accidente  had 
slipt  out  of  his  pockett,  or  some  private  place,  in 
which  was  a  memoriall  what  day  he  was  reconciled 
to  y'^  pope  &  church  of  Rome,  and  in  what  universitie 
he  tooke  his  scapula,  and  such  &  such  degrees.  It 
being  brought  to  y^  Gov"",  he  kept  it,  and  sent  y" 
Gov""  of  y®  Massachusets  word  of  his  taking,  who  sent 
for  him.  So  y''  Gov*"  sent  him  and  these  notes  to  y" 
Gov""  ther,    who  tooke  it  very  thankfuly ;    but  after  he 


354  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

gott  for  England,  he  shewed  his   malice,  but  God  pre- 
vented him. 

See  y*"  GoV  leter  on  y''  other  side.* 

S'':  It  hath  pleased  God  to  bring  S'.  Christopher  Gardener 
safe  to  us,  with  thos  that  came  with  him.  And  howsoever  I 
never  intended  any  hard  measure  to  him,  but  to  respecte  and 
use  him  according  to  his  qualitie,  yet  I  let  him  know  your 
cave  of  him,  and  y'  he  shall  speed  y^  better  for  your  medi- 
ation. It  was  a  spetiall  providence  of  God  to  bring  those 
notes  of  his  to  our  hands ;  I  desire  y'  you  will  please  to 
speake  to  all  y'  are  privie  to  them,  not  to  discovere  them 
to  any  one,  for  y'  may  frustrate  y*  means  of  any  further 
use  to  be  made  of  them.  The  good  Lord  our  God  who  hath 
allways  ordered  things  for  y'^  good  of  his  poore  churches 
here,  directe  us  in  this  arighte,  and  dispose  it  to  a  good 
issue.  I  am  sorie  we  put  you  to  so  much  trouble  about  this 
gentleman,  espetialy  at  this  time  of  great  imploymente,  but 
I  know  not  how  to  avoyed  it.  I  must  againe  intreate  you, 
to  let  me  know  what  charge  &  troble  any  of  your  people 
have  been  at  aboute  him,  y'  it  may  be  recompenced.  So 
with  the  true  affection  of  a  frind,  desiring  all  happines  to 
your  selfe  &  yours,  and  to  all  my  worthy  friends  with  you 
(whom  I  love  in  y''  Lord),  I  comende  you  to  his  grace  & 
good  providence,  «&  rest 

Your  most  assured  friend, 

John  Winthrop. 

Boston,  May  5.  1631. 

By  occation  wherof  I  will  take  a  litle  libertie  to 
declare    what    fell   out   by   this    mans    means    &    malice, 

*  That  is,  in  the  original  manuscript. 


1631.1  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  355 

complying  with  others.  And  though  I  doubt  not  but 
it  will  be  more  fully  done  by  my  honourd  friends, 
whom  it  did  more  directly  concerne,  and  have  more 
perticuler  knowledg  of  y'^  matter,  yet  I  will  here  give 
a  hinte  of  y''  same,  and  Gods  providence  in  preventing 
y*"  hurte  that  might  have  come  by  y*'  same.  The 
intelligence  I  had  by  a  letter  from  my  much  hon'^ 
and  beloved  freind,  M".  John  Winthrop,  Gov""  of  y* 
Massachusets. 


S':  Upon  a  petition  exhibited  by  S^  Christo :  Gardner,  S^ 
Ferd :  Gorges,  Captaine  Masson,  &c.,  against  you  and  us,  the 
cause  was  heard  before  y^  lords  of  y*  Privie  Counsell,  and 
after  reported  to  y**  king,  the  sucsess  wherof  maks  it  evi- 
dent to  all,  that  y*"  Lord  hath  care  of  his  people  hear.  The 
passages  are  admirable,  and  too  long  to  write.  I  hartily 
wish  an  opportunitie  to  imparte  them  unto  you,  being  may 
sheets  of  paper.  But  y*^  concU;sion  was  (against  all  mens 
expectation)  an  order  for  our  incouragmente,  and  much  blame 
and  disgrace  upon  y'^  adversaries,  w*^*"  calls  for  much  thank- 
fullnes  from  us  all,  which  we  purpose  (y*"  Lord  willing)  to 
express  in  a  day  of  thanks-giving  to  our  merciful!  God, 
(I  doubt  not  but  you  will  consider,  if  it  be  not  fitt  for  you 
to  joyne  in  it,)  who,  as  he  hath  humbled  us  by  his  late  cor- 
rection, so  he  hath  lifted  us  up,  by  an  abundante  rejoysing, 
in  our  deliverance  out  of  so  desperate  a  danger ;  so  as  that 
w'^'^  our  enemies  builte  their  hopes  upon  to  mine  us  by.  He 
hath  mercifully  disposed  to  our  great  advantage,  as  I  shall 
further  aquainte  you,  when  occasion  shall  serve. 

The  coppy  of  y®  order  follows. 


356  HISTORY    OF  [book    II. 


At  y"'  courte  at  Whit-hall  y^  19.  Jan:  1632. 

Present 
Sigillum     Lord  Privie  Seale  Lord  Cottinton 

Ea:  of  Dorsett  M'.  Tre^ 

Lo:  Vi:  Falkland  M^  Vic  ChamV 

Lo  :  Bp  :  of  London  M'.  Sec :  Cooke 

Maister  Sec :  Windebanck 

Wheras  his  Ma"®  hath  latly  been  informed  of  great  dis- 
traction and  much  disorder  in  y'  plantation  in  y''  parts  of 
America  called  New-England,  which,  if  they  be  true,  &  suf- 
fered to  rune  on,  would  tende  to  y*^  great  dishonour  of  this 
kingdome,  and  utter  ruine  of  that  plantation.  For  pre- 
vention wherof,  and  for  y**  orderly  settling  of  goverment, 
according  to  y*^  intention  of  those  patents  which  have  been 
granted  by  his  Ma"*^  and  from  his  late  royall  father  king 
James,  it  hath  pleased  his  Ma*'*^  that  y'^  lords  &  others  of  his 
most  honourable  Privie  Counsell,  should  take  y"  same  into 
consideration.  Their  lordships  in  y*"  first  place  thought  fitt 
to  make  a  comitie  of  this  bord,  to  take  examination  of  y® 
matters  informed ;  which  comitties  having  called  diverse  of 
y*  principall  adventurers  in  y'  plantation,  and  heard  those 
that  are  complanants  against  them,  most  of  the  things  in- 
formed being  deneyed,  and  resting  to  be  proved  by  parties 
that  must  be  called  from  y'  place,  which  required  a  long 
expence  of  time  ;  and  at  presente  their  lordships  finding  the 
adventurers  were  upon  dispatch  of  meu,  victles,  and  mar- 
chandice  for  y'  place,  all  which  would  be  at  a  stand,  if  y® 
adventurers  should  have  discouragraente,  or  take  suspition 
that  the  state  hear  had  no  good  opinion  of  y'  plantation ; 
their  lordships,  not  laying  the  faulte  or  fancies  (if  any  be) 
of  some  perticuler  men  upon  the  generall  govermente,  or 
principall  adventurers,  (which   in  due   time    is    further  to    be 


1632.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  357 

inquired  into,)  have  thought  fitt  in  y*^  meaue  time  to  declare, 
that  the  appearances  were  so  faire,  and  hopes  so  greate,  y' 
the  countrie  would  prove  both  beneficiall  to  this  kingdom, 
and  profitable  to  the  perticuler  adventurers,  as  y'  the  ad- 
venturers had  cause  to  goe  on  cherfully  with  their  under- 
takings, and  rest  assured,  if  things  were  carried  as  was 
pretended  when  y^  patents  were  granted,  and  accordingly  as 
by  the  patentes  it  is  appointed,  his  Majestic  would  not  only 
maintaine  the  liberties  &  privileges  heretofore  granted,  but 
supply  any  thing  further  that  might  tend  to  the  good  gover- 
mente,  prosperitie,  and  comforte  of  his  people  ther  of  that 
place,   &c. 

"William  Trumball. 

Anno  Bom:  1632. 

M"*.  Allerton,  returning  for  England,  litle  regarded 
his  bound  of  a  1000''.  to  performe  covenants ;  for 
wheras  he  was  bound  by  y'^  same  to  bring  y*'  ship  tp 
[190]  London,  and  to  pay  30*'.  per  month  for  her  hire, 
he  did  neither  of  boath,  for  he  carried  her  to  Bristoll 
againe,  from  whence  he  intended  to  sett  her  out  againe, 
and  so  did  y*^  3.  time,  into  these  parts  (as  after  will 
appear)  ;  and  tliough  she  had  been  10.  months  upon 
y'^  former  viage,  at  30*'.  p""  month,  yet  he  never  payed 
peney  for  hire.  It  should  seeme  he  knew  well  enough 
how  to  deale  with  M^  Sherley.  And  M^  Sherley, 
though  he  would  needs  tye  her  &  her  accounte  upon 
y^  generall,  yet  he  would  dispose  of  her  as  him  selfe 
pleased ;  for  though  M'".  Winslow  had  in  their  names 
protested  against  y''  receiving  her  on  y'  accounte,  or  if 


■358  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

ever  they  should  hope  to  preveile  in  shuch  a  thhig,  yet 
never  to  suffer  M''.  Allerton  to  have  any  more  to  doe 
in  her,  yet  he  y*  last  year  let  her  wholy  unto  him, 
and  injoyned  them  to  send  all  their  supplye  in  her  to 
their  prejudice,  as  is  before  noted.  And  now,  though 
he  broke  his  bonds,  kepte  no  covenante,  paid  no  hire, 
nor  was  ever  like  to  keep  covenants,  yet  now  he  goes 
and  sells  him  all,  both  ship,  &  all  her  accounts,  from 
first  to  last  (and  in  effecte  he  might  as  well  have  given 
him  y®  same)  ;  and  not  only  this,  but  he  doth  as 
good  as  provide  a  sanctuary  for  him,  for  he  gives  him 
one  years  time  to  prepare  his  accounte,  and  then  to 
give  up  y''  same  to  them  here ;  and  then  another  year 
for  him  to  make  pay mente  of  what  should  be  due  upon 
y*  accounte.  And  in  y®  mean  time  writs  ernestly  to 
them  not  to  interupte  or  hinder  him  from  his  bussines, 
or  stay  him  aboute  clearing  accounts,  &c.  ;  so  as  he 
in  y^  mean  time  gathers  up  all  monies  due  for  fraighte, 
and  any  other  debtes  belonging  either  to  her,  or  y* 
Frindship's  accounts,  as  his  owne  perticuler ;  and  after, 
sells  ship,  &  ordnans,  fish,  &  what  he  had  raised,  in 
Spaine,  according  to  y^  first  designe,  in  effecte ;  and 
who  had,  or  what  became  of  y''  money,  he  best  knows. 
In  y®  mean  time  their  hands  were  bound,  and  could  doe 
nothing  but  looke  on,  till  he  had  made  all  away  into 
other  mens  hands  (save  a  few  catle  &  a  litle  land  & 
some  small  maters  he  had  here  at  Plimoth),  and  so  in 
y®  end  removed,  as  he  had  allready  his  person,   so  all 


1632.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  359 

his  from  hence.      This  will  better  appere  by  M"^.  Sher- 
ley's  leter. 

S"':  These  few  lines  are  further  to  give  you  to  understand, 
that  seeing  you  &  we,  that  never  differed  yet  but  aboute  y^ 
White- Angell,  which  somewhat  troubleth  us,  as  I  perceive 
it  doth  you.  And  now  M^  Allerton  beeing  here,  we  have 
had  some  confferance  with  him  about  her,  and  find  him  very 
wilUng  to  give  you  &  us  all  contente  y'  possiblie  he  can, 
though  he  burthen  him  selfe.  He  is  contente  to  take  y* 
White- Angell  wholy  on  him  selfe,  notwithstanding  he  mett 
with  pirates  nere  y*^  coast  of  lerlaud,  which  tooke  away  his 
best  sayles  &  other  provissions  from  her ;  so  as  verily  if  we 
should  now  sell  her,  she  would  yeeld  but  a  small  price, 
besids  her  ordnance.  And  to  set  her  forth  againe  with  fresh 
money  we  would  not,  she  being  now  at  Bristoll.  Wherfore 
we  thought  it  best,  both  for  you  &  us,  M'.  Allerton  being 
willing  to  take  her,  to  accepte  of  his  bond  of  tow  thousand 
pounds,  to  give  [191]  you  a  true  &  perfecte  accouute,  and 
take  y^  whole  charge  of  y*"  Whit- Angell  wholy  to  him  selfe, 
from  y^  first  to  y*"  last.  The  accouute  he  is  to  make  and 
perfecte  within  12.  months  from  y^  date  of  this  letter,  and 
then  to  pay  you  at  6.  and  6.  months  after,  what  soever  shall 
be  due  unto  you  and  us  upon  the  foote  of  y'  accouute. 
And  verily,  notwithstanding  all  y*  disasters  he  hath  had, 
I  am  perswaded  he  hath  enough  to  pay  all  men  here  and 
ther.  Only  they  must  have  patience  till  he  can  gather  in 
what  is  due  to  him  ther.  I  doe  not  write  this  slightly,  but 
upon  some  ground  of  what  I  have  seen  (and  perhaps  you 
know  not  of)  under  y*"  hands  &  seals  of  some,  &c.  I  rest 
Your  assured  friend, 

James  Sherlet. 

Des:  6.  1632. 


360  HISTORY   OF  [book   II. 

But  heres  not  a  word  of  y''  breach  of  former  bonds 
&  covenants,  or  paimente  of  y  ships  hire ;  this  is 
passt  by  as  if  no  such  thing  had  been;  besids  what 
bonds  or  obligments  so  ever  they  had  of  him,  ther 
never  came  any  into  y"*  hands  or  sight  of  y'^  partners 
here.  And  for  this  y*  M"".  Sherley  seems  to  intimate 
(as  a  secrete)  of  his  abilitie,  under  y^  hands  &  seals 
of  some,  it  was  but  a  trick,  having  gathered  up  an 
accounte  of  what  was  owing  form  such  base  fellows  as 
he  had  made  traders  for  him,  and  other  debts ;  and 
then  got  M'.  Mahue,  &  some  others,  to  affirme  under 
their  hand  &  scale,  that  they  had  seen  shuch  accounts 
y*  were  due  to  him. 

M"".  Hatherley  came  over  againe  this  year,  but  upon 
his  owne  occasions,  and  begane  to  make  preparation 
to  plant  &  dwell  in  y®  countrie.  He  with  his  former 
dealings  had  wound  in  what  money  he  had  in  y^  patner- 
ship  into  his  owne  hands,  and  so  gave  off  all  partner- 
ship (excepte  in  name),  as  was  found  in  y*"  issue  of 
things ;  neither  did  he  medle,  or  take  any  care  aboute 
y®  same ;  only  he  was  troubled  about  his  ingagmente 
aboute  y*^  Friendship,  as  will  after  appeare.  And  now 
partly  aboute  y*  accounte,  in  some  reconings  betweene 
M"".  Allerton  and  him,  and  some  debts  y*  M^  Allerton 
otherwise  owed  him  upon  dealing  between  them  in 
perticuler,  he  drue  up  an  accounte  of  above  2000*'., 
and  would  faine  have  ingaged  y''  partners  here  with  it, 
*  because  M^   Allerton   had  been  their  agent.     But   they 


1632.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  361 

tould  him  they  had  been  fool'd  longe  enough  with  such 
things,  and  shewed  him  y'  it  no  way  belonged  to 
them ;  but  tould  him  he  must  looke  to  make  good  his 
ingagment  for  y''  Freindship,  which  caused  some  trouble 
betweene  M''.  Allerton  and  him. 

M^  William  Peirce  did  y^  like,  M^  Allerton  being 
wound  into  his  debte  also  upon  particuler  dealings ; 
as  if  they  had  been  bound  to  make  good  all  mens 
debts.  But  they  easily  shooke  off  these  things.  But 
M^  Allerton  herby  rane  into  much  trouble  &  vexation, 
as  well  as  he  had  troubled  others,  for  M''.  Denison  sued 
him  for  y^  money  he  had  disbursed  for  y**  6.  part  of 
y®  Whit-Angell,  &  recovered  y*"  same  with  damages. 

Though  y"  partners  were  thus  pluged  into  great  in- 
gagments,  &  oppresed  with  unjust  debts,  yet  y*"  Lord 
prospered  their  trading,  that  they  made  yearly  large 
returnes,  and  had  soone  wound  them  selves  out  of  all, 
if  yet  they  had  otherwise  been  well  delt  with  all ;  as 
will  more  appear  here  after.  [192]  Also  y'=  people 
of  y^  plantation  begane  to  grow  in  their  owtward 
estats,  by  reason  *  of  y®  flowing  of  many  people  into 
y''  cuntrie,  espetially  into  y*"  Bay  of  y"  Massachusets ; 
by  which  means  corne  &  catle  rose  to  a  great  prise, 
by  w"^^  many  were  much  inriched,  and  coinodities  grue 
plentiful  1 ;  and  yet  in  other  regards  this  benefite  turned 
to  their  hurte,  and  this  accession  of  strength  to  their 
weaknes.      For  now  as    their  stocks    increased,   and    y^ 

•  Rea-  in  the  manuscript. 


362  HISTORY   OF  [book   II. 

increse  vendible,  ther  was  no  longer  any  holding  them 
togeather,  but  now  they  must  of  necessitie  goe  to  their 
great  lots ;  they  could  not  other  wise  keep  their  katle  ; 
and  having  oxen  growne,  they  must  have  land  for 
plowing  &  tillage.  And  no  man  now  thought  he  could 
live,  except  he  had  catle  and  a  great  deale  of  ground 
to  keep  them;  all  striving  to  increase  their  stocks. 
By  which  means  they  were  scatei'ed  all  over  y''  bay, 
quickly,  and  y'^  towne,  in  which  they  lived  compactly 
till  now,  was  left  very  thine,  and  in  a  short  time 
allmost  desolate.  And  if  this  had  been  all,  it  had 
been  less,  thoug  to  much ;  but  y*"  church  must  also  be 
devided,  and  those  y*  had  lived  so  long  togeather  in 
Christian  &  comfortable  fellowship  must  now  part  and 
suffer  many  divissions.  First,  those  that  lived  on  their 
lots  on  y'^  other  side  of  y''  bay  (called  Duxberie)  they 
could  not  long  bring  their  wives  &  children  to  y® 
publick  worship  &  church  meetings  here,  but  with  such 
burthen,  as,  growing  to  some  competente  number,  they 
sued  to  be  dismissed  and  become  a  body  of  them 
selves ;  and  so  they  were  dismiste  (about  this  time) , 
though  very  unwillingly.  But  to  touch  this  sadd 
matter,  and  handle  things  together  that  fell  out  after- 
ward. To  prevent  any  further  scatering  from  this 
place,  and  weakning  of  y''  same,  it  was  thought  best  to 
give  out  some  good  farms  to  spetiall  persons,  y*^  would 
promise  to  live  at  Plimoth,  and  lickly  to  be  helpfuU 
to  y^  church  or  comonewelth,  and  so   tye    y''    lands   to 


]632.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  363 

Plimoth  as  farmes  for  the  same  ;  and  ther  they  might 
keepe  their  catle  &  tillage  by  some  servants,  and  re- 
taine  their  dwellings  here.  And  so  some  spetiall  lands 
were  granted  at  a  place  generall,  called  Greens  Harbor, 
wher  no  allotments  had  been  in  y''  former  divission,  a 
plase  very  weell  meadowed,  and  fitt  to  keep  &  rear 
catle,  good  store.  But  alass  !  this  remedy  proved  worse 
then  y^  disease ;  for  w^'in  a  few  years  those  that  had 
thus  gott  footing  ther  rente  them  selves  away,  partly 
by  force,  and  partly  wearing  y*^  rest  with  importunitie 
and  pleas  of  necessitie,  so  as  they  must  either  suffer 
them  to  goe,  or  live  in  continual!  opposition  and  con- 
tention. And  others  still,  as  y'^^'  conceived  them  selves 
straitened,  or  to  want  accomodation,  break  away  under 
one  pretence  or  other,  thinking  their  owne  conceived 
necessitie,  and  the  example  of  others,  a  warrente  suffi- 
cente  for  them.  And  this,  I  fear,  will  be  y®  mine  of 
New-England,  at  least  of  y''  churches  of  God  ther,  & 
will  provock  y®  Lords  displeasure  against  them. 

[193]  This  year,  M"".  William  Perce  came  into  y® 
cuntry,  &  brought  goods  and  passengers,  in  a  ship 
caled  y*^  Lyon,  which  belonged  cheefly  to  M"".  Sherley, 
and  y^  rest  of  y''  London  partners,  but  these  hear  had 
nothing  to  doe  with  her.  In  this  ship  (besides  beaver 
which  they  had  sent  home  before)  they  sent  upwards 
of  800^.  in  her,  and  some  otter  skines ;  and  also  y® 
coppies  of  M^  Allertons  accounts,  desiring  that  they 
would  also  peruse  &  examene  them,  and  rectifie  shuch 


364  HISTORY    OF  [book    II. 

things  as  they  should  find  amise  in  them ;  and  rather 
because  they  were  better  acquaynted  with  y'^  goods 
bought  ther,  and  y*^  disbursments  made,  then  they 
could  bee  here ;  yea,  a  great  part  were  done  by  them 
selves,  though  M"".  Allerton  brougt  in  y''  accounte, 
and  sundry  things  seemed  to  them  obscure  and  had 
need  of  clearing.  Also  they  sente  a  booke  of  excep- 
tions against  his  accounts,  in  such  things  as  they  could 
manifest,  and  doubted  not  but  they  might  adde  more 
therunto.  And  also  shewed  them  how  much  M^  Aller- 
ton was  debtor  to  y''  accounte ;  and  desired,  seeing 
they  had  now  put  y^  ship  White-Angell,  and  all, 
wholy  into  his  power,  and  tyed  their  hands  here,  that 
they  could  not  call  him  to  accounte  for  any  thinge,  till 
y*^  time  was  expired  which  they  had  given  him,  and 
by  that  time  other  men  would  get  their  debts  of  him, 
(as  sume  had  done  already  by  suing  him,)  and  he 
would  make  all  away  here  quickly  out  of  their  reach ; 
and  therfore  prayed  them  to  looke  to  things,  and  gett 
paymente  of  him  ther,  as  it  was  all  y^  reason  they 
should,  seeing  they  keept  all  y''  bonds  &  covenants 
they  made  with  him  in  their  owne  hands ;  and  here 
they  could  doe  nothing  by  y'^  course  they  had  taken, 
nor  had  any  thing  to  show  if  they  should  goe  aboute 
it.  But  it  pleased  God,  this  ship,  being  first  to  goe 
to  Verginia  before  she  wente  home,  was  cast  away  on 
y*  coast,  not  farr  from  Virginia,  and  their  beaver  was 
all  lost  (which  was  y*^  first  loss  they   sustained  in  that 


1632.]  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.  365 

kind)  ;  but  M^  Peirce  &  y^  men  saved  their  lives, 
and  also  their  leters,  and  gott  into  Virginia,  and  so 
safly  home.  Y*^  accounts  were  now  sent  from  hence 
againe  to  them.  And  thus  much  of  y®  passages  of  this 
year. 

A.  part  of  31''.  Peirce  his  leter  *  from  Virginia. 
It  was  dated  in  Des :    25.    1632.   and   came   to    their 
hand  y®  7.  of  Aprill,  before  they  heard  any  thing  from 
England. 

Dear  freinds,  &c.  Y^  bruit  of  this  fatall  stroke  that  y'^ 
Lord  hath  brought  both  on  me  and  you  all  will  come  to  your 
ears  before  this  cometh  to  your  hands,  (it  is  like,)  and  ther- 
fore  I  shall  not  need  to  inlarg  in  perticulers,  &c.  My  whole 
estate  (for  y^  most  parte)  is  taken  away  ;  and  so  yours,  in 
a  great  measure,  by  this  and  your  former  losses  [he  means 
by  y*  French  &  M^  Allerton].  It  is  time  to  looke  aboute 
us,  before  y*^  wrath  of  y"  Lord  breake  forth  to  utter  destruc- 
tion. The  good  Lord  give  us  all  grace  to  search  our  harts 
and  trie  our  ways,  and  turne  unto  y®  Lord,  and  humble  our 
selves  under  his  mightie  hand,  and  seeke  atonemente,  &c. 
Dear  freinds,  you  may  know  y'  all  your  beaver,  and  y*^  books 
of  your  accounts,  are  swallowed  up  in  y''  sea ;  your  letters 
remaine  with  me,  and  shall  be  delivered,  if  God  bring  me 
home.  But  what  should  I  more  say?  Have  we  lost  our 
outward  estates?  yet  a  hapy  loss  if  our  soules  may  gaine  ; 
ther  is  yet  more  in  y^  Lord  Jehova  than  ever  we  had  yet 
iu  y®  world.  Oh  that  our  foolish  harts  could  yet  be  wained 
from  y*^   things  here  below,   which    are  vanity    and    vexation 

*  This  letter  was  written  on  the  reverse  of  folio  192  of  the  original  manu- 
script, and  may  properly  be  inserted  here. 


^^^  HISTOEY   OF  [book   II. 


of  spirite;  and  yet  we  fooles  catch  after  shadows,  y'  flye 
away,  &  are  gone  in  a  momente,  &c.  Thus  with  my  con- 
tinuall  remembrance  of  you  in  my  poore  desires  to  y^  throne 
of  grace,  beseeching  God  to  renew  his  love  &  favoure  towards 
you  all,  in  &  through  y^  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  both  in  spirituall 
&  temporall  good  things,  as  may  be  most  to  the  glory  &  praise 
of  his  name,  and  your  everlasting  good.  So  I  rest, 
Your  afflicted  brother  in  Christ, 

William  Peirce. 
Virginia,  Des:  25.  1632. 

Amio  Dom:  1633. 

This  year  M^  Ed:  Winslow  was  chosen  Governor. 

By  the  first  returne  this  year,  they  had  leters  from 
M^  Sherley  of  M-".  Allertons  further  ill  success,  and 
y"  loss  by  M"".  Peirce,  with  many  sadd  complaints; 
but  litle  hope  of  any  thinge  to  be  gott  of  M'.  Aller- 
ton,  or  how  their  accounts  might  be  either  eased,  or 
any  way  rectified  by  them  ther;  but  now  saw  plainly 
y*  the  burthen  of  all  would  be  cast  on  their  backs. 
The  spetiall  passages  of  his  letters  I  shall  here  inserte, 
as  shall  be  pertinente  to  these  things ;  for  though  I  am 
weary  of  this  tedious  &  uncomfortable  subjecte,  yet 
for  y*^  clearing  of  y''  truth  I  am  compelled  to  be  more 
larg  in  y«  opening  of  these  matters,  upon  w'^'^  [194] 
so  much  trouble  hath  insued,  and  so  many  hard  cen- 
sures have  passed  on  both  sids.  I  would  not  be  par- 
tiall  to  either,  but  deliver  y<^  truth  in  all,  and,  as  nere 
as  I  can,  in  their  owne  words  and  passages,  and  so 
leave  it  to   the    impartiall  judgment   of  any   that    shall 


EDWARD  WINSLOW. 


1633.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  367 

come  to  read,  or  veiw  these  things.     His  leters  are  as 
folow,  dated  June  24.   1633. 

Loving  friends,  my  last*  was  sente  in  y®  Mary  &  John, 
by  M^  William  Collier,  &e.  I  then  certified  you  of  y^  great, 
«Sc  uncomfortable,  and  unseasonable  loss  you  &  we  had,  in 
y*  loss  of  M^  Peirce  his  ship,  y^  Lyon  ;  but  y^  Lords  holy 
name  be  blessed,  who  gives  &  taks  as  it  pleaseth  him  ;  his 
will  be  done.  Amen.  I  then  related  unto  you  y'  fearfull 
accidente,  or  rather  judgmente,  y^  Lord  pleased  to  lay  on 
London  Bridge,  by  fire,  and  therin  gave  you  a  touch  of  my 
great  loss ;  the  Lord,  I  hope,  will  give  me  patience  to  bear 
it,  and  faith  to  trust  in  him,  &  not  in  these  slipery  and  un- 
certaine  things  of  this  world. 

I  hope  M^  Allerton  is  nere  upon  sayle  with  you  by  this ; 
but  he  had  many  disasters  here  before  he  could  gett  away ; 
yet  y^  last  was  a  heavie  one  ;  his  ship,  going  out  of  y*"  har- 
bor at  Bristol!,  by  stormie  weather  was  so  farr  driven  on  y* 
shore,  as  it  cost  him  above  100*'.  before  shee  could  be  gott 
off  againe.  Verily  his  case  was  so  lamentable  as  I  could 
not  but  afford  him  some  help  therin  (and  so  did  some  were 
strangers  to  him)  ;  besids,  your  goods  were  in  her,  and  if 
he  had  not  been  supported,  he  must  have  broke  off  his 
viage,  and  so  loss  could  not  have  been  avoyded  on  all 
sides.  When  he  first  bought  her,  I  thinke  he  had  made 
a  saving  match,  if  he  had  then  sunck  her,  and  never  set 
her  forth.  I  hope  he  sees  y^  Lords  hand  against  him, 
and  will  leave  of  these  viages.  I  thinke  we  did  well  in 
parting  with  her ;  she  would  have  been  but  a  clogge  to 
y^  accounte  from  time  to  time,  and  now  though  we  shall 
not  gett  much  by  way  of  satisfaction,  yet  we  shall  lose 
no  more.  And  now,  as  before  I  have  writte,  I  pray  you 
finish  all  y*  accounts  and  reconiugs  with  him  there  ;  for  here 

•  March  22. 


368  HISTORY    OF    .  [book    II. 

he  hath  nothing,  but  many  debtes  that  he  stands  ingaged 
to  many  men  for.  Besids,  here  is  not  a  man  y'  will  spend 
a  day,  or  scarce  an  hower,  aboute  y*"  accounts  but  my  selfe, 
and  y'  bussines  will  require  more  time  and  help  then  I  can 
afford.  I  shall  not  need  to  say  any  more  ;  I  hope  you  will 
doe  y'  which  shall  be  best  &  just,  to  which  adde  mercie, 
and  consider  his  intente,  though  he  failed  in  many  perticu- 
lers,  which  now  cannot  be  helped,  &c. 

To  morrow,  or  next  day  at  furthest,  we  are  to  pay  300*'. 
and  M'.  Beachamp  is  out  of  y''  towne,  yet  y*"  bussines  I 
must  doe.  Oh  the  greefe  &  trouble  y'  man,  M^  Allerton, 
hath  brought  upon  you  and  us !  I  cannot  forgett  it,  and 
to  thinke  on  it  draws  many  a  sigh  from  my  harte,  and 
teares  from  my  eyes.  And  now  y'=  Lord  hath  visited  me 
with  an  other  great  loss,  yet  I  can  undergoe  it  with  more 
patience.  But  this  I  have  follishly  pulled  upon  my  selfe, 
&c.  [And  in  another,  he  hath  this  passage  :]  By  M'.  Aller- 
tons  faire  propositions  and  large  [195]  promises,  I  have 
over  rune  my  selfe  ;  verily,  at  this  time  greefe  hinders  me 
to  write,  and  tears  will  not  suffer  me  to  see  ;  wherfore,  as 
you  love  those  that  ever  loved  you,  and  y'  plantation,  thinke 
upon  us.  Oh  what  shall  I  say  of  that  man,  who  hath  abused 
your  trust  and  wronged  our  loves !  but  now  to  complaine  is 
too  late,  nither  can  I  complaine  of  your  backwardnes,  for 
I  am  perswaded  it  lys  as  heavie  on  your  harts,  as  it  doth 
on  our  purses  or  credites.  And  had  y^  Lord  sent  M'. 
Peirce  safe  home,  we  had  eased  both  you  and  us  of  some 
of  those  debts ;  the  Lord  I  hope  will  give  us  patience  to 
bear  these  crosses;  and  that  great  G-od,  whose  care  & 
providence  is  every  where,  and  spetially  over  all  those  that 
desire  truly  to  fear  and  serve  him,  direct,  guid,  prosper, 
&  blesse  you  so,  as  y'  you  may  be  able  (as  I  perswade 
my  selfe  you  are  willing)  to  discharge  &  take  off  this  great 
&  heavie  burthen  which  now  lyes  upon  me  for  your  saks ; 
and  I  hope  in  y^  ende  for  y""  good  of  you,  and  many  thou- 


1633. J  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  369 

sands  more ;  for  had  not  you  &  we  joyned  &  continued 
togeather,  New-England  might  yet  have  been  scarce  knowne, 
I  am  perswaded,  not  so  replenished  &  inhabited  with  honest 
English  people,  as  it  now  is.  The  Lord  increase  &  blesse 
them,  &c.  So,  with  my  continuall  praiers  for  you  all,  I  rest 
Your  assured  loving  friend, 

James  Sherlet. 
June  24.  1633. 

By  this  it  apperes  when  M^  Sherly  sould  him  y®  ship 
&  all  her  accounts,  it  was  more  for  M"".  Allertons  ad- 
vantage then  theirs ;  and  if  they  could  get  any  there, 
well  &  good,  for  they  were  like  to  have  nothing  here. 
And  what  course  was  held  to  hinder  them  there,  hath 
allready  beene  manifested.  And  though  M"".  Sherley 
became  more  sinsible  of  his  owne  condition,  by  these 
losses,  and  therby  more  sadly  &  plainly  to  complaine 
of  M''.  Allerton,  yet  no  course  was  taken  to  help  them 
here,  but  all  left  unto  them  selves ;  not  so  much  as  to 
examene  &  rectifie  y*^  accounts,  by  which  (it  is  like) 
some  hundereds  of  pounds  might  have  been  taken  olf. 
But  very  probable  it  is,  the  more  they  saw  was  taken 
off,  y^  less  might  come  unto  them  selves.  But  I  leave 
these  maters,  &  come  to  other  things. 

M^  Roger  Williams  (a  man  godly  &  zealous,  having 
many  precious  parts,  but  very  unsettled  in  judgmente) 
came  over  first  to  y'^  Massachusets,  but  upon  some  dis- 
contente  left  y*  place,  and  came  hither,  (wher  he  was 
friedly  entertained,  according  to  their  poore  abilitie,) 
and   exercised    his   gifts   amongst    them,    &    after    some 


370  HISTORY    or  [book  II. 

time  was  admitted  a  member  of  y^  ctiurch ;  and  his 
teaching  well  approoved,  for  y*^  benefite  wherof  I  still 
blese  God,  and  am  thankfull  to  him,  even  for  his 
sharpest  admonitions  &  reproufs,  so  farr  as  they  agreed 
with  truth.  He  this  year  begane  to  fall  into  some 
Strang  oppiions,  and  from  opinion  to  practise ;  which 
caused  some  controversie  betweene  y'^  church  &  him, 
and  in  y^  end  some  discontente  on  his  parte,  by  occa- 
sion wherof  he  left  them  some  thing  abruptly.  Yet 
after  wards  sued  for  his  dismission  to  y*^  church  of 
Salem,  which  was  granted,  with  some  caution  to  them 
concerning  him,  and  what  care  they  ought  to  have  of 
him.  But  he  soone  fell  into  more  things  ther,  both 
to  their  and  y*^  goverments  troble  and  [196]  disturb- 
ance. I  shall  not  need  to  name  perticulers,  they  are 
too  well  knowen  now  to  all,  though  for  a  time  y® 
church  here  wente  under  some  hard  censure  by  his 
occasion,  from  some  that  afterwards  smarted  them 
selves.  But  he  is  to  be  pitied,  and  prayed  for,  and 
so  I  shall  leave  y®  matter,  and  desire  y^  Lord  to  shew 
him  his  errors,  and  reduse  him  into  y^  way  of  truth, 
and  give  him  a  setled  judgment  and  constancie  in  y® 
same ;  for  I  hope  he  belongs  to  y®  Lord,  and  y*^  he 
will  shew  him  mercie. 

Having  had  formerly  converse  and  famliarity  with 
y*  Dutch,  (as  is  before  remembred,)  they,  seeing  them 
seated  here  in  a  barren  quarter,  tould  them  of  a  river 
called    by    them    y'^    Fresh    River,    but    now    is    known 


1633.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  371 

by  y'^  name  of  Conightecute-River,  which  they  often 
comended  unto  them  for  a  fine  place  both  for  plantation 
and  trade,  and  wished  them  to  make  use  of  it.  But 
their  hands  being  full  otherwise,  they  let  it  pass.  But 
afterwards  ther  coming  a  company  of  banishte  Indeans 
into  these  parts,  that  were  drivene  out  from  thence  by 
the  potencie  of  y®  Pequents,  which  usurped  upon  them, 
and  drive  them  from  thence,  they  often  sollisited  them  to 
goe  thither,  and  they  should  have  much  trad,  espetially 
if  they  would  keep  a  house  ther.  And  having  now 
good  store  of  comodities,  and  allso  need  to  looke  out 
wher  they  could  advantage  them  selves  to  help  them 
out  of  their  great  ingagments,  they  now  begane  to  send 
that  way  to  discover  y'^  same,  and  trade  with  y^  natives. 
They  found  it  to  be  a  fine  place,  but  had  no  great 
store  of  trade ;  but  y®  Indeans  excused  y^  same  in  re- 
gard of  y'^  season,  and  the  fear  y''  Indans  were  in  of 
their  enemise.  So  they  tried  diverce  times,  not  with 
out  profite,  but  saw  y^  most  certainty  would  be  by- 
keeping  a  house  ther,  to  receive  y*"  trad  when  it  cam& 
down  out  of  y'^  inland.  These  Indeans,  not  seeing- 
them  very  forward  to  build  ther,  solisited  them  of  y^ 
Massachusets  in  like  sorte  (for  their  end  was  to  be 
restored  to  their  countrie  againe)  ;  but  they  in  y^  Bay 
being  but  latly  come,  were  not  fitte  for  y''  same ;  but 
some  of  their  cheefe  made  a  motion  to  joyne  w"'  the 
partners  here,  to  trad  joyntly  with  them  in  y^  river, 
the  which   they   were  willing   to    imbrace,   and  so  they 


372  HISTORY    OF  [book    II. 

should  have  biiilte,  and  put  in  equall  stock  togeather. 
A  time  of  meeting  was  appointed  at  y*^  Mas sachu sets, 
and  some  of  y^  cheefe  here  was  appointed  to  treat  with 
them,  and  went  accordingly ;  but  they  cast  many  fears 
of  deanger  &  loss  and  the  like,  which  was  perceived 
to  be  the  maine  obstacles,  though  they  alledged  they 
were  not  provided  of  trading  goods.  But  those  hear 
offered  at  presente  to  put  in  sufficiente  for  both,  pro- 
vided they  would  become  ingaged  for  y"^  halfe,  and 
prepare  against  y*^  nexte  year.  They  conffessed  more 
could  not  be  offered,  but  thanked  them,  and  tould  them 
they  had  no  mind  to  it.  They  then  answered,  they 
hoped  it  would  be  no  offence  unto  [197]  them,  if  them 
sellves  wente  on  without  them,  if  they  saw  it  meete. 
They  said  ther  was  no  reason  they  should ;  and  thus 
this  treaty  broake  of,  and  those  here  tooke  conveniente 
time  to  made  a  begining  ther ;  and  were  y^  first  English 
that  both  discovered  that  place,  and  l)uilt  in  y^  same, 
though  they  were  litle  better  then  thrust  out  of  it  after- 
ward as  may  appeare. 

But  y^  Dutch  begane  now  to  repente,  and  hearing 
of  their  purpose  &  preparation,  indeoured  to  prevente 
them,  and  gott  in  a  litle  before  them,  and  made  a 
slight  forte,  and  planted  2.  peeces  of  ordnance,  threten- 
ing  to  stopp  their  passage.  But  they  having  made 
a  smale  frame  of  a  house  ready,  and  haveing  a  great 
new-barke,  they  stowed  their  frame  in  her  hold,  & 
bords  to   cover  &   finishe   it,  having  nayles  &  all  other 


1633.]  PLY310UTH    PLANTATION.  373 

provisions  fitting  for  their  use.  This  they  did  y*  rather 
that  they  might  have  a  presente  defence  against  y® 
Indeans,  who  weare  much  offended  that  they  brought 
home  &  restored  y^  right  Sachem  of  y''  place  (called 
Natawanute)  ;  so  as  they  were  to  incounter  with  a  duble 
danger  in  this  attempte,  both  y^  Dutch  and  y*"  Indeans. 
When  they  came  up  y^  river,  the  Dutch  demanded 
what  they  intended,  and  whither  they  would  goe ;  they 
answered,  up  y*'  river  to  trade  (now  their  order  was 
to  goe  and  seat  above  them).  They  bid  them  strike, 
&  stay,  or  els  they  would  shoote  them ;  &  stood  by 
ther  ordnance  ready  fitted.  They  answered  they  had 
comission  from  y^  Gov''  of  Plimoth  to  goe  up  y*"  river 
to  such  a  place,  and  if  they  did  shoote,  they  must  obey 
their  order  and  proceede ;  they  would  not  molest  them, 
but  would  goe  one.  So  they  passed  along,  and  though 
the  Dutch  threatened  them  hard,  yet  they  shoot  not. 
Coming  to  their  place,  they  clapt  up  their  house 
quickly,  and  landed  their  provissions,  and  left  y"  com- 
panie  appoynted,  and  sent  the  barke  home ;  and  after- 
wards palisadoed  their  house  aboute,  and  fortified  them 
selves  better.  The  Dutch  sent  word  home  to  y®  Mon- 
hatas  what  was  done :  and  in  proces  of  time,  they  sent 
a  band  of  aboute  70.  men,  in  warrlike  maner,  with 
collours  displayed ,  to  assaulte  them ;  but  seeing  them 
strengtened,  &  that  it  would  cost  blood,  they  came 
to  parley,  and  returned  in  peace.  And  this  was  their 
enterance  ther,  who  deserved  to  have  held  it,  and  not 


374  HISTORY   OF  [book  II. 

by  freinds  to  have  been  thrust  out,  as  in  a  sorte  they 
were,  as  will  after  appere.  They  did  y*^  Dutch  no 
■wrong,  for  they  took  not  a  foote  of  any  land  they 
bought,  but  went  to  y^  place  above  them,  and  bought 
that  tracte  of  land  which  belonged  to  these  Indeans 
which  they  carried  with  them,  and  their  friends,  with 
whom  y®  Dutch  had  nothing  to  doe.  But  of  these 
matters  more  in  another  place. 

It  pleased  y^  Lord  to  visite  them  this  year  with  an 
infectious  fevoure,  of  which  many  fell  very  sicke,  and 
upward  of  20.  persons  dyed,  men  and  women,  besids 
children,  and  sundry  of  them  of  their  anciente  friends 
which  had  lived  in  Holand ;  as  Thomas  Blossome, 
Eichard  Masterson,  with  sundry  [198]  others,  and  in 
y^  end  (after  he  had  much  helped  others)  Samuell 
Fuller,  who  was  their  surgeon  &  phisition,  and  had 
been  a  great  help  and  comforte  unto  them  ;  as  in  his 
facultie,  so  otherwise,  being  a  deacon  of  y®  church, 
a  man  godly,  and  forward  to  doe  good,  being  much 
missed  after  his  death;  and  he  and  y''  rest  of  their 
brethren  much  lamented  by  them,  and  caused  much 
sadnes  &  mourning  amongst  them ;  which  caused  them 
to  humble  them  selves,  &  seeke  y®  Lord ;  and  towards 
winter  it  pleased  the  Lord  y"  sicknes  ceased.  This 
disease  allso  swept  away  many  of  y*^  Indeans  from 
all  y"  places  near  adjoyning ;  and  y®  spring  before, 
espetially  all  y®  month  of  ^lay,  ther  was  such  a 
quantitie    of   a   great    sorte    of   flies,   like   (for   bignes) 


1634.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  375 

to  wasps,  or  bumble-bees,  which  came  out  of  holes  in 
y''  ground,  and  replenished  all  j"  woods,  and  eate  y^ 
green-things,  and  made  such  a  constante  yelling  noyes, 
as  made  all  y'^  woods  ring  of  them,  and  ready  to  deafe 
y''  hearers.  They  have  not  by  y''  English  been  heard 
or  seen  before  or  since.  But  y*^  Indeans  tould  them 
y'  sicknes  would  follow,  and  so  it  did  in  June,  July, 
August,  and  y®  cheefe  heat  of  soiSer. 

It  pleased  y*^  Lord  to  inable  them  this  year  to  send 
home  a  great  quantity  of  beaver,  besids  paing  all  their 
charges,  &  debts  at  home,  which  good  returne  did 
much  incourage  their  freinds  in  England.  They  sent 
in  beaver  3366^',  waight,  and  much  of  it  coat  beaver, 
which  yeeled  20^  p*"  pound,  &  some  of  it  above ;  and 
of  otter-skines  *  346.  sould  also  at  a  good  prise.  And 
thus  much  of  y®  affairs  of  this  year. 

Anno  Dom:  1634. 

This  year  M''.  Thomas  Prence  was  chosen  Gov'. 

IVF.  Sherleys  letters  were  very  breefe  in  answer  of 
theirs  this  year.  I  will  forbear  to  coppy  any  part 
therof,  only  name  a  head  or  2.  therin.  First,  he 
desirs  they  will  take  nothing  ill  in  what  he  formerly 
write,  professing  his  good  affection  towards  them  as 
before,  &c.  2'^.  For  M"".  Allertons  accounts,  he  is 
perswaded  they  must  suffer,  and  y'  in  no  small  suiSes  ; 

*  The  skin  was  sold  at  1-i'.  and  15.  y  pound. 


376  HISTORY    OF  [book    II. 

and  that  they  have  cause  enough  to  complaine,  but  it 
was  now  too  late.  And  that  he  had  failed  them  ther, 
those  here,  and  him  selfe  in  his  owne  aimes.  And 
that  now,  having  thus  left  them  here,  he  feared  God 
had  or  would  leave  him,  and  it  would  not  be  Strang, 
but  a  wonder  if  he  fell  not  into  worse  things,  &c.  3'-'', 
He  blesseth  God  and  is  thankfull  to  them  for  y"  good 
returne  made  this  year.  This  is  y®  effecte  of  his 
letters,  other  things  being  of  more  private  nature. 

I  am  now  to  enter  upon  one  of  y'^  sadest  things  that 
befell  them  since  they  came ;  but  before  I  begine,  it 
will  be  needfull  to  premise  such  parte  of  their  patente 
as  gives  them  right  and  priviledge  at  Kenebeck;  as 
foUoweth : 

[199]  The  said  Counsell  hath  further  given,  granted,  bar- 
ganed,  sold,  infeoffed,  alloted,  assigned,  &  sett  over,  and 
by  these  presents  doe  clearly  and  absolutly  give,  grante, 
bargaue,  sell,  alliene,  enffeofe,  allote,  assigue,  and  confirme 
unto  y^  said  "William  Bradford,  his  heires,  associates,  and 
assignes.  All  that  tracte  of  land  or  part  of  New-England 
in  America  afforesaid,  which  lyeth  within  or  betweene,  and 
extendeth  it  selfe  from  y*^  utmost  limits  of  Cobiseconte,  which 
adjoyneth  to  y^  river  of  Kenebeck,  towards  the  westerne 
ocean,  and  a  place  called  y^  falls  of  Nequamkick  in  America, 
aforsaid ;  and  y"  space  of  15.  English  myles  on  each  side 
of  y*  said  river,  commonly  called  Kenebeck  River,  and  all  y" 
said  river  called  Kenebeck  that  Ij'eth  within  the  said  limits 
&  bounds,  eastward,  westward,  northward,  &  southward,  last 
above  mentioned ;  and  all  lauds,  grounds,  soyles,  rivers, 
waters,  fishing,  &c.     And  by  vertue  of  y*"  authority  to  us  de- 


1634.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  377 

rived  by  his  said  late  Ma"'  Lres  patents,  to  take,  apprehend, 
seise,  and  make  prise  of  all  such  persons,  their  ships  and 
goods,  as  shall  attempte  to  inhabite  or  trade  with  y*  savage 
people  of  that  countrie  within  y*^  severall  precincts  and  limits 
of  his  &  their  severall  plantations,  &c. 

Now  it  so  fell  out,  that  one  Hocking,  belonging  to 
y^  plantation  of  Pascataway,  wente  with  a  barke  and 
comodities  to  trade  in  that  river,  and  would  needs 
press  into  their  limites ;  and  not  only  so,  but  would 
needs  goe  up  y''  river  above  their  house,  (towards  y® 
falls  of  y^  river,)  and  intercept  the  trade  that  should 
come  to  them.  He  that  was  cheefe  of  y*"  place  forbad 
them,  and  prayed  him  that  he  would  not  offer  them 
that  injurie,  nor  goe  aboute  to  infring  their  liberties, 
which  had  cost  them  so  dear.  But  he  answered  he 
would  goe  up  and  trade  ther  in  dispite  of  them,  and 
lye  ther  as  longe  as  he  pleased.  The  other  tould  him 
he  must  then  be  forced  to  remove  him  from  thence,  or 
make  seasure  of  him  if  he  could.  He  bid  him  doe  his 
worste,  and  so  wente  up,  and  anchored  ther.  The 
other  tooke  a  boat  &  some  men  &  went  up  to  him, 
when  he  saw  his  time,  and  againe  entreated  him  to 
departe  by  what  perswasion  he  could.  But  all  in 
vaine :  he  could  gett  nothing  of  him  but  ill  words. 
So  he  considred  that  now  was  y^  season  for  trade 
to  come  downe,  and  if  he  should  suffer  him  to  lye, 
&  take  it  from  them,  all  ther  former  charge  would  be 
lost,    and    they    had    better   throw    up    all.       So,    con- 


378  HISTORY    OF  [book   II. 

suiting  with  bis  men,  (who  were  willing  thertoe,)  he 
resolved  to  put  him  from  his  anchores,  and  let  him 
drive  downe  y"  river  with  y°  streame ;  but  comanded  y^ 
men  y*  none  should  shoote  a  shote  upon  any  occasion, 
except  he  comanded  them.  He  spoake  to  him  againe, 
but  all  in  vaine ;  then  he  sente  a  cuple  in  a  canow  to 
cutt  his  cable,  the  which  one  of  them  performes ;  l>ut 
Hocking  taks  up  a  pece  which  he  had  layed  ready, 
and  as  y"  barke  shered  by  y'^  canow,  he  shote  [200] 
him  close  under  her  side,  in  y^  head,  (as  I  take  it,) 
so  he  fell  downe  dead  instantly.  One  of  his  fellows 
(that  loved  him  well)  could  not  hold,  but  with  a 
muskett  shot  Hocking,  who  fell  downe  dead  and  never 
speake  word.  This  was  y''  truth  of  y'^  thing.  The 
rest  of  y'^  men  carried  home  the  vessell  and  y'^  sad 
tidings  of  these  things.  Now  y"  Lord  Saye  &  y°  Lord 
Brooks,  with  some  other  great  persons,  had  a  hand  in 
this  plantation ;  they  write  home  to  them,  as  much  as 
they  could  to  exasperate  them  in  y''  matter,  leaveing 
out  all  y^  circomstances,  as  if  he  had  been  kild  without 
any  offenc  of  his  parte,  conceling  y'  he  had  kild  another 
first,  and  y*"  just  occasion  that  he  had  given  in  offering 
such  wrong ;  at  w'^''  their  Lords'^'  were  much  offended, 
till  they  were  truly  informed  of  y**  mater. 

The  bruite  of  this  was  quickly  carried  all  aboute, 
(and  y*  in  y'^  .worst  maner,)  and  came  into  y*"  Bay 
to  their  neij^hbours  their.  Their  owne  barke  coming 
home,  and  bringing  a  true  relation  of  y"  matter,  sundry 


1634.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  379 

were  sadly  affected  with  y**  thing,  as  they  had  cause. 
It  was  not  long  before  they  had  occasion  to  send  their 
vessell  into  y*'  Bay  of  y""  Massachusetts ;  but  they  were 
so  prepossest  with  this  matter,  and  affected  with  y® 
same,  as  they  comited  M"".  Alden  to  prison,  who  was 
in  y"  bark,  and  had  been  at  Kenebeck,  but  was  no 
actore  in  y''  bussines,  but  wente  to  carie  them  supply. 
They  dismist  y''  barke  aboute  her  bussines,  but  kept 
him  for  some  time.  This  was  thought  Strang  here, 
and  they  sente  Capten  Standish  to  give  them  true  in- 
formation, (togeather  with  their  letters,)  and  y"  best 
satisfaction  they  could,  and  to  procure  M''.  Alden's 
release.  I  shall  recite  a  letter  or  2.  which  will  show 
the  passages  of  these  things,  as  folloeth. 

Good  S--: 

I  have  received  your  Ire^  by  Captaine  Standish,  &  am 
unfainedly  glad  of  Gods  mercie  towards  you  in  y"  recovery 
of  your  health,  or  some  way  thertoo.  For  y**  bussiues  you 
write  of,  I  thought  meete  to  answer  a  word  or  2.  to  your 
selfe,  leaving  the  answer  of  your  Gov'  h'e  to  our  courte,  to 
whom  y®  same,  together  with  my  selfe  is  directed.  I  conceive 
(till  I  hear  new  matter  to  y'^  contrary)  that  your  patente  may 
warrente  your  resistance  of  any  English  from  trading  at 
Kenebeck,  and  y'  blood  of  Hocking,  and  y"  partie  he  slue, 
will  be  required  at  his  hands.  Yet  doe  I  with  your  selfe  & 
others  sorrow  for  their  deaths.  I  thiuke  likewise  y'  your 
generall  ires  will  satisfie  our  courte,  and  make  them  cease 
from  any  further  inter  medling  in  y*  mater.  I  have  upon 
y*"  same  h'e  sett  M'.  Alden  at  liberty,  and  his  sureties,  and 
yet,  least  I  should  seeme  to  neglecte  y*-"  opinion  of  our  court 


380 


HISTORY    OF  [book    II. 


&  y''  frequente  speeches  of  others  with  us,  I  have  bound 
Captaiue  Standish  to  appeare  y"  3.  of  June  at  our  nexte 
courte,  to  make  affidavid  for  y'  coppie  of  y^  patente,  and 
to  manifest  the  circumstances  of  Hockins  provocations  ;  both 
which  will  tend  to  y''  clearing  of  your  iiiocencie.  If  any 
unkindnes  hath  ben  taken  from  what  we  have  done,  let  it 
be  further  &  better  considred  of,  I  pray  you  ;  and  I  hope  y* 
more  you  thinke  of  it,  the  lesse  blame  you  will  impute  to  us. 
At  least  you  ought  to  be  just  in  differencing  them,  whose 
opinions  concurr  [201]  with  your  owne,  from  others  who 
were  opposites ;  and  yet  I  may  truly  say,  I  have  spoken  w"* 
no  man  in  y^  bussines  who  taxed  you  most,  but  they  are 
such  as  have  many  wayes  heretofore  declared  ther  good 
affections  towards  your  plantation.  I  further  referr  my  selfe 
to  y^  reporte  of  Captaine  Standish  &  M"".  Allden ;  leaving 
you  for  this  presente  to  Gods  blessing,  wishing  unto  you 
perfecte  recovery  of  health,  and  y^  long  continuance  of  it. 
I  desire  to  be  lovingly  remembred  to  M^  Prence,  your  Gov'', 
M",  AVinslow,  M^  Brewster,  whom  I  would  see  if  I  knew 
how.     The  Lord  keepe  you  all.     Amen. 

Your  very  loving  freind  in  our  Lord  Jesus, 

Tho  :  Dudley. 
New-towne,  y«  22.  of  May,  1634. 


Another  of  his  about  these  things  as  followeth. 

S':  I  am  right  sorrie  for  y'=  news  that  Captaine  Standish  & 
other  of  your  neigbours  and  my  beloved  freinds  will  bring 
now  to  Plimoth,  wherin  I  suffer  with  you,  by  reason  of  my 
opinion,  which  differeth  from  others,  who  are  godly  &  wise, 
amongst  us  here,  the  reverence  of  whose  judgments  causeth 
me  to  suspecte  myne  owne  ignorance  ;  yet  must  I  remaine 
in  it  untill  I  be  convinced  therof.  I  thought  not  to  have 
shewed  your  letter  written  to  me,  but  to  have  done  my  best 


1634,]  rLVMOLTII    PLANTATION.  381 

to  have  reconciled  differences  in  y^  best  season  &  maner  I 
could ;  but  Captaine  Standish  requiring  an  answer  therof 
publickly  in  y^  courte,  I  was  forced  to  produce  it,  and  that 
made  y®  breach  soe  wide  as  he  can  tell  you.  I  propounded 
to  y*  courte,  to  answer  M^  Prences  Ire,  your  Gov"",  but  our 
courte  said  it  required  no  answer,  it  selfe  being  an  answer 
to  a  former  Ire  of  ours.  I  pray  you  certifie  M"".  Prence  so 
much,  and  others  whom  it  concereth,  that  no  ueglecte  or  ill 
mahers  be  imputed  to  me  theraboute.  The  late  ires  I  received 
from  England  wrought  in  me  divere  fears  *  of  some  trials 
which  are  shortly  like  to  fall  upon  us ;  and  this  unhappie 
contention  betweene  you  and  us,  and  between  you  &  Pas- 
cattaway,  will  hasten  them,  if  God  with  an  extraordinarie 
hand  doe  not  help  us.  To  reconcile  this  for  y*  presente 
will  be  very  difficulte,  but  time  cooleth  distempers,  and  a 
comone  danger  to  us  boath  approaching,  will  necessitate  our 
uniting  againe.  I  pray  you  therfore,  S''.  set  your  wisdom 
&  patience  a  worke,  and  exhorte  others  to  y''  same,  that 
things  may  not  proceede  from  bad  to  worse,  so  making  our 
contentions  like  y^  barrs  of  a  pallace,  but  that  a  way  of 
peace  may  be  kepte  open,  wherat  y^  God  of  peace  may  have 
enterance  in  his  owne  time.  If  you  suffer  wrong,  it  shall 
be  your  honor  to  bear  it  patiently ;  but  I  goe  to  farr  in 
needles  putting  you  in  mind  of  these  things.  God  hath  done 
great  things  for  you,  and  I  desire  his  blessings  may'  be 
multiplied  upon  you  more  &  more.  I  will  commitc  no  more 
to  writing,  but  comending  my  selfe  to  your  prayers,  doe  rest, 
Your  truly  loving  freind  in  our  Lord  Jesus, 

Tho  :  Dudley. 
June  4.  1634. 


•  Ther  was  cause  enough  of  these  feares,  which  arise  by  y"  underworking 
of  some  enemies  to  y"  churches  here,  by  which  this  Comission  following  was 
procured  from  his  Ma''«.     (See  this  papjr  in  appendix,  No.  xl.) 


382  ^  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

By  these  things  it  appars  what  troubls  rise  her- 
upon,  and  how  hard  they  were  to  be  reconciled ;  for 
though  they  hear  were  hartily  sorrie  for  what  was 
fallen  out,  yet  they  conceived  they  were  unjustly 
injuried,  and  provoked  to  what  was  done ;  and  that 
their  neigbours  (haveing  no  jurisdiction  over  them) 
did  more  then  was  mete,  thus  to  imprison  one  of 
theirs,  and  bind  them  to  [202]  their  courte.  But 
yet  being  assured  of  their  Christian  love,  and  per- 
swaded  what  was  done  was  out  of  godly  zeale,  that 
religion  might  not  suffer,  nor  sirie  any  way  covered 
or  borne  with,  espetially  y*  guilte  of  blood,  of  which 
all  should  be  very  consciencious  in  any  whom  soever, 
they  did  indeavore  to  appease  &  satisfie  them  y*  best 
they  could ;  first,  by  informing  them  y^  truth  in  all 
circomstances  aboute  y®  matter ;  2'^',  in  being  willing  to 
referr  y®  case  to  any  indifferante  and  equall  hearing 
and  judgmente  of  the  thing  hear,  and  to  answere  it 
els  wher  when  they  should  be  duly  called  therunto ; 
and  further  they  craved  M"".  Winthrops,  &  other  of  y^ 
reve*^  magistrats  ther,  their  advice  &  direction  herein. 
This  did  mollifie  their  minds,  and  bring  things  to  a 
good  &  comfortable  issue  in  y^  end. 

For  they  had  this  advice  given  them  by  M^  Win- 
throp,  &  others  concurring  with  him,  that  from  their 
courte,  they  should  write  to  the  neigboure  plantations, 
&  espetially  that  of  y®  lords,  at  Pascataway,  and 
theirs    of  y*^   Massachusets,    to    appointe   some  to    give 


1634.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  383 

them  meeting  at  some  fitt  place,  to  consulte  &  deter- 
mine in  this  matter,  so  as  y*^  parties  meeting  might 
have  full  power  to  order  &  bind,  &c.  And  that  noth- 
ing be  done  to  y^  infringing  or  prejudice  of  y®  liber- 
ties of  any  place.  And  for  y"  clearing  of  conscience, 
y^  law  of  God  is,  y*  y''  preist  lips  must  be  consulted 
with,  and  therfore  it  was  desired  that  y®  ministers 
of  every  plantation  might  be  presente  to  give  their 
advice  in  pointe  of  conscience.  Though  this  course 
seemed  dangerous  to  some,  yet  they  were  so  well 
assured  of  y*  justice  of  their  cause,  and  y®  equitie 
of  their  freinds,  as  they  put  them  selves  upon  it,  & 
appointed  a  time,  of  which  they  gave  notice  to  y^ 
severall  places  a  month  before  hand ;  viz.  Massachu- 
sets,  Salem,  &  Pascataway,  or  any  other  y*  they 
would  give  notice  too,  and  disired  them  to  produce 
any  evidence  they  could  in  y^  case.  The  place  for 
meeting  was  at  Boston.  But  when  y®  day  &  time 
came,  none  apered,  but  some  of  j^  magistrats  and 
ministers  of  y^  Massachusets,  and  their  owne.  Seeing 
none  of  Passcataway  or  other  places  came,  (haveing 
been  thus  desired,  &  conveniente  time  given  them  for 
y*  end,)  M"".  Winthrop  &  y'^  rest  said  they  could  doe 
no  more  then  they  had  done  thus  to  requeste  them, 
y*^  blame  must  rest  on  them.  So  they  fell  into  a  fair 
debating  of  things  them  selves ;  and  after  all  things 
had  been  fully  opened  &  discussed,  and  y*"  opinione 
of  each  one  demanded,  both  magistrats,  and  ministers, 


384  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

though  they  all  could  have  wished  these  things  had 
never  been,  yet  they  could  not  but  lay  y®  blame  & 
guilt  on  Hockins  owne  head ;  and  withall  gave  them 
such  grave  &  godly  exhortations  and  advice,  as  they 
thought  meete,  both  for  y*^  presente  &  future ;  which 
they  allso  imbraced  with  love  &  thankfullnes,  prom- 
ising to  indeavor  to  follow  y*^  same.  And  thus  was 
this  matter  ended,  and  ther  love  and  concord  re- 
newed ;  and  also  M^  Winthrop  &  M"".  Dudley  write 
in  their  behalfes  to  y®  Lord  Ssay  &  other  gentl-men 
that  were  interesed  in  y*  plantation,  very  effectually, 
w"^  which,  togeather  with  their  owne  leters,  and  M"". 
Winslows  furder  declaration  of  things  unto  them,  they 
rested  well  satisfied. 

[203]  M"".  Winslow  was  sente  by  them  this  year 
into  England,  partly  to  informe  and  satisfie  j^  Lord 
Say  &  others,  in  y''  former  matter,  as  also  to  make 
answer  and  their  just  defence  for  y®  same,  if  any 
thing  should  by  any  be  prosecuted  against  them  at 
Counsell-table,  or  els  wher;  but  this  matter  tooke 
end,  without  any  further  trouble,  as  is  before  noted. 
And  partly  to  signifie  unto  y"  partners  in  England, 
that  the  terme  of  their  trade  with  y'^  company  here 
was  out,  and  therfore  he  was  sente  to  finishe  y® 
accounts  with  them,  and  to  bring  them  notice  how 
much  debtore  they  should  remaine  on  y'  accouute, 
and  that  they  might  know  what  further  course  would 
be   best   to    hold.      But  y'^   issue    of  these    things    will 


1634.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  385 

appear  in  y*'  next  years  passages.  They  now  sente 
over  by  him  a  great  returne,  which  was  very  accep- 
table unto  them ;  which  was  in  beaver  3738*'.  waight, 
(a  great  part  of  it,  being  coat-beaver,  sould  at  20'. 
p""  pound,)  and  234.  otter  skines ;  *  which  alltogeather 
rise  to  a  great  sume  of  money. 

This  year  (in  y*^  foreparte  of  y®  same)  they  sente 
forth  a  barke  to  trad  at  y"  Dutch-Plantation ;  and 
they  mette  ther  with  on  Captaine  Stone,  that  had 
lived  in  Christophers,  one  of  y*'  West-Ende  Hands, 
and  now  had  been  some  time  in  Virginia,  and  came 
from  thence  into  these  parts.  He  kept  company  with 
y^  Dutch  Gove"",  and,  I  know  not  in  what  drunken 
fitt,  he  gott  leave  of  y*"  Gov""  to  ceaise  on  their  barke, 
when  they  were  ready  to  come  away,  and  had  done 
their  markett,  haveing  y^  valew  of  500^.  worth  of 
goods  abord  her;  having  no  occasion  at  all,  or  any 
collour  of  ground  for  such  a  thing,  but  having  made 
y*^  Gov""  drunck,  so  as  he  could  scarce  speake  a  right 
word ;  and  when  he  urged  him  hear  aboute,  he  answered 
him,  Als  't  u  beleeft.-\  So  he  gat  abord,  (the  cheefe  of 
their  men  &  marchant  being  ashore,)  and  with  some 
of  his  owne  men,  made  y'^  rest  of  theirs  waigh  an- 
chor, sett  sayle,  &  carry  her  away  towards  Virginia. 
But  diverse  of  y°  Dutch  sea-men,  which  had  bene  often 
at  Plimoth,  and  kindly  entertayned  ther,  said  one  to 
another.  Shall  we  suffer  our  freinds  to  be  thus  abused, 

*  And  y«  skin  at  14».  f  That  is,  "If  you  please." 


386  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

and  have  their  goods  carried  away,  before  our  faces, 
whilst  our  Gov''  is  drunke?  They  vowed  they  would 
never  suffer  it ;  and  so  gott  a  vessell  or  2.  and  pur- 
sued him,  &  brought  him  in  againe,  and  delivered 
them  their  barke  &  goods  againe. 

After  wards  Stone  came  into  y*  Massachusets,  and 
they  sent  &  commensed  suite  against  him  for  this 
facte ;  but  by  mediation  of  freinds  it  was  taken  up, 
and  y'^  suite  lett  fall.  And  in  y'^  company  of  some 
other  gentle-men  Stone  came  afterwards  to  Plimoth, 
and  had  freindly  &  civill  entertainmente  amongst  them, 
with  j"  rest ;  but  revenge  boyled  within  his  brest, 
(though  concelled,)  for  some  conceived  he  had  a  pur- 
pose (at  one  time)  to  have  staped  the  Gov"",  and  put 
his  hand  to  his  dagger  for  that  end,  but  by  Gods 
providence  and  y*^  vigilance  of  some  was  prevented. 
He  afterward  returned  to  Virginia,  in  a  pinass,  with 
one  Captaine  Norton  &  some  others ;  and,  I  know  not 
for  what  occasion,  they  would  needs  goe  up  Coonigte- 
cutt  River ;  and  how  they  carried  themselves  I  know 
not,  but  y^  Indeans  knoct  him  in  y^  head,  as  he  lay 
in  his  cabine,  and  had  thrown  y''  covering  over  his 
face  (whether  out  of  fear  or  desperation  is  uncer- 
taine)  ;  this  was  his  end.  They  likewise  killed  all  y^ 
rest,  but  Captaine  Norton  defended  him  selfe  a  long 
time  against  them  all  in  y*^  cooke-roome,  till  by  acci- 
dente  the  gunpowder  tooke  fire,  which  (for  readynes) 
he  had  sett   in  an   open   thing    before   him,   which    did 


1634.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  387 

SO  burne,  &  scald  him,  &  blind  his  eyes,  as  he  could 
make  no  longer  resistance,  but  was  slaine  also  by 
them,  though  they  much  comended  his  vallour.  And 
having  killed  y*^  men,  they  made  a  pray  of  what  they 
had,  and  chafered  away  some  of  their  things  to  y® 
Dutch  that  lived  their.  But  it  was  not  longe  before 
a  quarell  fell  betweene  the  Dutch  &  them,  and  they 
would  have  cutt  of  their  bark ;  but  they  slue  y'^  cheef 
sachem  w'*"  y®  shott  of  a  murderer.* 

I  am  now  to  relate  some  Strang  and  remarkable  pas- 
sages. Ther  was  a  company  of  people  lived  in  y® 
country,  up  above  in  y"  river  of  Conigtecut,  a  great 
way  from  their  trading  house  ther,  and  were  enimise 
to  those  Indeans  which  lived  aboute  them,  and  of 
whom  they  stood  in  some  fear  (bing  a  stout  people). 
About  a  thousand  of  them  had  inclosed  them  selves 
in  a  forte,  which  they  had  strongly  palissadoed  about. 
3.  or  4.  Dutch  men  went  up  in  y*  begining  of  winter 
to  live  with  them,  to  gett  their  trade,  and  prevent© 
them  for  bringing  it  to  y®  English,  or  to  fall  into- 
amitie  with  them ;  but  at  spring  to  bring  all  downe 
to  their  place.  But  their  enterprise  failed,  for  it 
pleased  God  to  visite  these  Indeans  with  a  great  sick- 
nes,  and  such  a  mortalitie  that  of  a  1000.  above  900. 
and  a  halfe  of  them  dyed,  and  many  of  them  did  rott 
above  ground  for  want   of  buriall,   and  y®  Dutch  men 

*  The  two  paragraphs  above  were  written  on  the  reverse  of  folios  202  and 
203  of  the  original  manuscript,  under  this  year. 


388  HISTORY  or  [book  II. 

allmost  starved  before  they  could  gett  away,  for  ise 
and  snow.  But  about  Feb  :  they  got  with  much  diffi- 
cultie  to  their  trading  house ;  whom  they  kindly  re- 
leeved,  being  allmost  spente  with  hunger  and  could. 
Being  thus  refreshed  by  them  diverce  days,  they  got 
to  their  owne  place,  and  y''  Dutch  were  very  thankful] 
for  this  kindnes. 

This  spring,  also,  those  Indeans  that  lived  aboute 
their  trading  house  there  fell  sick  of  y*  small  poxe, 
and  dyed  most  miserably  ;  for  a  sorer  disease  cannot 
befall  them ;  they  fear  it  more  then  y*'  plague ;  for 
usualy  they  that  have  this  disease  have  them  in  abun- 
dance, and  for  wante  of  bedding  &  liiiing  and  other 
helps,  they  fall  into  a  lamentable  condition,  as  they 
lye  on  their  hard  matts,  y''  poxe  breaking  and  matter- 
ing, and  runing  one  into  another,  their  skin  cleaving 
(by  reason  therof)  to  the  matts  they  lye  on ;  when 
they  turne  them,  a  whole  side  will  flea  of  at  once, 
[204]  (as  it  were,)  and  they  will  be  all  of  a  gore 
blood,  most  fearfull  to  behold ;  and  then  being  very 
sore,  what  with  could  and  other  distempers,  they  dye 
like  rotten  sheep.  The  condition  of  this  people  was 
so  lamentable,  and  they  fell  downe  so  generally  of 
this  diseas,  as  they  were  (in  y'^  end)  not  able  to  help 
on  another;  no,  not  to  make  a  fire,  nor  to  fetch  a 
litle  water  to  drinke,  nor  any  to  burie  y^  dead ;  but 
would  strivie  as  long  as  they  could,  and  when  they 
€ould    procure    no    other    means    to    make    fire,    they 


1635.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  389 

would  burne  y®  woden  trayes  &  dishes  they  ate  their 
uieate  in,  and  their  very  bowes  &  arrowes ;  &  some 
would  crawle  out  on  all  foure  to  gett  a  litle  water, 
and  some  times  dye  by  y®  way,  &  not  be  able  to  gett 
in  againe.  But  those  of  y®  English  house,  (though 
at  first  they  were  afraid  of  y"  infection,)  yet  seeing 
their  woefuU  and  sadd  condition,  and  hearing  their 
pitifull  cries  and  lamentations,  they  had  compastion 
of  them,  and  dayly  fetched  them  wood  &  water,  and 
made  them  fires,  gott  them  victualls  whilst  they  lived, 
and  buried  them  when  they  dyed.  For  very  few  of 
them  escaped,  notwithstanding  they  did  what  they 
could  for  them,  to  y®  haszard  of  them  selvs.  The 
cheefe  Sachem  him  selfe  now  dyed,  &  allmost  all  his 
freinds  &  kinred.  But  by  y*"  marvelous  goodnes  & 
providens  of  God  not  one  of  y"  English  was  so  much 
as  sicke,  or  in  y*^  least  measure  tainted  with  this  dis- 
ease, though  they  dayly  did  these  ofiices  for  them  for 
many  weeks  togeather.  And  this  mercie  which  they 
shewed  them  was  kindly  taken,  and  thankfully  ac- 
knowledged of  all  y*^  Indeans  that  knew  or  heard  of 
y*'  same ;  and  their  m"  here  did  much  comend  &  re- 
ward them  for  y"  same. 

jinno  Donn :  1635. 
M''.  WiNSLOW  was  very  wellcome    to    them  in    Eng- 
land,  and  y"   more    in    regard    of  y*^    large    returne    he 
brought  with  him,  which  came  all  safe  to  their  hands, 


390  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

and  was  well  sould.  And  he  was  borne  in  hand,  (at 
least  he  so  apprehended,)  that  all  accounts  should  be 
cleared  before  his  returne,  and  all  former  differences 
ther  aboute  well  setled.  And  so  he  writ  over  to 
them  hear,  that  he  hoped  to  cleare  y^  accounts,  and 
bring  them  over  with  him ;  and  y*  the  accounte  of 
y*'  White  Angele  would  be  taken  of,  and  all  things 
fairly  ended.  But  it  came  to  pass  [205]  that,  being 
occasioned  to  answer  some  complaints  made  against 
the  countrie  at  Counsell  bord,  more  cheefly  concerning 
their  neigbours  in  y®  Bay  then  them  selves  hear,  the 
which  he  did  to  good  effecte,  and  further  prosecuting 
such  things  as  might  tend  to  y®  good  of  y''  whole,  as 
well  them  selves  as  others,  aboute  y^  wrongs  and  in- 
croachments  that  the  French  &  other  strangers  both 
had  and  were  like  further  to  doe  unto  them,  if  not 
prevented,  he  pre fe red  this  petition  following  to  their 
Hon"  that  were  deputed  Comissioners  for  y®  Planta- 
tions. 

To  y*  right  honorable  y*  Lords  Comissioners  for  y®  Plan- 
tations in  America. 

The  humble  petition  of  Edw :  Winslow,  on  y^  behalfe  of 
y*  plantations  in  New-England, 

Humbly  sheweth  unto  your  Lordships,  y'  wheras  your  peti- 
tioners have  planted  them  selves  in  New  England  under  his 
Ma'"  most  gratious  protection ;  now  so  it  is,  right  Hon", 
that  y^  French  &  Dutch  doe  indeaouer  to  devide  y*"  land 
betweene  them ;  for  which  purpose  y^  French  have,  on  y* 
east  side,  entered  and  seased  upon   one   of  our    houses,   and 


1635.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  391 

carried  away  the  goods,  slew  2.  of  y®  men  in  another  place, 
and  tooke  y^  rest  prisoners  with  their  goods.  And  y^  Dutch, 
on  y^  west,  have  also  made  entrie  upon  Conigtecute  River, 
within  y''  limits  of  his  Maj"  Irs  patent,  where  they  have 
raised  a  forte,  and  threaten  to  expell  your  petitioners  thence, 
Avho  are  also  planted  upon  y''  same  river,  maintaining  posses- 
sion for  his  Ma'"'^  to  their  great  charge,  &  hazard  both  of  lives 
&  goods. 

In  tender  consideration  hereof  your  petitioners  humbly  pi'ay 
that  your  Lo^^^  will  either  procure  their  peace  w"^  those  foraine 
states,  or  else  to  give  spetiall  warrante  unto  your  petitioners 
and  y"  English  Collonies,  to  right  and  defend  them  selves 
against  all  foraigne  enimies.  And  your  petitioners  shall 
pray,  &c. 

This  petition  found  good  acceptation  with  most  of 
them,  and  M"".  Winslow  was  heard  sundry  times  by 
them,  and  appointed  further  to  attend  for  an  answer 
from  their  LoP''%  espetially,  having  upon  conferance 
with  them  laid  downe  a  way  how  this  might  be  doone 
without  any  either  charge  or  trouble  to  y^  state ;  only 
by  furnishing  some  of  y^  cheefe  of  y®  cuntry  hear 
with  authoritie,  who  would  undertake  it  at  their  owne 
charge,  and  in  such  a  way  as  should  be  without  any 
publick  disturbance.  But  this  crossed  both  S''  Ferdi- 
nandos  Gorges'  &  Cap  :  Masons  designe,  and  y^  arch- 
bishop of  Counterberies  by  them ;  for  S''  Ferd :  Gorges 
(by  y'=  arch-pps  favore)  was  to  have  been  sent  over 
generall  Gov''  into  y"  countrie,  and  to  have  had  means 
from  y*^  state  for  y'  end,  and  was  now  upon  dispatch 
and    conclude    of    y"    bussines.      And    y''    arch-bishops 


392 


HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 


purposs  &  intente  was,  by  his  means,  &  some  he 
should  send  with  him,  (to  be  furnished  with  Episco- 
pall  power,)  [206]  to  disturbe  y"'  peace  of  y'=  churches 
here,  and  to  overthrow  their  proceedings  and  further 
growth,  which  was  y^  thing  he  aimed  at.  But  it  so 
fell  out  (by  Gods  providence)  that  though  he  in  y^ 
end  crost  this  petition  from  taking  any  further  effecte 
in  this  kind,  yet  by  this  as  a  cheefe  means  the  plotte 
and  whole  bussines  of  his  &  S""  Ferdinandos  fell  to  y* 
ground,  and  came  to  nothing.  When  M"".  Winslow 
should  have  had  his  suit  granted,  (as  indeed  upon  y^ 
pointe  it  was,)  and  should  have  been  confirmed,  the 
arch-bishop  put  a  stop  upon  it,  and  M^  Winslow, 
thinking  to  gett  it  freed,  went  to  y'^  bord  againe ;  but 
y"  bishop,  S""  Ferd :  and  Captine  Masson,  had,  as  it 
seemes,  procured  Morton  (of  whom  mention  is  made 
before,  &  his  base  carriage)  to  complaine ;  to  whose 
complaints  M"".  Winslow  made  answer  to  y'^  good  sat- 
isfaction of  y''  borde,  who  checked  Morton  and  re- 
buked him  sharply,  &  allso  blamed  S'  Fer'^  Gorges, 
&  Masson,  for  countenancing  him.  But  y"  bish  :  had 
a  further  end  &  use  of  his  presence,  for  he  now  be- 
gane  to  question  M"".  Winslow  of  many  things ;  as 
of  teaching  in  y''  church  publickly,  of  which  Morton 
accused  him,  and  gave  evidence  that  he  had  seen  and 
heard  him  doe  it;  to  which  M'".  Winslow  answered, 
that  some  time  (wanting  a  minster)  he  did  exercise 
his  gifte  to  help  y«  edification  of  his  breethren,  when 


1635.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  393 

they  vyanted  better  means,  w'^^^  was  not  often.  Then 
aboute  mariage,  the  which  he  also  confessed,  that, 
haveing  been  called  to  place  of  magistracie,  he  had 
sometimes  maried  some.  And  further  tould  their 
lordP^  y*  mariage  was  a  civille  thinge,  &  he  found  no 
wher  in  y*^  word  of  God  y'  it  was  tyed  to  ministrie. 
Again,  they  were  necessitated  so  to  doe,  having  for 
a  long  time  togeather  at  first  no  minister;  besids,  it 
was  no  new-thing,  for  he  had  been  so  maried  him 
selfe  in  Holand,  by  y''  magistrats  in  their  Statt-house. 
But  in  y*^  end  (to  be  short),  for  these  things,  y® 
bishop,  by  vemente  importunity,  gott  y''  bord  at  last 
to  consente  to  his  comittemente ;  so  he  was  comited 
to  y""  Fleete,  and  lay  ther  17.  weeks,  or  ther  aboute, 
before  he  could  gett  to  be  released.  And  this  was  y® 
end  of  this  petition,  and  this  bussines ;  only  y**  others 
designe  was  also  frustrated  hereby,  with  other  things 
concurring,  which  was  no  smalle  blessing  to  y*^  people 
here. 

But  y®  charge  fell  heavie  on  them  hear,  not  only  in 
M"".  Winslows  expences,  (which  could  not  be  smale,) 
but  by  y*^  hinderance  of  their  bussines  both  ther  and 
hear,  by  his  personall  imploymente.  For  though  this 
was  as  much  or  more  for  others  then  for  them  hear, 
and  by  them  cheefly  he  was  put  on  this  bussines, 
(for  y^  plantation  kewe  nothing  of  it  till  they  heard 
of  his  imprisonmente,)  yet  y*^  whole  charge  lay  on 
them. 


394  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

Now  for  their  owne  bussines ;  whatsoever  M'.  Sher- 
leys  mind  was  before,  (or  M"".  Winslow  apprehension 
of  y"  same,)  he  now  declared  him  selfe  plainly,  that 
he  would  neither  take  of  y^  White-Angell  from  y^ 
accounte,  nor  [207]  give  any  further  accounte,  till  he 
had  received  more  into  his  hands ;  only  a  prety  good 
supply  of  goods  were  sent  over,  but  of  y®  most,  no 
note  of  their  prises,  or  so  orderly  an  invoyce  as  for- 
merly ;  which  M^  Winslow  said  he  could  not  help, 
because  of  his  restrainte.  Only  now  M^  Sherley  & 
M^  Beachamp  &  M'.  Andrews  sent  over  a  letter  of 
atturney  under  their  hands  &  seals,  to  recovere  what 
they  could  of  M^  Allerton  for  y^  Angells  accounte ; 
but  sent  them  neither  y''  bonds,  nor  covenants,  or  such 
other  evidence  or  accounts,  as  they  had  aboute  these 
matters.  I  shall  here  inserte  a  few  passages  out  of 
M^  Sherleys  letters  al)oute  these  things. 

Your  leter  of  y^  22,  of  July,  1634,  by  your  trustie  and  our 
loving  friend  M"".  Winslow,  I  have  received,  and  your  larg 
parcell  of  beaver  and  otter  skines.  Blessed  be  our  God, 
both  he  and  it  came  safly  to  us,  and  we  have  sould  it  in 
tow  parcells  ;  y^  skin  at  14^  ii.  &  some  at  16.;  y"  coale  at 
20^  y**  pound.  The  accounts  I  have  not  sent  you  them  this 
year,  I  will  referr  you  to  M"".  Winslow  to  tell  you  y"  reason 
of  it ;  yet  be  assured  y'  none  of  you  shall  suffer  by  }'"  not 
having  of  them,  if  God  spare  me  life.  And  wheras  you  say 
y*^  6.  years  are  expired  y'  y*^  peopl  put  y^  trad  into  your  & 
our  hands  for,  for  y*'  discharge  of  y'  great  debte  w'^''  M^ 
Allerton  needlesly  &  unadvisedly  ran  you  &  us  into  ;  yet  it 
was  promised   it   should  continue  till  our  disbursments  &  in- 


1635.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  395 

gagemeuts  were  satisfied.  You  conceive  it  is  done  ;  we  feele 
&  know  other  wise,  &c.  I  doubt  not  but  we  shall  lovingly 
agree,  notwithstanding  all  y'  hath  been  writen,  on  boath  sids, 
aboute  y®  Whit-Angell.  We  have  now  sent  you  a  letter  of 
atturney,  therby  giving  you  power  in  our  names  (and  to 
shadow  it  y*^  more  we  say  for  our  uses)  to  obtaine  what  may 
be  of  M^  Allerton  towards  y"  satisfing  of  that  great  charge 
of  y''  White  Augell.  And  sure  he  hath  bound  him  selfe, 
(though  at  present  I  cannot  find  it,)  but  he  hath  often 
aflSrmed,  with  great  protestations,  y'  neither  you  nor  we 
should  lose  a  peny  by  him,  and  I  hope  you  shall  find  enough 
to  discharg  it,  so  as  we  shall  have  no  more  contesting 
aboute  it.  Yet,  notwithstanding  his  unnaturall  &  unkind 
dealing  with  you,  in  y^  midest  of  justice  remember  mercie, 
and  doe  not  all  you  may  doe,  &c.  Set  us  out  of  debte,  and 
then  let  us  recone  &  reason  togeither,  &c.  M'.  Winslow 
hath  undergone  an  unkind  imprisonment,  but  I  am  perswaded 
it  will  turne  much  to  all  your  good.  I  leave  him  to  relate  per- 
ticuleres,  &c. 

Your  loving  freind, 

James  Sherley. 
London,  Sep:  7.  1635. 

This  year  they  sustained  an  other  great  loss  from  y® 
French.  Monsier  de  Auhiay  coming  into  y^  harbore  of 
Penobscote,  and  having  before  gott  some  of  y"  cheefe 
y*  belonged  to  y®  house  abord  his  vessel],  by  sutlty 
coming  upon  them  in  their  shalop,  he  gott  them  to 
pilote  him  in ;  and  after  getting  y^  rest  into  his  power, 
he  tooke  possession  of  y®  house  in  y®  name  of  y®  king 
of  France ;  and  partly  by  threatening,  &  other  wise, 
made   Mr.  Willett   (their   agente   ther)  to    approve    of 


396  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

y*  sale  of  y*  goods  their   unto    him,   of  which  he   sett 
y®  price   him    selfe   [208]  in   effecte,  and   made   an  in- 
ventory therof,  (yett  leaving   out   sundry  things,)   but 
made  no  paymente  for  them  ;    but  tould   them   in    con- 
venient time  he  would  doe  it  if  they  came  for  it.     For 
y^  house  &  fortification,  &c.   he  would  not  alow,    nor 
accounte   any  thing,    saing  that   they   which    build    on 
another   mans   ground   doe   forfite    y®    same.      So   thus 
turning  them  out  of   all,    (with  a  great  deale   of   com- 
plemente,   and    many    fine    words,)    he  let  them   have 
their  shalop  and    some  victualls   to    bring   them  home. 
Coming  home  and  relating  all   the  passages,  they  here 
were  much   troubled    at    it,    &   haveing  had  this  house 
robbed  by  y^  French  once  before,  and  lost  then  above 
500*".     (as    is    before    remembrcd),    and    now   to    loose 
house    &   all,    did   much   move  them.     So    as   they  re- 
solved  to    consulte   with   their   freinds   in   y*  Bay,  and 
if    y"'  approved    of   it,    (ther    being    now    many    ships 
ther,)  they  intended  to  hire  a  ship  of  force,  and  seeke 
to  beat  out   y®   Frenche,  and  recover  il  againe.     Ther 
course  was  well  approved  on,  if  them  selves  could  bear 
y*  charge ;    so    they  hired    a    fair    ship    o^   above    300. 
tune,    well   fitted  with    ordnance,    and   agreed   with    y® 
m^    (one  Girling)   to  this  efiect :  that  he  and  his  com- 
pany should    deliver   them    y^  house,   (after    they    had 
driven    out,    or   surprised   y*^  French,)    and   give   them 
peacable    possession   therof,    and    of    all    such    trading 
comodities    as    should    ther    be    found  ;     and    give    y® 


1635.]  PLYMOUTH    PLAXTATIOX.  397 

French  fair  quarter  &  usage,  if  they  would  yeeld.  In 
consideration  wherof  he  was  to  have  700^'.  of  beaver, 
to  be  delivered  him  ther,  when  he  had  done  y''  thing ; 
but  if  he  did  not  accomplish  it,  he  was  to  loose  his 
labour,  and  have  nothing.  With  him  they  also  sent 
their  owne  bark,  and  about  20.  men,  with  Captaine 
Standish,  to  aide  him  (if  neede  weer),  and  to  order 
things,  if  the  house  was  regained ;  and  then  to  pay 
him  y®  beaver,  which  they  keept  abord  their  owne 
barke.  So  they  with  their  bark  piloted  him  thither, 
and  brought  him  safe  into  y''  harbor.  But  he  was  so 
rash  &  heady  as  he  would  take  no  advice,  nor  would 
suffer  Captaine  Standish  to  have  time  to  summone 
them,  (who  had  comission  &  order  so  to  doe,)  neither 
would  doe  it  him  selfe ;  the  which,  it  was  like,  if  it  had 
been  done,  &  they  come  to  affjiire  parley,  seeing  their 
force,  they  would  have  yeelded.  Neither  would  he 
have  patience  to  bring  his  ship  '^her  she  might  doe 
execution,  but  begane  to  shoot  at  distance  like  a 
madd  man,  and  did  them  no  hurte  at  all ;  the  which 
when  those  of  y*  plantation  saw,  they  were  much 
greeved,  and  went  to  him  &  tould  him  he  would  doe 
no  good  if  he  did  not  lay  his  ship  beter  to  pass  (for 
she  might  lye  within  pistoll  shott  of  y^  house).  At 
last,  when  he  saw  his  owne  folly,  he  was  perswaded, 
and  layed  her  well,  and  bestowed  a  few  shott  to  good 
purposs.  But  now,  when  he  was  in  a  way  to  doe 
some  good,  his  powder  was  goone  ;  for  though  he  had 


398  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

.  *  peece  of  ordnance,  it  did  now  [209]  appeare  he 
had  but  a  barrell  of  powder,  and  a  peece  ;  so  he  could 
doe  no  good,  but  was  faine  to  draw  of  againe ;  by 
which  means  y°  enterprise  was  made  frustrate,  and  y® 
French  incouraged ;  for  all  y*  while  that  he  shot  so 
unadvisedly,  they  lay  close  under  a  worke  of  earth,  & 
let  him  consume  him  selfe.  He  advised  with  y*'  Cap- 
taine  how  he  might  be  supplyed  with  powder,  for 
he  had  not  to  carie  him  home ;  so  he  tould  him  he 
would  goe  to  y®  next  plantation,  and  doe  his  indeour 
to  procure  him  some,  and  so  did ;  but  understand- 
ing, by  intelligence,  that  he  intended  to  ceiase  on  y^ 
barke,  &  surprise  y''  beaver,  he  sent  him  the  powder, 
and  brought  y"  barke  &  beaver  home.  But  Girling 
never  assualted  y""  place  more,  (seeing  him  selfe  dis- 
apoyented,)  but  went  his  way;  and  this  was  y*^  end 
of  this  bussines. 

Upon  y*"  ill  success  of  this  bussines,  the  Gov""  and 
Assistants  here  by  their  leters  certified  their  freinds  in 
y^  Bay,  how  by  this  ship  they  had  been  abused  and 
disapoynted,  and  y'  the  French  partly  had,  and  were 
now  likly  to  fortifie  them  selves  more  strongly,  and 
likly  to  become  ill  neigbours  to  y^  English.  Upon 
this  they  thus  writ  to  them  as  folloeth  :  — 

"Worthy  S":  Upon  y^  reading  of  your  leters,  &  consid- 
eration   of    y*^  waightines   of    y^    cause  therin  mentioned,  tiie 

•  Blank  in  the  original. 


1635.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  399 

courte  hath  joyntly  expressed  their  wildingues  to  assist  you 
with  men  &  munition,  for  y"  accomplishing  of  your  desires 
upon  y®  French.  But  because  here  are  none  of  3'ours  y'  have 
authority  to  conckide  of  any  thing  herein,  nothing  can  be 
done  by  us  for  y*"  presente.  We  desire,  therfore,  that  you 
would  with  all  conveniente  speed  send  some  man  of  trust, 
furnished  with  instructions  from  your  selves,  to  make  such 
agreemente  with  us  about  this  bussines  as  may  be  usefull 
for  you,  and  equall  for  us.  So  in  hast  we  coiiiite  you  to 
God,  and  remains 

Your  assured  loving  freinds, 

John  Haynes,  Gov"". 

Ri :   Bellingiiam,   Dep. 

Jo  :    WiNTHROP. 

Tho  :  Dudley. 

Jo  :    HUIIFRAY. 
W'":     CODDINGTOX. 
W":     PiNCHON. 

Atherton  Houghe. 
Increas  Nowell. 
Ric  :  DuMER. 
Simon  Bradstrete. 
New-towne,  Octo'  9.  1635. 

Upon  the  receite  of  y®  above  mentioned,  they  pres- 
ently deputed  2.  of  theirs  to  treate  with  them,  giving 
them  full  power  to  conclude,  according  to  the  instruc- 
tions they  gave  them,  being  to  this  purposs  :  that  if 
they  would  afford  such  assistance  as,  togeather  with 
their  owne,  was  like  to  effecte  the  thing,  and  all  so 
bear  a  considerable  parte  of  y^  charge,  they  would  goe 
on  ;  if  not,  [210]  they   (having  lost  so  much  allready) 


400  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

should  not  be  able,  but  must  desiste,  and  waite  fur- 
ther opportunitie  as  God  should  give,  to  help  them 
selves.  But  this  came  to  nothing,  for  when  it  came 
to  y*^  issue,  they  would  be  at  no  charge,  but  sente 
them  this  letter,  and  referd  them  more  at  large  to 
their  owne  messengers. 

S"":  Having,  upon  y^  consideration  of  your  letter,  with  y® 
message  you  sente,  had  some  serious  consultations  aboute 
y®  great  importance  of  your  bussines  with  y*^  French,  we 
gave  our  answer  to  those  whom  you  deputed  to  conferr.w"^ 
us  aboute  y^  viage  to  Penobscote.  We  shewed  our  wilUng- 
nes  to  help,  but  withall  we  declared  our  presente  condition, 
&  in  what  state  we  were,  for  our  abilitie  to  help ;  which  we 
for  our  parts  shall  be  willing  to  improve,  to  procure  you 
sufflciente  supply  of  meu  &  munition.  But  for  matter  of 
moneys  we  have  no  authority  at  all  to  promise,  and  if  we 
should,  we  should  rather  disapoynte  you,  then  incourage  you 
by  y'  help,  which  we  are  not  able  to  performe.  We  likewise 
thought  it  fitt  to  take  y"  help  of  other  Esterne  plantations  ; 
but  those  things  we  leave  to  your  owne  wisdomes.  And  for 
other  things  we  refer  you  to  your  owne  coiSitties,  who  are 
able  to  relate  all  y"  passages  more  at  large.  AVe  salute 
you,  &  wish  you  all  good  success  in  y'^  Lord. 
Your  faithfuU  &  loving  friend, 

Ri :  Bellingham,  Dep  : 
In  y^  name  of  y^  rest  of  the  Comities. 

Boston,  Octob'  16.  1635  . 

This  thing  did  not  only  thus  breake  of,  but  some 
of  their  merchants  shortly  after  sent  to  trad  with 
them,    and    furnished    them    both   with    provissions,    & 


1635.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  401 

poweder  &  shott ;  and  so  have  continued  to  doe  till 
this  day,  as  they  have  seen  opportunitie  for  their 
profite.  So  as  in  truth  y*"  English  them  selves  have 
been  the  cheefest  supporters  of  these  French ;  for 
besids  these,  the  plantation  at  Pemaquid  (which  lyes 
near  unto  them)  doth  not  only  supply  them  with 
what  y^y  wante,  but  gives  them  continuall  intelligence 
of  all  things  that  passes  among  y''  English,  (espetially 
some  of  them,)  so  as  it  is  no  marvell  though  they 
still  grow,  &  incroach  more  &  more  upon  y"  English, 
and  fill  y''  Indeans  with  gunes  &  munishtion,  to  y^ 
great  deanger  of  y''  English,  who  lye  open  &  unfor- 
tified, living  upon  husbandrie ;  and  y*"  other  closed  up 
in  their  forts,  well  fortified,  and  live  upon  trade,  in 
good  securitie.  If  these  things  be  not  looked  too,  and 
remeady  provided  in  time,  it  may  easily  be  conjectured 
what  they  may  come  toe ;  but  I  leave  them. 

This  year,  y*"  14.  or  15.  of  August  (being  Saturday) 
was  such  a  mighty  storme  of  wind  &  raine,  as  none 
living  in  these  parts,  either  English  or  Indeans,  ever 
saw.  Being  like  (for  y^  time  it  continued)  to  those 
Hauricanes  and  Tuffbns  that  writers  make  mention  of 
in  j^  Indeas.  It  began  in  y'^  morning,  a  litle  before 
day,  and  grue  not  by  degrees,  but  came  with  violence 
in  y*  begining,  to  y'^  great  amasmente  of  many.  It 
blew  downe  sundry  [211]  houses,  &  uncovered  others  ; 
diverce  vessells  were  lost  at  sea,  and  many  more  in  ex- 
treme  danger.     It  caused  y*'  sea  to  swell  (to  y''  south- 


402  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

ward  of  this  place)  above  20.  foote,  right  up  &  downe, 
and  made  many  of  the  Indeans  to  clime  into  trees  for 
their  saftie ;  it  tooke  of  y"  horded  roofe  of  a  house 
which  belonged  to  the  plantation  at  Manamet,  and 
floted  it  to  another  place,  the  posts  still  standing  in 
y''  ground ;  and  if  it  had  continued  long  without  y* 
shifting  of  y®  wind,  it  is  like  it  would  have  drouned 
some  parte  of  y*^  cuntrie.  It  blew  downe  many  laun- 
dered thowsands  of  trees,  turning  up  the  stronger  by 
the  roots,  and  breaking  the  hiegher  pine  trees  of  in 
the  midle,  and  y*  tall  yonge  oaks  &  walnut  trees  of 
good  biggnes  were  wound  like  a  withe,  very  Strang 
&  fearfull  to  behould.  It  begane  in  y''  southeast,  and 
parted  toward  y^  south  &  east,  and  vered  sundry  ways ; 
but  y®  greatest  force  of  it  here  was  from  y*^  former 
quarters.  It  continued  not  (in  y"  extremitie)  above 
5.  or  6.  houers,  but  y*  violence  begane  to  abate.  The 
signes  and  marks  of  it  will  remaine  this  100.  years  in 
these  parts  wher  it  was  sorest.  The  moone  suffered 
a  great  eclips  the  2.  night  after  it. 

Some  of  their  neighbours  in  y*^  Bay,  hereing  of  y'= 
fame  of  Conightecute  River,  had  a  hankering  mind 
after  it,  (as  was  before  noted,)  and  now  understanding 
that  y®  Indeans  were  swepte  away  with  y*^  late  great 
mortalitie,  the  fear  of  whom  was  an  obstacle  unto 
them  before,  which  being  now  taken  away,  they  be- 
gane now  to  prosecute  it  with  great  egernes.  The 
greatest    differances    fell    betweene  those   of  Dorchester 


1635.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  403 

plantation  and  them  hear ;  for  they  set  their  minde 
on  that  place,  which  they  had  not  only  purchased  of 
y^  Indeans,  but  wher  they  had  builte ;  intending  only 
(if  they  could  not  remove  them)  that  they  should  have 
but  a  smale  moyety  left  to  y*"  house,  as  to  a  single 
family ;  whose  doings  and  proceedings  were  conceived 
to  be  very  injurious,  to  attempte  not  only  to  intrude 
them  selves  into  y®  rights  &  possessions  of  others,  but 
in  effect  to  thrust  them  out  of  all.  Many  were  y® 
leters  &  passages  that  went  betweene  them  hear  aboute, 
which  would  be  to  long  here  to  relate. 

I  shall  here  first  inserte  a  few  lines  that  was  write 
by  their  own  agente  from  thence. 

S':  &c.  Y®  Masschuset  men  are  coming  almost  dayly,  some 
by  water,  &  some  by  land,  Avho  are  not  yet  determined  wher 
to  setle,  though  some  have  a  great  mind  to  y^  place  we  are 
upon,  and  which  was  last  bought.  Many  of  them  look  at 
that  which  this  river  will  not  afford,  excepte  it  be  at  thi& 
place  which  we  have,  namly,  to  be  a  great  towne,  and  have 
comodious  dwellings  for  many  togeather.  So  as  what  they 
will  doe  I  cannot  yet  resolve  you  ;  for  this  place  ther  is  none 
of  them  say  any  thing  to  me,  but  what  I  hear  from  their 
servants  (by  whom  I  perceive  their  minds).  I  shall  doe  what 
I  can  to  withstand  them.  I  hope  they  will  hear  reason  ;  as 
that  we  were  here  first,  and  entred  with  much  difficulty  and 
danger,  [212]  both  in  regard  of  y"  Dutch  &  Indeans,  and 
bought  y*  land,  (to  your  great  charge,  allready  disbursed,) 
and  have  since  held  here  a  chargable  possession,  and  kept 
y*"  Dutch  from  further  incroachiug,  which  would  els  long  be- 
fore this  day  have  possessed  all,  and  kept  out  all  others,  &c. 


404  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

I  hope  these  &  such  like  arguments  will  stoppe  them.  It  was 
your  will  we  should  use  their  persons  &  messengers  kindly, 
&  so  we  have  done,  and  doe  dayly,  to  your  great  charge ; 
for  y^  first  company  had  well  nie  starved  had  it  not  been  for 
this  house,  for  want  of  victuals ;  I  being  forced  to  supply 
12.  men  for  9.  days  togeather;  and  those  which  came  last, 
I  entertained  the  best  we  could,  helping  both  them  (&  y^ 
other)  with  canows,  &  guids.  They  gott  me  to  goe  with 
them  to  y*^  Dutch,  to  see  if  I  could  procure  some  of  them 
to  have  quiet  setling  nere  them ;  but  they  did  peremtorily 
withstand  them.  But  this  later  company  did  not  once  speak 
therof,  &c.  Also  I  gave  their  goods  house  roome  according 
to  their  ernest  request,  and  M"".  Pinchons  letter  in  their  be- 
halfe  (which  I  thought  good  to  send  you,  here  inclosed). 
And  what  trouble  &  charge  I  shall  be  further  at  I  know 
not ;  for  they  are  coining  dayly,  and  I  expecte  these  back 
againe  from  below,  whither  they  are  gone  to  veiw  y*^  countrie. 
All  which  trouble  &  charg  we  under  goe  for  their  occasion, 
may  give  us  just  cause  (in  y*^  judgments  of  all  wise  &  un- 
derstanding men)  to  hold  and  keep  that  we  are  setled  upon. 
Thus  with  my  duty  remembred,  &c.  I  rest 
Yours  to  be  comanded 

JOHNNATHA    BreWSTER. 

Matianuck,  July  6.  1635. 

Amongst  y^  many  agitations  that  pased  betweene 
them,  I  shal  note  a  few  out  of  their  last  letters,  &  for 
y^  present  omitte  y''  rest,  except  upon  other  occasion 
I  may  have  fitter  opportunity.  After  their  thorrow 
veiw  of  y"  place,  they  began  to  pitch  them  selves  upon 
their  land  &  near  their  house  ;  which  occasioned  much 
expostulation  betweene  them.  Some  of  which  are  such 
as  follow. 


1635.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  405 


Brethren,  having  latly  sent  2,  of  our  body  unto  you,  to 
agitate  &  bring  to  an  issue  some  maters  in  difference  be- 
tweene  us,  about  some  lands  at  Conightecutt,  unto  which  you 
lay  challeng ;  upon  which  God  by  his  providence  cast  us, 
and  as  we  conceive  in  a  faire  way  of  providence  tendered 
it  to  us,  as  a  meete  place  to  receive  our  body,  now  upon 
removalL 

We  shall  not  need  to  answer  all  y®  passages  of  your  larg 
letter,  &c.  But  wheras  you  say  God  in  his  providence  cast 
you,  &c.,  we  tould  you  before,  and  (upon  this  occasion) 
must  now  tell  you  still,  that  our  mind  is  other  wise,  and 
y'  you  cast  rather  a  partiall,  if  not  a  covetous  eye,  upon 
that  w'^''  is  your  neigbours,  and  not  yours  ;  and  in  so  doing, 
your  way  could  not  be  faire  unto  it.  Looke  y'  you  abuse 
not  Gods  providence  in  such  allegations. 

Theirs. 

Now  allbeite  we  at  first  judged  y®  place  so  free  y*  we  might 
with  Gods  good  leave  take  &  use  it,  without  just  offence  to 
any  man,  it  being  the  Lords  [213]  wast,  and  for  y^  presente 
altogeather  voyd  of  inhabitants,  that  indeede  minded  y*^  im- 
ploymente  therof,  to  y°  right  ends  for  which  land  was  created, 
Gen:  1.  28.  and  for  future  intentions  of  any,  &  uncertaine 
possibilities  of  this  or  that  to  be  done  by  any,  we  judging 
them  (in  such  a  case  as  ours  espetialy)  not  meete  to  be 
equalled  with  presente  actions  (such  as  ours  was)  much  less 
worthy  to  be  prefered  before  them ;  and  therfore  did  we 
make  some  weake  beginings  in  that  good  worke,  in  y^  place 
afforesaid. 

Ans  :  Their  answer  was  to  this  effecte.  That  if  it 
was  y'^  Lords  wast,  it  was  them  selves  that  found  it  so, 
&   not   they ;    and    have    since    bought    it    of   y®    right 


406  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

oweners,  and  maintained  a  chargable  possession  upon 
it  al  this  while,  as  them  selves  could  not  but  know. 
And  because  of  present  ingagments  and  other  hinder- 
ances  which  lay  at  presente  upon  them,  must  it  ther- 
fore  be  lawfull  for  them  to  goe  and  take  it  from 
them  ?  It  was  well  known  that  they  are  upon  a  barren 
place,  wher  they  were  by  necessitie  cast;  and  neither 
they  nor  theirs  could  longe  continue  upon  y''  same ; 
and  why  should  they  (because  they  were  more  ready, 
&  more  able  at  presente)  goe  and  deprive  them  of 
that  which  they  had  w""  charg  &  hazard  provided,  & 
intended  to  remove  to,  as  soone  as  they  could  &  were 
able? 

They  had  another  passage  in  their  letter ;  they  had 
rather  have  to  doe  with  the  lords  in  England,  to 
whom  (as  they  heard  it  reported)  some  of  them  should 
say  that  they  had  rather  give  up  their  right  to  them, 
(if  they  must  part  with  it,)  then  to  y®  church  of 
Dorchester,  &c.  And  that  they  should  be  less  fearfull 
to  oflfend  y^  lords,  then  they  were  them. 

Ans  :  Their  answer  was,  that  what  soever  they  had 
heard,  (more  then  was  true,)  yet  y*^  case  was  not  so 
with  them  that  they  had  need  to  give  away  their  rights 
&  adventurs,  either  to  y^  lords,  or  them ;  yet,  if  they 
might  measure  their  fear  of  offence  by  their  practise, 
they  had  rather  (in  that  poynte)  they  should  deal  with 
y*"  lords,  who  were  beter  able  to  bear  it,  or  help  them 
selves,  then  they  were. 


1635.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  407 

But  least  I  should  be  teadious,  I  will  forbear  other 
things,  and  come  to  the  conclusion  that  was  made  in 
j"  endd.  To  make  any  forcible  resistance  was  farr 
from  their  thoughts,  (they  had  enough  of  y'  about 
Kenebeck,)  and  to  live  in  continuall  contention  with 
their  freinds  &  brethren  would  be  uncomfortable,  and 
too  heavie  a  burden  to  bear.  Therfore  for  peace  sake 
(though  they  conceived  they  suffered  much  in  this 
thing)  they  thought  it  better  to  let  them  have  it  upon 
as  good  termes  as  they  could  gett ;  and  so  they  fell  to 
treaty.  The  first  thing  y'  (because  they  had  made  so 
many  &  long  disputs  aboute  it)  they  would  have  them 
to  grante  was,  y'  they  had  right  too  it,  or  ells  they 
would  never  treat  aboute  it.  The  *  which  being  ac- 
knowledged, &  yeelded  unto  by  them,  this  was  y''  con- 
clusion they  came  unto  in  y*^  end  after  much  adoe : 
that  they  should  retaine  their  house,  and  have  the  16. 
parte  of  all  they  had  bought  of  y*^  Indeans ;  and  y® 
other  should  have  all  y'^  rest  of  y'^  land ;  leaveing  such 
a  moyety  to  those  [214]  of  New-towne,  as  they  re- 
served for  them.  This  16.  part  was  to  be  taken  in  too 
places  ;  one  towards  y*^  house,  the  other  towards  New- 
townes  proporrtion.  Also  they  were  to  pay  according 
to  proportion,  what  had  been  disbursed  to  y"  Indeans 
for  y"  purchass.  Thus  was  y''  controversie  ended,  but 
the  unkindnes  not  so  soone  forgotten.  They  of  New- 
towne  delt  more  fairly,  desireing  only  what  they  could 

*  They  in  MS. 


408  HISTORY   OF  [book  TI. 


conveniently  spare,  from  a  competancie  reserved  for 
a  plantation,  for  them  selves ;  which  made  them  the 
more  carfuU  to  procure  a  moyety  for  them,  in  this 
agreement  &  distribution. 

Amongst  y''  other  bussinesses  that  M^  Winslow  had 
to  doe  in  England,  he  had  order  from  y^  church  to 
provid  &  bring  over  some  able  &  fitt  man  for  to 
be  their  minister.  And  accordingly  he  had  procured 
a  godly  and  a  worthy*  man,  one  M"".  Glover;  but  it 
pleased  God  when  he  was  prepared  for  the  viage,  he 
fell  sick  of  a  feaver  and  dyed.  Afterwards,  when  he 
was  ready  to  come  away,  he  became  acquainted  with 
M"".  Norton,  who  was  willing  to  come  over,  but  would 
not  ingage  him  selfe  to  this  place,  otherwise  then  he 
should  see  occasion  when  he  came  hear ;  and  if  he  liked 
better  else  wher,  to  repay  y®  charge  laid  out  for  him, 
(which  came  to  aboute  70".)  and  to  be  at  his  liberty. 
He  stayed  aboute  a  year  with  them,  after  he  came 
over,  and  was  well  liked  of  them,  &  much  desired  by 
them ;  but  he  was  invited  to  Ipswich,  wher  were  many 
rich  &  able  men,  and  sundry  of  his  aquaintance  ;  so  he 
wente  to  them,  &  is  their  minister.  Aboute  half  of 
y^  charg  was  repayed,  y*"  rest  he  had  for  y""  pains  he 
tooke  amongst  them. 

•  Before  this  word  in  the  margin  appears  a  capital  N. 


1636.]  PLYxMOUTH    PLANTATION.  409 

Anno  Dom:  1636. 

M".  Ed  :  Winslow  was  chosen  Gov""  this  year. 

In  y*"  former  year,  because  they  perceived  by  M'. 
Winslows  later  letters  that  no  accounts  would  be 
sente,  they  resolved  to  keep  y''  beaver,  and  send  no 
more,  till  they  had  them,  or  came  to  some  further 
agreemente.  At  least  they  would  forbear  till  M*". 
Winslow  came  over,  that  by  more  full  conferance  with 
him  they  might  better  understand  what  was  meete  to 
be  done.  But  when  he  came,  though  he  brought  no 
accounts,  yet  he  perswaded  them  to  send  y''  beaver, 
&  was  confident  upon  y®  receite  of  y'  beaver,  &  his 
letters,  they  should  have  accounts  y*^  nexte  year;  and 
though  they  thought  his  grounds  but  weake,  that  gave 
him  this  hope,  &  made  him  so  confidente,  yet  by  his 
importunitie  they  yeelded,  &  sente  y'^  same,  ther  being 
a  ship  at  y®  latter  end  of  year,  by  whom  they  sente 
1150^'.  waight  of  beaver,  and  200.  otter  skins,  besids 
sundrie  small  furrs,  as  55.  minks,  2.  black  foxe  skins, 
&c.  And  this  year,  in  y^  spring,  came  in  a  Dutch 
man,  who  thought  to  have  traded  at  y*"  Dutch-forte ; 
[215]  but  they  would  not  suffer  him.  He,  having 
good  store  of  trading  goods,  came  to  this  place,  & 
tendred  them  to  sell ;  of  whom  they  bought  a  good 
quantitie,  they  being  very  good  &  fitte  for  their  turne, 
as  Dutch  roll,  ketles,  &c.,  which  goods  amounted  to  y^ 
valew  of  500^.,  for  y®  paymente  of  which  they  passed 


410  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

bills  to  M^  Sherley  in  England,  having  before  sente 
y*"  forementioned  parcell  of  beaver.  And  now  this 
year  (by  another  ship)  sente  an  other  good  round 
parcell  that  might  come  to  his  hands,  &  be  sould  be- 
fore any  of  these  bills  should  be  due.  The  quantity 
of  beaver  now  sent  was  1809^.  waight,  and  of  otters 
10.  skins,  and  shortly  after  (y®  same  year)  was  sent  by 
another  ship  (M.\  Langrume  maister),  in  beaver  0719^. 
waight,  and  of  otter  skins  199.  concerning  which  M^ 
Sherley  thus  writs. 

Your  leters  I  have  received,  with  8.  hoggsheads  of  beaver 
by  Ed :  Wilkinson,  m^  of  y*  Falcon.  Blessed  be  God  for  y^ 
safe  coming  of  it.  I  have  also  seen  &  acceped  3.  bills  of 
exchaiuge,  &c.  But  I  must  now  acquainte  you  how  the  Lords 
heavie  hand  is  upon  this  kingdom  in  many  places,  but  cheefly 
in  this  cittie,  with  his  judgmente  of  y*^  plague.  The  last 
weeks  bill  was  1200.  &  odd,  I  fear  this  will  be  more ;  and 
it  is  much  feared  it  will  be  a  winter  sicknes.  By  reason 
wherof  it  is  incredible  y^  number  of  people  y'  are  gone  into 
y*"  cuntry  &  left  y^  citie.  I  am  perswaded  many  more  then 
went  out  y^  last  sicknes  ;  so  as  here  is  no  trading,  carriors 
from  most  places  put  downe  ;  nor  no  receiving  of  any  money, 
though  long  due.  M^  Hall  ows  us  more  then  would  pay 
these  bills,  but  he,  his  wife,  and  all,  are  in  y^  cuntrie,  >60. 
miles  from  London.  I  write  to  him,  he  came  up,  but  could 
not  pay  us.  I  am  perswaded  if  I  should  offer  to  sell  y^ 
beaver  at  8'.  p'  pound,  it  would  not  yeeld  money;  but  when 
y*  Lord  shall  please  to  cease  his  hand,  I  hope  we  shall  have 
better  &  quicker  markets  ;  so  it  shall  lye  by.  Before  I  ac- 
cepted y''  bills,  I  acquainted  M^  Beachamp  &  M^  Andrews 
with    them,    &    how    ther    could    be    no    money    made    nor 


1636.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  411 

received ;    and  that  it  would    be    a   great   discredite    to  you, 

which  never  yet  had  any  turned  back,  and  a  shame  to  us, 

haveing    1800*'.    of    beaver    lying    by    us,    and   more   oweing 

then  y^  bills  come   too,   &c.     But   all  was    nothing ;    neither 

of  them  both  will  put  too  their  finger  to  help.     I  offered  to 

suppl}^    my   3.    parte,   but   they   gave    me    their   answer   they 

neither   would   nor   could,    &c.      How    ever,    your   bils    shall 

be   satisfied  to  y^   parties   good    contente ;    but   I   would    not 

have  thought  they  would  have  left  either  you  or  me  at  this 

time,   &c.     You   will  and  may  expect  I  should   write    more, 

&   answer  your  leters,  but  I   am  not   a   day  in  y^  weeke  at 

home  at  towne,  but  carry  my  books  &  all  to  Clapham  ;   for 

here  is  y''  miserablest  time  y'  I  thinke   hath  been   known  in 

many  ages.     I  have  know  3.  great  sickneses,   but  none  like 

this.     And  that  which  should  be  a  means  to  pacifie  y"  Lord, 

&  help  us,  that  is  taken  away,  preaching  put  downe  in  many 

places,  not  a  sermone   in  Westminster  on  y^   saboth,   nor  in 

many    townes    aboute    us ;    y'^   Lord    in    mercie    looke    uppon 

us.     In  y*  begining  of  y®  year  was  a  great   [216]   drought, 

&  no  raine  for  many  weeks  togeather,  so  as   all  was  burnte 

up,   haye,    at   5*'.    a   load ;    and    now   all   raine,    so   as    much 

sommer    corne    &    later    haye    is    spoyled.      Thus    y"    Lord 

sends  judgmente    after   judgmente,   and  yet   we    cannot   see, 

nor  humble  our  selves  ;  and  therfore  may  justly  fear  heavier 

judgments,  unless  we  speedyly  repente,   &  returne  unto  him, 

which   y"   Lord   give   us   grace    to    doe,    if    it   be   his  blessed 

will.     Thus  desiring  you   to   remember   us    in  your   prayers, 

I  ever  rest  Your  loving  friend, 

James  Sherley. 
Sep' :  14.  1636. 

This  was  all  y®  answer  they  had  from  M"".  Sherley, 
by  which  M"".  Winslow  saw  his  hops  failed  him.  So 
they  now  resoloved  to  send  no  more  beaver  in  y'  way 


412  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

which  they  had  done,  till  they  came  to  some  issue  or 
other  aboute  these  things.  But  now  came  over  let- 
ters from  M"".  Andrews  &  M"".  Beachamp  full  of  com- 
plaints, that  they  marveled  y^  nothing  was  sent  over, 
by  which  any  of  their  moneys  should  be  payed  in ; 
for  it  did  appear  by  y*"  accounte  sente  in  An°  1631. 
that  they  were  each  of  them  out,  aboute  a  leven 
hundered  pounds  a  peece,  and  all  this  while  had  not 
received  one  penie  towards  y*"  same.  But  now  M^ 
Sherley  sought  to  draw  more  money  from  them,  and 
was  offended  because  they  deneyed  him ;  and  blamed 
them  hear  very  much  that  all  was  sent  to  M^  Sher- 
ley, &  nothing  to  them.  They  marvelled  much  at  this, 
for  they  conceived  that  much  of  their  moneis  had  been 
paid  in,  &  y'  yearly  each  of  them  had  received  a  pro- 
portionable quantity  out  of  y^  larg  returnes  sent  home. 
For  they  had  sente  home  since  y*  accounte  was  re- 
ceived in  An°  1631.  (in  which  all  &  more  then  all 
their  debts,  w"^  y'  years  supply,  was  charged  upon 
them)  these  sumes  following. 

Novbf  18.  An°  1631.    By  M'-.  Peirce  0400«.  waight  of  beaver,  &  otters  20. 


July    13.  An"  1632.  By  M^  Griffin            1348«.  beaver,  &  otters 

An»  1633.  By  M''.  Graves          3366«.  bever,     &  otters 

Ano  1634.  By  Mr  Andrews       3738«.  beaver,  &  otters 

An"  1635.  By  M^.  Babb             1150«.  beaver,  &  otters 

June    24.  An"  1636.  By  M%  Willkinson  1809«.  beaver,  &  otters 

Ibidem.  By  Mr  Langrume    0719**.  beaver,  &  otters 


147. 
346. 
234. 
200. 
010. 
199. 


12150".*  1156. 


Not  correctly  cast;  it  should  be  12530* 


1636.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  413 

All  these  sumes  were  safly  rceived  &  well  sould, 
as  appears  by  leters.  The  coat  beaver  usualy  at  20\ 
p''  pound,  and  some  at  24'.  ;  the  skin  at  15.  &  some- 
times 16.  I  doe  not  remember  any  under  14.  It 
may  be  y®  last  year  might  be  something  lower,  so 
also  ther  were  some  small  furrs  that  are  not  recconed 
in  this  accounte,  &  some  black  beaver  at  higer  rates, 
to  make  up  y*^  defects.  [217]  It  was  conceived  that 
y''  former  parcells  of  beaver  came  to  litle  less  then 
10000*'.  sterling,  and  y''  otter  skins  would  pay  all  y*^ 
charge,  &  they  w"'  other  furrs  make  up  besids  if  any 
thing  wanted  of  y®  former  sume.  When  y®  former 
accounte  was  passed,  all  their  debts  (those  of  White- 
Angelle  &  Frendship  included)  came  but  to  4770*'. 
And  they  could  not  estimate  that  all  y*'  supplies  since 
sent  them,  &  bills  payed  for  them,  could  come  to 
above  2000*'.  so  as  they  conceived  their  debts  had 
been  payed,  with  advantage  or  intrest.  But  it  may 
be  objected,  how  comes  it  that  they  could  not  as  well 
exactly  sett  downe  their  receits,  as  their  returnes,  but 
thus  estimate  it.  I  answer,  2.  things  were  y®  cause 
of  it;  the  first  &  principall  was,  that  y*"  new  ac- 
countante,  which  they  in  England  would  needs  presse 
upon  them,  did  wholy  faile  them,  &  could  never  give 
them  any  accounte ;  but  trusting  to  his  memorie,  & 
lose  papers,  let  things  rune  into  such  confusion,  that 
neither  he,  nor  any  with  him,  could  bring  things  to 
rights.     But   being   often   called   upon    to    perfecte   his 


414  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

accounts,  he  desired  to  have  such  a  time,  and  such 
a  time  of  leasure,  and  he  would  doe  it.  In  j"  intrime 
he  fell  into  a  great  sicknes,  and  in  conclusion  it  fell 
out  he  could  make  no  accounte  at  all.  His  books 
were  after  a  litle  good  begining  left  altogeather  un- 
perfect ;  and  his  papers,  some  were  lost,  &  others  so 
confused,  as  he  knew  not  what  to  make  of  them  him 
selfe,  when  they  came  to  be  searched  &  examined. 
This  was  not  unknowne  to  M'.  Sherley ;  and  they 
came  to  smarte  for  it  to  purposs,  (though  it  was  not 
their  faulte,)  both  thus  in  England,  and  also  here; 
for  they  conceived  they  lost  some  hundreds  of  pounds 
for  goods  trusted  out  in  y*^  place,  which  were  lost  for 
want  of  clear  accounts  to  call  them  in.  Another  rea- 
son of  this  mischeefe  was,  that  after  M^  Winslow 
was  sente  into  England  to  demand  accounts,  and  to 
excepte  against  y''  Whit-Angell,  they  never  had  any 
price  sent  with  their  goods,  nor  any  certaine  invoyce 
of  them  ;  but  all  things  stood  in  confusion,  and  they 
were  faine  to  guesse  at  y"^  prises  of  them. 

They  write  back  to  M^  Andrews  &  M".  Beachamp, 
and  tould  them  they  marveled  they  should  write  they 
had  sent  nothing  home  since  y^  last  accounts ;  for 
they  had  sente  a  great  deale;  and  it  might  rather  be 
marveled  how  they  could  be  able  to  send  so  much, 
besids  defraying  all  charg  at  home,  and  what  they 
had  lost  by  the  French,  and  so  much  cast  away  at 
sea,  when  M''.  Peirce  lost  his  ship  on  y''  coast  of  Vir- 


1636.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  415 

ginia.  What  they  had  sente  was  to  them  all,  and  to 
them  selves  as  well  as  M''.  Sherley,  and  if  they  did 
not  looke  after  it,  it  was  their  owne  falts  ;  they  must 
referr  them  to  M"".  Sherley,  who  had  received  [218] 
it,  to  demand  it  of  him.  They  allso  write  to  M"". 
Sherley  to  y*^  same  purposs,  and  what  the  others  com- 
plaints  were. 

This  year  2.  shallops  going  to  Coonigtecutt  with 
goods  from  y®  Massachusetts  of  such  as  removed 
theither  to  plante,  were  in  an  easterly  storme  cast 
away  in  coming  into  this  harbore  in  y®  night ;  the 
boats  men  were  lost,  and  y^  goods  were  driven  all 
alonge  y*'  shore,  and  strowed  up  &  downe  at  high- 
water  marke.  But  y''  Gov""  caused  them  to  be  gath- 
ered up,  and  drawn  togeather,  and  appointed  some 
to  take  an  inventory  of  them,  and  others  to  wash 
&  drie  such  things  as  had  neede  therof;  by  which 
means  most  of  y''  goods  were  saved,  and  restored  to 
y*  owners.  Afterwards  anotheir  boate  of  theirs  (go- 
ing thither  likwise)  was  cast  away  near  unto  Manoan- 
scusett,  and  such  goods  as  came  a  shore  were  preserved 
for  them.  Such  crosses  they  mette  with  in  their  be- 
ginings ;  which  some  imputed  as  a  correction  from 
God  for  their  intrution  (to  y^  wrong  of  others)  into 
y'  place.  But  I  dare  not  be  bould  with  Gods  judg- 
ments in  this  kind. 

In  y*  year   1634,   the   Pequents    (a   stoute    and   war- 
like  people),    who    had    made    warrs    with    sundry    of 


416  HisToitv  OF  [book  II. 

their  neigbours,  and  puft  up  with  many  victories, 
grue  now  at  varience  with  y''  Narigansets,  a  great 
people  bordering  upon  them.  These  Narigansets  held 
correspondance  and  termes  of  freindship  with  y''  Eng- 
lish of  y''  Massachusetts.  Now  y"  Pequents,  being  con- 
scious of  y®  guilte  of  Captain-Stones  death,  whom  they 
knew  to  be  an-English  man,  as  also,  those  y'  were 
with  him,  and  being  fallen  out  with  y''  Dutch,  least 
they  should  have  over  many  enemies  at  once,  sought 
to  make  freindship  with  y''  English  of  y''  Massachu- 
setts ;  and  for  y^  end  sent  both  messengers  &  gifts 
unto  them,  as  appears  by  some  letters  sent  from  y^ 
Gov""  hither. 

Dear  &  worthy  S'':  &c.  To  let  you  know  somwhat  of 
our  affairs,  you  may  understand  that  y^  Pequents  have  sent 
some  of  theirs  to  us,  to  desire  our  freindship,  and  offered 
much  wampam  &  beaver,  &c.  The  first  messengers  were 
dismissed  without  answer ;  with  y''  next  we  had  diverce  dayes 
couferance,  and  taking  y*  advice  of  some  of  our  ministers, 
and  seeking  the  Lord  in  it,  we  concluded  a  peace  &  freind- 
ship with  them,  upon  these  conditions  :  that  they  should  de- 
liver up  to  us  those  men  who  were  guilty  of  Stones  death, 
&c.  And  if  we  desired  to  plant  in  Conightecute,  they  should 
give  up  their  right  to  us,  and  so  we  would  send  to  trade 
with  them  as  our  freinds  (which  was  y^  cheefe  thing  we 
aimed  at,  being  now  in  warr  with  y^  Dutch  and  y'^  rest  of 
their  neigbours).  To  this  they  readily  agreed;  and  that 
we  should  meadiate  a  peace  betweene  them  and  the  Narigan- 
setts  ;  for  which  end  they  were  contente  we  should  give  the 
Narigansets  parte   of  y'  presente,    they   would   bestow   on   us 


1636.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  417 

(for  they  stood  [219]  *  so  much  on  their  honour,  as  they 
would  not  be  seen  to  give  any  thing  of  them  selves) .  As 
for  Captein  Stone,  they  tould  us  ther  were  but  2.  left  of 
those  who  had  any  hand  in  his  death  ;  and  that  they  killed 
him  in  a  just  quarell,  for  (say  they)  he  surprised  2.  of  our 
men,  and  bound  them,  to  make  them  by  force  to  shew  him 
y^  way  up  y"  river  ;t  and  he  with  2.  other  coming  on  shore, 
9.  Indeans  watched  him,  and  when  they  were  a  sleepe  in  y^ 
night,  they  kiled  them,  to  deliver  their  owne  men  ;  and  some 
of  them  going  afterwards  to  y''  pinass,  it  was  suddainly  blowne 
up.     We  are  now  preparing  to  send  a  pinass  unto  them,  &c. 

In  an  other  of  his,  dated  y*"  12.  of  y*^  first  month, 
he  hath  this. 

Our  pinass  is  latly  returned  from  y"  Pequents ;  they  put 
of  but  litle  comoditie,  and  found  them  a  very  false  people, 
so  as  they  mean  to  have  no  more  to  doe  with  them.  I  have 
diverce  other  things  to-  write  unto  you,  &c. 

Yours  ever  assured, 

Jo  :    WiNTHROP. 

Boston,  12.  of  yM.  month,  1634. 

After  these  things,  and,  as  I  take,  this  year,  John 
Oldom,  (of  whom  much  is  spoken  before,)  being  now 
an  inhabitant  of  y*^  Massachusetts,  went  w"'  a  small 
vessell,  &  slenderly  mand,  a  trading  into  these  south 
parts,  and  upon  a  quarell  betweene  him  &  y''  Indeans 
was  cutt  of  by  them  (as  hath  been  before  noted)  at 
an  iland  called  by  y*=  Indeans  Munisses,   but  since  by 

*  119  in  MS. 

t  Ther  is  litle  trust  to  be  given  to  their  relations  in  these  things. 


418  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 


y"  English  Block  Hand.     This,   with   y«    former   about 
the  death  of  Stone,  and  the   baflfoyling  of  y*^  Pequents 
with  y''  English  of  y''  Massachusetts,   moved   them   to 
set  out  some  to   take  revenge,  and  require  satisfaction 
for  these  wrongs ;  but  it  was  done  so  superfitially,  and 
without  their  acquainting  of  those  of  Conightecute  & 
other  neighbours  with  y^  same,  as  they  did  litle  good. 
But    their    neigbours    had    more    hurt    done,    for    some 
of  y^  murderers  of  Oldome   fled   to  y''  Pequents,    and 
though    the    English    went    to    y'=    Pequents,    and    had 
some    parley    with    them,    yet    they    did    but    delude 
them,  &  y'  English  returned  without  doing  any  thing 
to  purpose,  being  frustrate  of  their  oppertunitie  by  y'' 
others  deceite.      After   y^  English   were   returned,  the 
Pequents  tooke  their  time  and  oppertunitie  to   cut  of 
some  of  y''  English  as  they  passed  in  boats,  and  went 
on    fouling,    and    assaulted    them    the    next    spring    at 
their  habytations,   as  will  appear  in  its    place.     I  doe 
but   touch   these   things,   because   I   make    no    question 
they  will  be  more  fully  &  distinctly  handled  by  them 
selves,   who  had  more   exacte  knowledg   of  them,   and 
whom  they  did  more  properly  concerne. 

This  year  M"".  Smith  layed  downe  his  place  of  min- 
istrie,  partly  by  his  owne  willingnes,  as  thinking  it 
too  heavie  a  burthen,  and  partly  at  the  desire,  and 
by  y''  perswasion,  of  others;  and  the  church  sought 
out  for    [220]  *   some  other,  having  often  been    disap- 

*  120  in  MS. 


1637.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  419 

pointed  in  theii*  hops  and  desires  heretofore.  And  it 
pleased  the  Lord  to  send  them  an  able  and  a  godly 
man,*  and  of  a  meeke  and  humble  spirite,  sound  in 
y*^  truth,  and  every  way  unreproveable  in  his  life  & 
conversation ;  whom,  after  some  time  of  triall,  they 
chose  for  their  teacher,  the  fruits  of  whose  labours 
they  injoyed  many  years  with  much  comforte,  in 
peace,    &   good   agreemente. 

Anno  Dom:  1637. 
In  y*^  fore  parte  of  this  year,  the  Pequents  fell 
openly  upon  y*^  English  at  Conightecute,  in  y^  lower 
parts  of  y®  river,  and  slew  sundry  of  them,  (as  they 
were  at  work  in  y*^  feilds,)  both  men  &  women,  to 
y''  great  terrour  of  y*^  rest ;  and  wente  away  in  great 
prid  &  triumph,  with  many  high  threats.  They  allso 
assalted  a  fort  at  y*^  rivers  mouth,  though  strong  and 
well  defended ;  and  though  they  did  not  their  pre- 
vaile,  yet  it  struk  them  with  much  fear  &  astonish- 
mente  to  see  their  bould  attempts  in  the  face  of 
danger ;  which  made  them  in  all  places  to  stand 
upon  their  gard,  and  to  prepare  for  resistance,  and 
ernestly  to  solissite  their  freinds  and  confederats  in  y® 
Bay  of  Massachusets  to  send  them  speedy  aide,  for 
they  looked  for  more  forcible  assaults.  M"".  Vane, 
being  then  Gov"",  write  from  their  Generall  Courte 
to   them   hear,    to  joyne   with   therp    in   this   warr ;    to 

*  Mr.  John  Reinor. 


420  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

which  they  were  cordially  willing,  but  tooke  oppor- 
tunitie  to  write  to  them  aboute  some  former  thinofs, 
as  well  as  presente,  considerable  hereaboute.  The 
which  will  best  appear  in  y^  Gov""  answer  which  he 
returned  to  y®  same,  which  I  shall  here  inserte. 

S"":  The  Lord  having  so  disposed,  as  that  your  letters  to 
•our  late  Gov""  is  fallen  to  my  lott  to  make  answer  unto, 
I  could  have  wished  I  might  have  been  at  more  freedome 
ot  time  &  thoughts  also,  that  I  might  have  done  it  more  to 
your  &  my  owne  satisfaction.  But  what  shall  be  wanting 
now  may  be  supplyed  hereafter.  For  y"  matters  which  from 
your  selfe  &  couusell  were  propounded  &  objected  to  us,  we 
thought  not  fitte  to  make  them  so  publicke  as  y*^  cognizance 
of  our  Generall  Courte.  But  as  they  have  been  considered 
by  those  of  our  couusell,  this  answer  we  thiuke  fitt  to  re- 
turne  unto  you.  (1.)  Wereas  you  signifie  your  willingnes 
to  joyne  with  us  in  this  warr  against  y*^  Pequents,  though 
you  cannot  ingage  your  selves  without  y^  consente  of  your 
Generall  Courte,  we  ucknowledg  your  good  affection  towards 
us,  (which  we  never  had  cause  to  doubt  of,)  and  are  will- 
ing to  attend  your  full  resolution,  when  it  may  most  season- 
ably be  ripened.  (2'^.)  Wheras  you  make  this  warr  to  be 
our  peopls,  and  not  [221]  to  conceirne  your  selves,  otherwise 
then  by  consequence,  we  do  in  parte  consente  to  you  therin  ; 
yet  we  suppose,  that,  in  case  of  perill,  you  will  not  stand 
upon  such  terms,  as  we  hope  we  should  not  doe  towards 
you  ;  and  withall  we  conceive  that  you  looke  at  y*^  Pequents, 
and  all  other  Indeaus,  as  a  coiuone  enimie,  who,  though  he 
may  take  occasion  of  y''  begining  of  his  rage,  from  some 
one  parte  of  y*"  English,  yet  if  he  prevaile,  will  surly  pursue 
his  advantage,  to  y"  rooting  out  of  y'^  whole  nation.  Ther- 
:ioi"e    when    we    desired    your    help,    we    did    it    not    without 


1637.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  421 

respecte  to  your  owne  saftie,  as  ours  (3'^.)  Wheras  you 
desire  we  should  be  ingaged  to  aide  you,  upon  all  like  occa- 
sions ;  we  are  perswaded  you  doe  not  doubte  of  it ;  yet  as 
we  now  deale  with  you  as  a  free  people,  and  at  libertie,  so 
as  we  cannot  draw  you  into  this  warr  with  us,  otherwise 
then  as  reason  may  guid  &  provock  you ;  so  we  desire 
we  may  be  at  y^  like  freedome,  when  any  occasion  may 
call  for  help  from  us.  And  wheras  it  is  objected  to 
us,  that  we  refused  to  aide  you  against  y**  French ;  we  con- 
ceive y"  case  was  not  alicke ;  yet  we  cannot  wholy  excuse 
our  failing  in  that  matter.  (4:'^0  Weras  you  objecte  that 
we  began  y*^  warr  without  your  privitie,  &  managed  it  con- 
trary to  your  advise  ;  the  truth  is,  that  our  first  intentions 
being  only  against  Block  Hand,  and  y*^  interprice  seeming 
of  small  difficultie,  we  did  not  so  much  as  consider  of  taking 
advice,  or  looking  out  for  aide  abroad.  And  when  we  had 
resolved  upon  y''  Pequents,  we  sent  presently,  or  not  long 
after,  to  you  aboute  it ;  but  y"  answer  received,  it  was  not 
seasonable  for  us  to  chaing  our  counsells,  excepte  we  had 
seen  and  waighed  your  grounds,  which  might  have  out  wayed 
our  owne. 

(5'^.)  For  our  peoples  trading  at  Kenebeck,  we  assure 
you  (to  our  knowledge)  it  hath  not  been  by  any  allowance 
from  us ;  and  what  we  have  provided  in  this  and  like  cases, 
at  our  last  Courte,  M^  E.  W.  can  certifie  you. 

And  (6'y)  ;  wheras  you  objecte  to  us  y'  we  should  hold 
trade  &  correspondancie  with  y*"  French,  your  enemise  ;  we 
answer,  you  are  misinformed,  for,  besids  some  letters  which 
hath  passed  betweene  our  late  Gov''  and  them,  to  which  we 
were  privie,  we  have  neither  sente  nor  incouraged  ours  to 
trade  with  them  ;  only  one  vessell  or  tow,  for  y'^  better  con- 
veace  of  our  letters,  had  licens  from  our  Gov"^  to  sayle 
thither.* 

*  But  by  this  means  they  did  furnish  them,  &  have  still  continued  to  doe. 


422  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

Diverce  other  things  have  been  privatly  objected  to  us,  by 
our  worthy  freind,  wherunto  he  received  some  answer ;  but 
most  of  them  concerning  y"  apprehention  of  perticuler  dis- 
curteseis,  or  injueries  from  some  perticuler  persons  amongst 
us.  It  concernes  us  not  to  give  any  other  answer  to  them 
then  this ;  that,  if  y*^  offenders  shall  be  brought  forth  in  a 
right  way,  we  shall  be  ready  to  doe  justice  as  y"  case  shall 
require.  In  the  meane  time,  we  desire  you  to  rest  assured, 
that  such  things  are  without  our  privity,  and  not  a  litle 
greeveous  to  us. 

Now  for  y®  joyning  with  us  in  this  warr,  which  indeed 
concerns  us  no  other  wise  then  it  may  your  selves,  viz.  : 
the  releeving  of  our  freinds  &  Christian  [222]  breethren, 
who  are  now  first  in  y"  danger ;  though  you  may  thiuke  us 
able  to  make  it  good  without  you,  (as,  if  y^  Lord  please 
to  be  with  us,  we  may,)  yet  3.  things  we  offer  to  your 
consideration,  which  (we  conceive)  may  have  some  waight 
with  you.  (First)  y'  if  we  should  sinck  under  this  burden, 
your  opportunitie  of  seasonable  help  would  be  lost  in  3. 
respects.  1.  You  cannot  recover  us,  or  secure  your  selves 
ther,  with  3.  times  y**  charge  &  hazard  which  now  y"  may. 
2'y.  The  sorrowes  which  we  should  lye  under  (if  through 
your  neglect)  would  much  abate  of  y"  acceptablenes  of  your 
help  afterwards.  3'^.  Those  of  yours,  who  are  now  full  of 
courage  and  forwardnes,  would  be  much  damped,  and  so 
less  able  to  undergoe  so  great  a  burden.  The  (2.)  thing  is 
this,  that  it  concernes  us  much  to  hasten  this  warr  to  an 
end  before  y®  end  of  this  soiiier,  otherwise  y"  newes  of  it 
will  discourage  both  your  &  our  freinds  from  coming  to  us 
next  year ;  with  what  further  hazard  &  losse  it  may  expose 
us  unto,  your  selves  may  judge. 

The  (3.)  thing  is  this,  that  if  y'=  Lord  shall  please  to 
blesse  our  endeaours,  so  as  we  end  y^  warr,  or  put  it  in  a 
bopefull  way  without  you,  it  may  breed  such  ill  thoughts 
in  our  people  towards   yours,   as  will   be   hard    to   entertaine 


1687.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATI  )iSr.  423 

such  opinione  of  your  good  will  towards  us,  as  were  fitt  to 
be  nurished  among  such  neigbours  &  brethren  as  we  are. 
And  what  ill  consequences  may  follow,  on  both  sids,  wise 
men  may  fear,  &  would  rather  prevente  then  hope  to  re- 
dress. So  with  my  harty  salutations  to  you  selfe,  and  all 
3'our  counsell,  and  other  our  good  freinds  with  you,  I  rest 
Yours  most  assured  in  y''  Lord, 

Jo  :    WiNTHROP. 

Boston,  y^  20.  of  y*  3.  month,  1637. 

In  y"  mean  time,  the  Pequents,  espetially  in  y"  win- 
ter before,  sought  to  make  peace  with  y®  Narigansets, 
and  used  very  pernicious  arguments  to  move  them 
therunto  :  as  that  y''  English  were  stranegers  and  be- 
gane  to  overspred  their  countrie,  and  would  deprive 
them  therof  in  time,  if  they  were  suffered  to  grow 
&  increse ;  and  if  y*^  Narigansets  did  assist  y''  English 
to  subdue  them,  they  did  but  make  way  for  their 
owne  overthrow,  for  if  they  were  rooted  out,  the 
English  would  soone  take  occasion  to  subjugate  them ; 
and  if  they  would  barken  to  them,  they  should  not 
neede  to  fear  y*^  strength  of  y*^  English ;  for  they 
would  not  come  to  open  battle  with  them,  but  fire 
their  houses,  kill  their  katle,  and  lye  in  ambush  for 
them  as  they  went  abroad  upon  their  occasions ;  and 
all  this  they  might  easily  doe  without  any  or  litle 
danger  to  them  selves.  The  which  course  being  held, 
they  well  saw  the  English  could  not  long  subsiste,  but 
they  would  either  be  starved  with  hunger,  or  be  forced 
to  forsake  the  countrie ;   with  many  y°  like  things ;  in- 


424  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

somuch  that  j"  Narigansets  were  once  wavering,  and 
were  halfe  minded  to  have  made  peace  with  them,  and 
joyed  against  y^  English.  But  againe  when  they  con- 
sidered, how  much  wrong  they  had  received  from  the 
Pequents,  and  what  an  oppertunitie  they  now  had  by 
y*  help  of  y*"  English  to  right  them  selves,  revenge 
was  so  sweete  unto  them,  as  it  prevailed  above  all  y^ 
rest ;  so  as  they  resolved  to  joyne  with  y**  English 
against  them,  &  did.  [223J  The  Court  here  agreed 
forwith  to  send  50.  men  at  their  owne  charg ;  and 
w*^  as  much  speed  as  posiblie  they  could,  gott  them 
armed,  and  had  made  them  ready  under  sufficiente 
leaders,  and  provided  a  barke  to  carrie  them  provisions 
&  tend  upon  them  for  all  occasions ;  but  when  they 
were  ready  to  march  (with  a  supply  from  y*"  Bay) 
they  had  word  to  stay,  for  y®  enimy  was  as  good  as 
vanquished,  and  their  would  be  no  neede. 

I  shall  not  take  upon  me  exactly  to  describe  their 
proceedings  in  these  things,  because  I  expecte  it  will 
be  fully  done  by  them  selves,  who  best  know  the  car- 
rage  &  circumstances  of  things ;  I  shall  therfore  but 
touch  them  in  generall.  From  Connightecute  (who 
were  most  sencible  of  y*^  hurt  sustained,  &  j^  pres- 
ent' danger),  they  sett  out  a  partie  of  men,  and  an 
other  partie  mett  them  from  y^  Bay,  at  y'^  Narigansets, 
who  were  to  joyne  with  them.  Y*"  Narigansets  were 
ernest  to  be  gone  before  y''  English  were  well  rested 
and  refreshte,  espetially  some  of  them  which  came  last. 


1637.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  425 

It    should    seeme    their    desire   was    to    come    upon    y® 
enemie    sudenly,  &   undiscovered.     Ther   was    a   barke 
of  this  place,  newly  put  in  ther,  which  was  come  from 
Conightecutte,  who  did  incourage  them  to   lay  hold  of 
y*"  Indeans  forwardnes,  and  to   shew  as  great  forward- 
nes   as   they,  for  it  would   incorage  them,  and  expedi- 
tion might   prove  to    their  great   advantage.     So   they 
went  on,  and   so   ordered  their  march,  as  the   Indeans 
brought  them  to  a  forte  of  y"*  enimies   (in  which  most 
of   their    cheefe    men    were)    before    day.      They    ap- 
proached  y^  same  with   great    silence,   and    surrounded 
it  both  with  English  &  Indeans,  that  they  might  not 
breake  out ;  and  so  assualted  them  with  great  courage, 
shooting  amongst   them,  and   entered   y*"  forte  with  all 
speed ;    and   those   y'  first   entered   found    sharp  resist- 
ance   from   the    enimie,   who    both    shott    at  &  grapled 
with  them ;    others   rane  into  their  bowses,  &  brought 
out  fire,  and  sett  them  on  fire,  which  soone  tooke  in 
their  matts,  &,  standing  close  togeather,  with  y''  wind, 
all    was    quickly    on    a   flame,    and   therby    more    were 
burnte    to   death   then  was    otherwise    slain ;    it   burnte 
their  bowstrings,  and  made  them  unservisable.     Those 
y*   scaped    y®    fire   were    slaine   with    y'^    sword ;    some 
hewed  to  peeces,  others  rune  throw  with  their  rapiers, 
so    as   they  were   quickly  dispatchte,  and  very  few  es- 
caped.    It    was    conceived   they   thus    destroyed    about 
400.   at    this    time.     It  was    a    fearfull    sight    to    see 
them  thus  frying  in   y*"  fyer,  and   y**  streams   of  blood 


426  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

quenching    y*    same,    and    horrible    was    j''    stinck    & 
sente   ther  of;   but    y*  victory  seemed    a    sweete    sacri- 
fice, and  they  gave  the  prays  therof  to  God,  who  had 
wrought  so  wonderfuly  for  them,  thus  to  inclose  their 
enimise    in    their   hands,  and    give    them    so    speedy  a 
victory    over   so    proud    &    insulting    an    enimie.      The 
Narigansett  Indeans,  all  this  while,  stood  round  aboute, 
but   aloofe   from   all   danger,    and   left   y^  whole   [224] 
execution  to    y''  English,  exept   it  were    y*  stoping   of 
any  y*  broke  away,  insulting  over  their  enimies  in  this 
their  ruine  &  miserie,  when  they  saw  them  dancing  in 
y^  flames,  calling  them  by  a  word  in  their  owne  lan- 
guage,  signifing,  O  brave  Pequents  !    which  they  used 
familierly  among  them  selves   in  their  own  prayes,  in 
songs  of  triumph  after  their  victories.     After  this  ser- 
vis  was  thus   happily  accomplished,  they  marcht  to  the 
water  side,  wher  they  mett  with  some  of  their  vesells, 
by  which  they  had   refreishing  with  victualls    &    other 
necessaries.      But   in   their    march    y*'   rest    of    y^   Pe- 
quents drew  into  a  body,  and  acoasted  them,  thinking 
to  have   some  advantage   against  them  by  *    reason  of 
a  neck  of  land;    but  when  they  saw  the   English  pre- 
pare   for  them,  they  kept   a  loofe,  so    as   they  neither 
did  hurt,  nor  could  receive  any.     After  their  refreish- 
ing &  repair  to   geather   for   further    counsell  &  direc- 
tions, they  resolved  to  pursue  their  victory,  and  follow 
y^  warr    against    y^   rest,   but    y®  Narigansett    Indeans 

*  Be  in  manuscript. 


1637.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  427 

most  of  them  forsooke  them,  and  such  of  them  as  they 
had  with  them  for  guids,  or  otherwise,  they  found 
them  very  could  and  backward  in  y^  bussines,  ether 
out  of  envie,  or  y'  they  saw  y®  English  would  make 
more  profite  of  y*^  victorie  then  they  were  willing 
they  should,  or  els  deprive  them  of  such  advantage  as 
them  selves  desired  by  having  them  become  tributaries 
unto  them,  or  y*"  like. 

For  y"  rest  of  this  bussines,  I  shall  only  relate  y^ 
same  as  it  is  in  a  leter  which  came  from  M^  Win- 
throp  to  y*"  Gov""  hear,  as  folio weth. 

Worthy  S':  I  received  your  loving  letter,  and  am  much 
provocked  to  express  my  affections  towards  you,  but  strait- 
nes  of  time  forbids  me ;  for  my  desire  is  to  acquainte  you 
with  y''  Lords  greate  mercies  towards  us,  in  our  prevaiUug 
against  his  &  our  enimies ;  that  you  may  rejoyce  and  praise 
his  name  with  us.  About  80,  of  our  men,  haveing  costed 
along  towards  y''  Dutch  plantation,  (some  times  by  water, 
but  most  by  land,)  mett  hear  &  ther  with  some  Pequents, 
whom  they  slew  or  tooke  prisoners.  2.  sachems  they  tooke, 
&  beheaded ;  and  not  hearing  of  Sassacous,  (the  cheefe 
sachem,)  they  gave  a  prisoner  his  life,  to  goe  and  find 
him  out.  He  wente  and  brought  them  word  where  he  was, 
but  Sassacouse,  suspecting  him  to  be  a  spie,  after  he  was 
gone,  fled  away  with  some  20.  more  to  y"  Mowakes,  so  our 
men  missed  of  him.  Yet,  deviding  them  selves,  and  rang- 
ing up  &  downe,  as  y*^  providence  of  God  guided  them  (for 
y*  Indeans  were  all  gone,  save  3.  or  4.  and  they  knew  not 
whither  to  guid  them,  or  els  would  not),  upon  y"  13.  of  this 
month,  they  light  upon  a  great  company  of  them,  viz.  80. 
strong   men,    &   200.    women  &  children,    in  a  small   Indean 


428  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

towne,  fast  by  a  hideous  swamp,  which  they  all  slipped  into 
before  our  men  could  gett  to  them.  Our  captains  were  not 
then  come  togeither,  but  ther  was  M^  Ludlow  and  Captaine 
Masson,  with  some  10.  [225]  of  their  men,  &  Captaine 
Patrick  with  some  20.  or  more  of  his,  who,  shooting  at  y* 
Indeans,  Captaine  Trask  with  50.  more  came  soone  in  at 
y^  uoyse.  Then  they  gave  order  to  surround  y"  swampe,  it 
being  aboute  a  mile  aboute  ;  but  Levetenante  Davenporte  & 
some  12.  more,  not  hearing  that  coiriand,  fell  into  y*"  swampe 
among  y^  Indeans.  The  swampe  was  so  thicke  with  shrub- 
woode,  &  so  boggle  with  all,  that  some  of  them  stuck 
fast,  and  received  many  shott.  Levetenant  Davenport  was 
dangerously  wounded  aboute  his  armehole,  and  another  shott 
in  y^  head,  so  as,  fainting,  they  were  in  great  danger  to 
have  been  taken  by  y*"  Indeans.  But  Sargante  Rigges,  & 
Jeffery,  and  2.  or  3.  more,  rescued  them,  and  slew  diverse 
of  y®  Indeans  with  their  swords.  After  they  were  drawne 
out,  the  Indeans  desired  parley,  &  were  offered  (by  Thomas 
Stanton,  our  iuterpretour)  that,  if  they  would  come  out, 
and  yeeld  them  selves,  they  should  have  their  lives,  all 
that  had  not  their  hands  in  y''  English  blood.  Wherupon 
y^  sachem  of  y*^  place  came  forth,  and  an  old  man  or  2.  & 
their  wives  and  children,  and  after  that  some  other  women 
&  children,  and  so  they  spake  2.  howers,  till  it  was  night. 
Then  Thomas  Stanton  was  sente  into  them  againe,  to  call 
them  forth ;  but  they  said  they  would  selle  their  lives  their, 
and  so  shott  at  him  so  thicke  as,  if  he  had  not  cried  out, 
and  been  presently  rescued,  they  had  slaine  him.  Then  our 
men  cutt  of  a  place  of  y^  swampe  with  their  swords,  and 
cooped  the  Indeans  into  so  narrow  a  compass,  as  they  could 
easier  kill  them  throw  y**  thickets.  So  they  continued  all 
y^  night,  standing  aboute  12.  foote  one  from  an  other,  and 
y'^  Indeans,  coming  close  up  to  our  men,  shot  their  arrows 
so  thicke,  as  they  pierced  their  hatte  brimes,  &  their  sleeves, 


1637.]  PLYMOUTH  PLAXTATIOX.  429 

&  stockins,  &  other  parts  of  their  eloaths,  yet  so  miracu- 
lously did  the  Lord  preserve  them  as  not  one  of  them  was 
wounded,  save  those  3.  who  rashly  went  into  y"  swampe. 
When  it  was  nere  day,  it  grue  very  darke,  so  as  those  of 
them  which  were  left  dropt  away  betweeue  our  men,  though 
they  stood  but  12.  or  14.  foote  assunder ;  but  were  preseuly 
discovered,  &  some  killed  in  y*^  pursute.  Upon  searching  of 
y^  swampe,  y^  next  morning,  they  found  9.  slaine,  &  some 
they  pulled  up,  whom  y*"  Indeans  had  buried  in  y'^  mire,  so 
as  they  doe  thinke  that,  of  all  this  company,  not  20.  did 
escape,  for  they  after  found  some  who  dyed  in  their  flight 
of  their  wounds  received.  The  prisoners  were  devided,  some 
to  those  of  y''  river,  and  the  rest  to  us.  Of  these  we  send 
y*  male  children  to  Bermuda,*  by  M"".  William  Peirce,  &  y® 
women  &  maid  children  are  disposed  aboute  in  y"^  townes. 
Ther  have  been  now  slaine  &  taken,  in  all,  aboute  700. 
The  rest  are  dispersed,  and  the  Indeans  in  all  quarters  so 
terrified  as  all  their  friends  are  affraid  to  receive  them.  2. 
of  y*  sachems  of  Long  Hand  came  to  M''.  Stoughton  and 
tendered  them  selves  to  be  tributaries  under  our  protection. 
And  2.  of  y''  Neepnett  sachems  have  been  with  me  to  seeke 
our  frendship.  Amonge  the  prisoners  we  have  y*  wife  & 
children  of  Mononotto,  a  womon  of  a  very  modest  counte- 
nance and  behaviour.  It  was  by  her  mediation  that  the  f 
2.  English  [226]  maids  were  spared  from  death,  and  were 
kindly  used  by  her ;  so  that  I  have  taken  charge  of  her. 
One  of  her  first  requests  was,  that  the  English  would  not 
abuse  her  body,  and  that  her  children  might  not  be  taken 
from  her.  Those  which  were  wounded  were  fetched  of  soone 
by  John  Galopp,  who  came  with  his  shalop  in  a  happie 
houre,  to  bring  them  victuals,  and  to  carrie  their  wounded 
men   to    y*^  pinass,  whcr    our    cheefe    surgeon  was,    w'^   jNP. 

*  But  yey  ^vere  carried  to  y^  West-Indeas. 
t  TAey  in  the  manuscript. 


430  HISTORY   OF  [book  II. 

Willson,  being  aboute  8.  leagues  off.  Our  people  are  all  in 
health,  (y''  Lord  be  praised,)  and  allthough  they  had  marched 
in  their  armes  all  y^  day,  and  had  been  in  fight  all  y^  night, 
yet  they  professed  they  found  them  selves  so  fresh  as  they 
could  willingly  have  gone  to  such  another  bussiues. 

This  is  y*^  substance  of  that  which  I  received,  though  I  am 
forced  to  omite  many  considerable  circomstances.  So,  being 
in  much  straitnes  of  time,  (the  ships  being  to  departe  within 
this  4.  days,  and  in  them  the  Lord  Lee  and  M'.  Vane,)  I 
hear  breake  of,  and  with  harty  saints  to,  &c.,  I    rest 

Yours  assured, 

Jo  :    WiNTHROP. 

The  28.  of  y^  5.  month,  1637. 

The  captains  reporte  we  have  slaine  13.  sachems  ;  but  Sas- 
sacouse  &  Monotto  are  yet  living. 

That  I  may  make  an  end  of  this  matter :  this  Sassa- 
couse  (y"  Pequents  cheefe  sachem)  being  fled  to  y® 
Mowhakes,  they  cutt  of  his  head,  with  some  other 
of  y®  cheefe  of  them,  whether  to  satisfie  y^  English,  or 
rather  y*"  Narigansets,  (who,  as  I  have  since  heard, 
hired  them  to  doe  it,)  or  for  their  owne  advantage, 
I  well  know  not ;  but  thus  this  warr  tooke  end.  The 
rest  of  y^  Pequents  were  wholy  driven  from  their 
place,  and  some  of  them  submitted  them  selves  to  y^ 
Narigansets,  &  lived  under  them ;  others  of  them  be- 
tooke  them  selves  to  y^  Monhiggs,  under  Uncass,  their 
sachem,  w*  the  approbation  of  y*"  English  of  Conigh- 
tecutt,  under  whose  protection  Uncass  lived,  and  he 
and  his  men  had  been  faithful  to  them  in  this  warr, 
&  done  them  very  good  service.     But  this  did  so  vexe 


1637.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  431 

the  Xarrigansetts,  that  they  had  not  y^  whole  sweay 
over  them,  as  they  have  never  ceased  plotting  and 
contriving  how  to  bring  them  under,  and  because  they 
cannot  attaine  their  ends,  because  of  y*'  English  who 
have  protected  them,  they  have  sought  to  raise  a 
general!  conspiracie  against  y''  English,  as  will  appear 
in  an  other  place. 

They  had  now  letters  againe  out  of  England  from 
M^  Andrews  &  M^  Beachamp,  that  M^  Sherley  neither 
had  nor  would  pay  them  any  money,  or  give  them  any 
accounte,  and  so  with  much  discontent  desired  them 
hear  to  send  them  some,  much  blaming  them  still,  that 
they  had  sent  all  to  M^  Sherley,  &  none  to  them 
selves.  Now,  though  they  might  have  justly  referred 
them  to  their  former  answer,  and  insisted  ther  upon, 
&  some  wise  men  counselled  them  so  to  doe,  yet  be- 
cause they  beleeved  that  [227]  they  were  realy  out 
round  sumes  of  money,  (espetialy  M"".  Andrews,)  and 
they  had  some  in  their  hands,  they  resolved  to  send 
them  what  bever  they  had.*  M^  Sherleys  letters  were 
to  this  purpose :  that,  as  they  had  left  him  in  y® 
paiment  of  y®  former  bills,  so  he  had  tould  them  he 
would  leave  them  in  this,  and  beleeve  it,  they  should 
find  it  true.  And  he  was  as  good  as  his  word,  for 
they  could  never  gett  peney  from  him,  nor  bring  him 
to  any  accounte,  though  M''.  Beachamp  sued  him  in  y^ 
Chancerie.      But   they   all    of  them   turned   their   com- 

*  But  staid  it  till  j"  next  year. 


432  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

plaints  against  them  here,  wher  ther  was  least  cause, 
and  who  had  suffered  most  unjustly ;  first  from  M^ 
AUerton  &  them,  in  being  charged  with  so  much  of 
y*  which  they  never  had,  nor  drunke  for ;  and  now 
in  paying  all,  &  more  then  all  (as  they  conceived),  and 
yet  still  thus  more  demanded,  and  that  with  many 
heavie  charges.  They  now  discharged  M*".  Sherley  from 
his  agencie,  and  forbad  him  to  buy  or  send  over  any 
more  goods  for  them,  and  prest  him  to  come  to  some 
end  about  these  things. 

Anno  Bom:   1638. 

This  year  M*".  Thomas  Prence  was  chosen  Gov'. 

Amongst  other  enormities  that  fell  out  amongst  them, 
this  year  3.  men  were  (after  due  triall)  executed  for 
robery  &  murder  which  they  had  committed ;  their 
names  were  these,  Arthur  Peach,  Thomas  Jackson,  and 
Richard  Stinnings ;  ther  was  a  4.,  Daniel  Crose,  who 
was  also  guilty,  but  he  escaped  away,  and  could  not 
be  found.  This  Arthur  Peach  was  y®  cheefe  of  them, 
and  y'^  ring  leader  of  all  y*  rest.  He  was  a  lustie 
and  a  desperate  yonge  man,  and  had  been  one  of  y® 
souldiers  in  y*"  Pequente  warr,  and  had  done  as  good 
servise  as  y^  most  ther,  and  one  of  y*"  forwardest  in 
any  attempte.  And  being  now  out  of  means,  and  loath 
to  worke,  and  falling  to  idle  courses  &  company,  he 
intended  to  goe  to  j"  Dutch  plantation ;  and  had  alured 
these  3.,   being  other  mens    servants    and   apprentices, 


1638.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  433 

to  goe  with  him.  But  another  cause  ther  was  allso 
of  his  secret  going  away  in  this  maner ;  he  was  not 
only  rune  into  debte,  but  he  had  gott  a  maid  with 
child,  (which  was  not  known  till  after  his  death,)  a 
mans  servante  in  y*  towne,  and  fear  of  punishmente 
made  him  gett  away.  The  other  3.  complotting  with 
him,  rane  away  from  their  maisters  in  the  night,  and 
could  not  be  heard  of,  for  they  went  not  y®  ordinarie 
way,  but  shaped  such  a  course  as  they  thought  to 
avoyd  j''  pursute  of  any  [228].  But  falling  into  y"^  way 
that  lyeth  betweene  y^  Bay  of  Massachusetts  and  the 
Narrigansets,  and  being  disposed  to  rest  them  selves, 
struck  fire,  and  took  tobaco,  a  litle  out  of  y*^  way, 
hy  y^  way  side.  At  length  ther  came  a  Narigansett 
Indean  by,  who  had  been  in  y*"  Bay  a  trading,  and 
had  both  cloth  &  beads  aboute  him.  (They  had  meett 
him  y*  day  before,  &  he  was  now  returning.)  Peach 
called  him  to  drinke  tobaco  with  them,  and  he  came 
&  sate  downe  with  them.  Peach  tould  y''  other  he 
would  kill  him,  and  take  what  he  had  from  him.  But 
they  were  some  thing  afraid ;  but  he  said.  Hang  him, 
rogue,  he  had  killed  many  of  them.  So  they  let  him 
alone  to  doe  as  he  would ;  and  when  he  saw  his  time, 
he  tooke  a  rapier  and  rane  him  through  the  body  once 
or  twise,  and  tooke  from  him  5.  fathume  of  wampam, 
and  3.  coats  of  cloath,  and  wente  their  way,  leaving 
him  for  dead.  But  he  scrabled  away,  when  they  were 
gone,  and  made  shift  to  gett  home,    (but  dyed  within 


434  HISTORY    OF  [book    IT. 

a  few  days  after,)  by  which  means  they  were  dis- 
covered ;  and  by  subtilty  the  Indeans  tooke  them.  For 
they  desiring  a  canow  to  sett  them  over  a  water, 
(not  thinking  their  facte  had  been  known,)  by  y® 
sachems  coSaand  they  were  carried  to  Aquidnett  Hand, 
&  ther  accused  of  y''  murder,  and  were  examed  & 
comitted  upon  it  by  y*^  English  ther.  The  Indeans  sent 
for  M^  Williams,  &  made  a  greeveous  complainte ;  his 
freinds  and  kinred  were  ready  to  rise  in  armes,  and 
provock  the  rest  therunto,  some  conceiving  they  should 
now  find  y^  Pequents  words  trew :  that  y*"  English 
would  fall  upon  them.  But  M^  Williams  pacified 
them,  &  tould  them  they  should  see  justice  done  upon 
y^  ofienders  ;  &  wente  to  y^  man,  &  tooke  M*".  James, 
a  phisition,  with  him.  The  man  tould  him  who  did  it, 
&  in  what  maner  it  was  done ;  but  y""  phisition  found 
his  wounds  mortall,  and  that  he  could  not  live,  (as  he 
after  testified  upon  othe,  before  y*"  jurie  in  oppen 
courte,)  and  so  he  dyed  shortly  after,  as  both  JVF. 
Williams,  M^  James,  &  some  Indeans  testified  in 
courte.  The  Gov"^'  in  y'^  Bay  were  aquented  with  it, 
but  refferrd  it  hither,  because  it  was  done  in  this 
jurisdiction ;  *  but  pressed  by  all  means  y*  justice 
might  be  done  in  it ;  or  els  y*^  countrie  must  rise  & 
see  justice  done,  otherwise  it  would  raise  a  warr.  Yet 
some  of  y*'  rude  &  ignorante  sorte  murmured  that  any 

*  And  yet  afterwards  they  laid  claime  to  those  parts  in  y^  controversie 
about  Seacunk. 


1638.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  435 

English  should  be  put  to  death  for  y*^  Indeans.  So  at 
last  they  of  y''  iland  brought  them  hither,  and  being 
often  examened,  and  y''  evidence  prodused,  they  all  in 
the  end  freely  confessed  in  effect  all  y*  the  Indean 
accused  them  of,  &  that  they  had  done  it,  in  y«  maner 
afforesaid;  and  so,  upon  y"  forementioned  evidence, 
were  cast  by  y^  jurie,  &  condemned,  &  executed  for 
the  same.  And  some  of  y*'  Narigansett  Indeans,  &  of 
y"  parties  freinds,  were  presente  when  it  was  done, 
which  srave  them  &  all  v'^  countrie  good  satisfaction. 
But  it  was  a  matter  of  much  sadnes  to  them  hear, 
and  was  y®  2.  execution  which  they  had  since  they 
came ;  being  both  for  wilfuU  murder,  as  hath  bene 
before  related.     Thus  much  of  this  mater. 

[229]  They  received  this  year  more  letters  from 
England  full  of  reneued  complaints,  on  y^  one  side, 
that  they  could  gett  no  money  nor  accounte  from  M''. 
Sherley;  &  he  againe,  y'  he  was  pressed  therto,  saying 
he  was  to  accounte  with  those  hear,  and  not  with 
them,  &c.  So,  as  was  before  resolved,  if  nothing  came 
of  their  last  letters,  they  would  now  send  them  what 
they  could,  as  supposing,  when  some  good  parte  was 
payed  them,  that  M^  Sherley  &  they  would  more 
easily  agree  aboute  y'^  remainder. 

So  they  sent  to  M^  Andrews  and  M"".  Beachamp,  by 
M^  Joseph  Yonge,  in  y''  Mary  &  Anne,  132.5**.  waight 
of  beaver,  devided  betweene  them  M"".  Beachamp  re- 
turned an  accounte  of  his  moyety,  that  he  made  400*'. 


436  HISTORY    OF  [book    II. 

starling  of  it,  fraight  and  all  charges  paid.  But  M"". 
Andrews,  though  he  had  y"  more  and  beter  parte,  yet 
he  made  not  so  much  of  his,  through  his  owne  indis- 
cretion ;  and  yet  turned  y'^  loss  *  upon  them  hear,  but 
without  cause. 

They  sent  them  more  by  bills  &  other  paimente, 
which  was  received  &  acknowledged  by  them,  in 
money  f  &  y*^  like ;  which  was  for  katle  sould  of  M"". 
Allertons,  and  y*^  price  of  a  bark  sold,  which  belonged 
to  y*"  stock,  and  made  over  to  them  in  money,  434*'. 
sterling.  The  whole  sume  was  1234**.  sterling,  save 
what  M'".  Andrews  lost  in  y"  beaver,  which  was  other- 
wise made  good.  But  yet  this  did  not  stay  their 
olamors,  as  will  apeare  here  after  more  at  large. 

It  pleased  God,  in  these  times,  so  to  blesse  y*"  cuntry 
with  such  access  &  confluance  of  people  into  it,  as  it 
was  therby  much  inriched,  and  catle  cf  all  kinds  stood 
at  a  high  rate  for  diverce  years  together.  Kine  were 
sould  at  20^.  and  some  at  25*".  a  peece,  yea,  some 
times  at  28^.  A  cow-calfe  usually  at  10".  A  milch 
goate  at  3".  &  some  at  4*'.  And  femall  kids  at  30'. 
and  often  at  40^  a  peece.  By  which  means  y*^  anciente 
planters  which  had  any  stock  begane  to  grow  in  their 
estats.  Corne  also  wente  at  a  round  rate,  viz.  6^  a 
bushell.  So  as  other  trading  begane  to  be  neglected ; 
and  the  old  partners  (having  now  forbidden  M"".  Sherley 
to  send  them  any  more  goods)  broke  of  their  trade  at 

*  Being  about  40*'-  f  And  devided  betweene  them. 


1638.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  437 

Kenebeck,  and,  as  things  stood,  would  follow  it  no 
longer.  But  some  of  them,  (with  other  they  joyned 
with,)  being  loath  it  should  be  lost  by  discontinuance, 
agreed  with  y"  company  for  it,  and  gave  them  aboute 
y*'  6.  parte  of  their  gaines  for  it ;  [230]  *  with  y®  first 
fruits  of  which  they  builte  a  house  for  a  prison ;  and 
the  trade  ther  hath  been  since  continued,  to  y°  great 
benefite  of  y*^  place ;  for  some  well  fore-sawe  that  these 
high  prises  of  corne  and  catle  would  not  long  continue, 
and  that  then  y®  comodities  ther  raised  would  be  much 
missed. 

This  year,  aboute  y®  1.  or  2.  of  June,  was  a  great 
&  fearfuU  earthquake ;  it  was  in  this  place  heard  be- 
fore it  was  felte.  It  came  with  a  rumbling  noyse,  or 
low  murmure,  like  unto  remoate  thunder ;  it  came  from 
y^  norward,  &  pased  southward.  As  y®  noyse  aproched 
nerer,  they  earth  begane  to  shake,  and  came  at  length 
with  that  violence  as  caused  platters,  dishes,  &  such 
like  things  as  stoode  upon  shelves,  to  clatter  &  fall 
downe ;  yea,  persons  were  afraid  of  y°  houses  them 
selves.  It  so  fell  oute  y'  at  y'^  same  time  diverse  of 
y^  cheefe  of  this  towne  were  mett  together  at  one 
house,  conferring  with  some  of  their  freinds  that  were 
upon  their  removall  from  y®  place,  (as  if  y'^  Lord 
would  herby  shew  y''  signes  of  his  displeasure,  in  their 
shaking  a  peeces  &  removalls  one  from  an  other.) 
How   ever   it    was    very   terrible    for   y"   time,    and    as 

•  130  in  MS. 


438  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

y*^  men  were  set  talking  in  y*^  house,  some  women 
&  others  were  without  y*'  dores,  and  y"  earth  shooke 
with  y'  violence  as  they  could  not  stand  without 
catching  hould  of  y*'  posts  cS;  pails  y*  stood  next 
them ;  but  y"  violence  lasted  not  long.  And  about 
halfe  an  hower,  or  less,  came  an  other  noyse  & 
shaking,  but  nether  so  load  nor  strong  as  y''  former, 
but  quickly  passed  over ;  and  so  it  ceased.  It  was 
not  only  on  y*"  sea  coast,  but  y*'  Indeans  felt  it 
within  land ;  and  some  ships  that  were  upon  y''  coast 
were  shaken  by  it.  So  powerfull  is  y''  mighty  hand  of 
y^  Lord,  as  to  make  both  the  earth  &  sea  to  shake, 
and  the  mountaines  to  tremble  before  him,  when  he 
pleases ;  and  who  can  stay  his  hand  ?  It  was  observed 
that  y*"  somers,  for  divers  years  togeather  after  this 
earthquake,  were  not  so  hotte  &  seasonable  for  y* 
ripning  of  corne  &  other  fruits  as  formerly ;  but 
more  could  &  moyst,  &  subjecte  to  erly  &  untimly 
frosts,  by  which,  many  times,  much  Indean  corne 
came  not  to  maturitie ;  but  whether  this  was  any 
cause,    I   leave   it   to    naturallists   to  judge. 

Anno  Dom:  1639.  &  Anno  Dom:  1640. 
These  2.  years  I  joyne  togeather,  because  in  them 
fell  not  out  many  things  more  then  y*^  ordinary  pas- 
sages of  their  comone  affaires,  which  are  not  need- 
full  to  be  touched.  [231]  Those  of  this  plantation 
having    at    sundrie    times    granted    lands    for    severall 


1639,    1640.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  439 

townships,  and  amongst  y''  rest  to  y*^  inhabitants  of 
Sityate,  some  wherof  issewed  from  them  selves,  and 
allso  a  large  tracte  of  land  was  given  to  their  4. 
London  partners  in  y*  place,  viz.  M"".  Sherley,  M^ 
Beacham,  M^  Andrews,  &  M"".  Hatherley.  At  M^ 
Hatherley's  request  and  choys  it  was  by  him  taken 
for  him  selfe  and  them  in  y*  place ;  for  the  other 
3.  had  invested  him  with  power  &  trust  to  chose 
for  them.  And  this  tracte  of  land  extended  to  their 
utmoste  limets  that  way,  and  bordered  on  their  neig- 
bours  of  y''  Massachusets,  who  had  some  years  after 
seated  a  towne  (called  Hiugam)  on  their  lands  next 
to  these  parts.  So  as  now  ther  grue  great  differance 
betweene  these  2.  townships,  about  their  bounds,  and 
some  meadow  grownds  that  lay  betweene  them.  They 
of  Hingam  presumed  to  alotte  parte  of  them  to  their 
people,  and  measure  &  stack  them  out.  The  other 
pulled  up  their  stacks,  &  threw  them.  So  it  grew 
to  a  controversie  betweene  the  2.  goverments,  &  many 
letters  and  passages  were  betweene  them  aboute  it ; 
and  it  hunge  some  2.  years  in  suspense.  The  Courte 
of  Massachusets  appointed  some  to  range  their  line 
according  to  y®  bounds  of  their  patente,  and  (as  they 
wente  to  worke)  they  made  it  to  take  in  all  Sityate, 
and  I  know  not  how  much  more.  Againe,  on  j" 
other  hand,  according  to  y*"  line  of  y®  patente  of 
this  place,  it  would  take  in  Hingame  and  much  more 
within  their  bounds. 


440  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

In  y"  end  boath  Courts  agreed  to  chose  2.  comis- 
sioners  of  each  side,  and  to  give  them  full  &  absolute 
power  to  agree  and  setle  y"  bounds  betwene  them  ;  and 
what  they  should  doe  in  y*^  case  should  stand  irrevo- 
cably. One  meeting  they  had  at  Hingam,  but  could 
not  conclude ;  for  their  comissioners  stoode  stiffly  on 
a  clawes  in  their  graunte,  That  from  Charles-river, 
or  any  branch  or  parte  therof,  they  were  to  extend 
their  limits,  and  3.  myles  further  to  y*^  southward; 
or  from  y""  most  southward  parte  of  y'^  Massachusets 
Bay,  and  3.  mile  further.  But  they  chose  to  stand 
on  y^  former  termes,  for  they  had  found  a  smale 
river,  or  brooke  rather,  that  a  great  way  with  in 
land  trended  southward,  and  issued  into  some  part 
of  y'  river  taken  to  be  Charles-river,  and  from  y*^ 
most  southerly  part  of  this,  &  3.  mile  more  south- 
ward of  j"  same,  they  would  rune  a  line  east  to  y*" 
sea,  aboute  20.  mile ;  which  will  (say  they)  take  in 
a  part  of  Plimoth  itselfe.  Now  it  is  to  be  knowne 
y*  though  this  patente  &  plantation  were  much  the 
ancienter,  yet  this  inlargemente  of  y®  same  (in  which 
Sityate  stood)  was  granted  after  theirs,  and  so  theirs 
were  first  to  take  place,  before  this  inlargmente.  Now 
their  answer  was,  first,  that,  however  according  to  their 
owne  plan,  they  could  noway  come  upon  any  part  of 
their  ancieante  grante.  [232]  2'-^'.  They  could  never 
prove  y*  to  be  a  parte  of  Charles-river,  for  they  knew 
not  ^v^hich  was  Charles-river,  but  as  y*^  people   of  this 


1639,  1640.]    PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.  441 

place,    which    came    first,   imposed    such    a    name    upon 
yt    river,    upon    which,    since,    Charles-towne    is    builte 
(supposing   y'   was    it,    which    Captaine    Smith    in    his 
mapp    so    named).     Now  they  y'   first   named    it    have 
best  reason  to   know  it,   and  to   explaine  which  is   it. 
But   they    only  tooke    it   to    be    Charles    river,    as  fare 
as    it  was    by  them  navigated,   and    y*^  was    as    farr  as 
a   boate    could    goe.      But   y*    every    runlett    or    small 
brooke,  y*  should,   farr  within  land,   come  into   it,   or 
mixe   their   stremes    with    it,   and   were    by    y"    natives 
called   by    other    &    differente    names    from    it,    should 
now  by  them   be   made  Charles-river,   or   parts    of  it, 
they   saw   no    reason    for    it.      And    gave    instance    in 
Humber,  in  Old  England,  which  had  y'^  Trente,  Ouse, 
and   many  others    of  lesser  note  fell  into    it,   and  yet 
were  not  counted  parts  of  it ;   and  many  smaler  rivers 
&    broks    fell   into    y®    Trente,   &    Ouse,   and   no    parts 
of  them,  but  had  nams  aparte,  and   divisions   &   nom- 
inations of  them  selves.     Againe,   it  was   pleaded  that 
they  had   no    east   line   in   their   patente,   but  were   to 
begine    at   y®    sea,    and  goe    west   by   a   line,    &c.     At 
this  meeting  no   conclution  was  made,  but  things   dis- 
cussed &  well  prepared  for  an  issue.     The  next  year 
y®  same  comissioners  had  their  power  continued  or  re- 
newed,  and   mett  at  Sityate,  and  concluded  y""  mater, 
as  followeth. 


442  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 


The   agreemente   of   y^   hounds    betwixte   Plimoth    and    Massa- 
chusetts. 

Wheras  ther  were  tow  comissioues  granted  by  y^  2.  juris- 
dictions, y*^  one  of  Massachsets  Govermente,  granted  unto 
John  Endecott,  gent :  and  Israeli  Stoughton,  gent :  the  other 
of  New-Plimoth  Govermente,  to  William  Bradford,  Gov',  and 
Edward  Winslow,  gent :  and  both  these  for  y*"  setting  out, 
setling,  &  determining  of  y^  bounds  &  limitts  of  y*"  lands 
betweeue  y^  said  jurisdictions,  wherby  not  only  this  presente 
age,  but  y®  posteritie  to  come  may  live  peaceably  &  quietly 
in  y'  behalfe.  And  for  as  much  as  y""  said  comissioners  on 
both  sids  have  full  power  so  to  doe,  as  appeareth  by  y^ 
records  of  both  jurisdictions ;  we  therfore,  y^  said  comissioners 
above  named,  doe  hearby  with  one  consente  &  agreemente 
conclude,  detirmine,  and  by  these  presents  declare,  that  all 
y"  marshes  at  Conahasett  y'  lye  of  y''  one  side  of  y^  river 
next  to  Hingam,  shall  belong  to  y"  jurisdition  of  Massa- 
chusetts Plantation  ;  and  all  y*"  marshes  y'  lye  on  y"  other 
side  of  y^  river  next  to  Sityate,  shall  be  long  to  y^  jurisdiction 
of  New-Plimoth;  excepting  60.  acers  of  marsh  at  y""  mouth 
of  y*  river,  on  Sityate  side  next  to  the  sea,  which  we  doe 
herby  agree,  conclude,  &  detirmine  shall  belong  to  y^  juris- 
dition of  Massachusetts.  And  further,  we  doe  hearby  agree, 
determine,  and  conclude,  y'  the  bounds  of  y^  limites  betweene 
both  y^  said  jurisditions  are  as  followeth,  viz.  from  y*"  mouth 
of  y"  brook  y'  runeth  into  Chonahasett  marches  (which  we 
call  by  y"  name  of  Bound-brooke)  with  a  stright  &  directe 
line  to  y''  midle  of  a  great  ponde,  y'  lyeth  on  y"  right  hand 
of  y*^  uper  path,  or  commone  way,  y'  leadeth  betweene 
Waimoth  and  Plimoth,  close  to  y^  path  as  [233]  we  goe 
alonge,  which  was  formerly  named  (and  still  we  desire  may 
be  caled)  Accord  pond,  lying  aboute  five  or  6.  myles  from 
AVeimoth  southerley  ;  and  from  thence  with  a  straight  line  to 


1639,  1640.]     PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.  443 

y*  southei'-most  part  of  Charles-river,*  &  3.  miles  southerly, 
inward  into  y''  countrie,  aocording  as  is  expresed  in  y*"  patente 
granted  by  his  Ma"''  to  y*  Company  of  y''  Massachusetts  Plan- 
tation. Provided  allways  and  never  y®  less  concluded  & 
determined  by  mutuall  agreemente  betweene  y*  said  comis- 
sioners,  y'  if  it  fall  out  y'  the  said  line  from  Accord-pond 
to  y*  sothermost  parte  of  Charles-river,  &  3.  myles  southerly 
as  is  before  expresed,  straiten  or  hinder  any  parte  of  any 
plantation  begune  by  y^  Gove"^  of  New-Plimoth,  or  hereafter 
to  be  begune  within  10.  years  after  y"  date  of  these  ps°'% 
that  then,  notwithstanding  y*'  said  line,  it  shall  be  lawful! 
for  y*  said  Gov'''  of  New-Plimoth  to  assume  on  y^  northerly 
side  of  y*"  said  line,  wher  it  shall  so  intrench  as  afforesaid, 
so  much  land  as  will  make  up  y^  quantity  of  eight  miles 
square,  to  belong  to  every  shuch  plantation  begune,  or  to 
[be]  begune  as  afforesaid ;  which  we  agree,  determine,  & 
conclude  to  appertaine  &  belong  to  y®  said  Gov'^  of  New- 
Plimoth.  And  wheras  y''  said  line,  from  y*  said  brooke  which 
runeth  into  Choahassett  saltmarshes,  called  by  us  Bound- 
brooke,  and  y"  pond  called  Accord-pond,  lyeth  nere  y^  lands 
belonging  to  y''  tounships  of  Sityate  &  Hingam,  we  doe  ther- 
fore  hereby  determine  &  conclude,  that  if  any  devissions 
allready  made  and  recorded,  by  either  y®  said  townships,  doe 
crose  the  said  line,  that  then  it  shall  stand,  &  be  of  force 
according  to  y^  former  intents  and  purposes  of  y®  said  townes 
granting  them  (the  marshes  formerly  agreed  on  exepted). 
And  y'  no  towne  in  either  jurisdiction  shall  hereafter  ex- 
ceede,  but  containe  them  selves  within  y*  said  lines  expressed. 
In  witnes  wherof  we,  the  comissioners  of  both  jurisdictions, 
doe  by  these  presents  indented  set  our  hands  &  seales  y* 
ninth  day  of  y''  4.  month  in  16.  year  of  our  soveraine  lord, 
king  Charles;   and  in  y**  year  of  our  Lord,  1640. 

William  P>radford,  Gov''.         Jo :  Endecott. 

Ed  :  WiNSLOw.  Israell  Stoughton. 


Which  is  Charles  River  may  still  be  questioned. 


444  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

Wheras  y''  patente  was  taken  in  y  name  of  William 
Bradford,  (as  in  trust,)  and  rane  in  these  termes  :  To 
him,  his  heires,  and  associats  &  assignes  ;  and  now  y" 
noumber  of  free-men  being  much  increased,  and  diverce 
tounships  established  and  setled  in  severall  quarters  of 
y''  govermente,  as  Plimoth,  Duxberie,  Sityate,  Tanton, 
Sandwich,  Yarmouth,  Barnstable,  Marchfeeld,  and  not 
longe  after,  Seacunke  (called  afterward,  at  y*^  desire 
of  y''  inhabitants,  Rehoboth)  and  Nawsett,  it  was  by 
y^  Courte  desired  that  William  Bradford  should  make  a 
surrender  of  y*^  same  into  their  hands.  The  which  he 
willingly  did,  in  this  maner  following. 

Wheras  William  Bradford,  and  diverce  others  y"  first  in- 
struments ■  of  God  in  the  begiiiing  of  this  great  work  of 
plantation,  togeather  with  such  as  y'^  allordering  hand  of  God 
in  his  providence  soone  added  unto  them,  have  been  at  very 
great  charges  to  procure  y*'  lauds,  priviledges,  &  freedoms 
from  all  intanglments,  as  may  appeare  by  diverse  &  sundrie 
deeds,  inlargments  of  grants,  purchases,  and  payments  of 
debts,  &c.,  by  reason  wherof  y*"  title  to  y''  day  of  these 
presents  [234]  remaiueth  in  y*"  said  William  Bradford,  his 
heires,  associats,  and  assignes :  now,  for  y"  better  setling 
of  y®  estate  of  the  said  lands  (contained  in  y^  grant  or 
pattente),  the  said  William  Bradford,  and  those  first  instru- 
ments termed  &  called  in  sondry  orders  upou  publick  recorde, 
Y*^  Purchasers,  or  Old  comers;  witues  2.  in  spetiall,  the  one 
bearing  date  y"  3.  of  March,  163y.  the  other  iu  Des :  the 
1.  An"  1640.  wherunto  these  presents'  have  spetiall  relation 
&  agreemente,  and  wherby  they  are  distinguished  from  other 
y*  freemen  &  inhabitants  of  y*"  said  corporation.  Be  it 
knowne   unto   all  men,   therfore,    by   these   presents,  that  the 


1G39,  1640.]     PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.  445 

said  William  Bradford,  for  him  selfe,  his  heires,  together  with 
3'^  said  purchasers,  doe  only  reserve  unto  them  selves,  their 
heires,  and  assignes  those  3.  tractes  of  land  mentioned  in  y"" 
said  resolution,  order,  and  agreemente,  bearing  date  y*^  first 
of  Des  :  1640,  viz.  first,  from  y*^  bounds  of  Yarmouth,  3.  miles 
to  y^  eastward  of  Naemschatet,  and  from  sea  to  sea,  crose 
the  neck  of  land.  The  2.  of  a  place  called  Acoughcouss, 
which  lyeth  in  y^  botorae  of  y*  bay  adjoyning  to  y^  west-side 
of  Pointe  Perill,  and  2.  myles  to  y"  westerne  side  of  y''  said 
river,  to  an  other  place  called  Acushente  river,  which  entereth 
at  y*"  westerne  end  of  Nacata,  and  2.  miles  to  y"  eastward 
therof,  and  to  extend  8.  myles  up  into  y^  countrie.  The 
3.  place,  from  Sowansett  river  to  Patucket  river,  (with  Caw- 
sumsett  neck,)  which  is  y"  cheefe  habitation  of  y*"  Indeans, 
&  reserved  for  them  to  dwell  upon,)  extending  into  y*"  land  8. 
myles  through  y*^  whole  breadth  therof.  Togeather  with  such 
other  small  parcells  of  lands  as  they  or  any  of  them  are  per- 
sonally possessed  of  or  intressed  in,  by  vertue  of  any  former 
titles  or  grante  whatsoever.  And  y''  said  William  Bradford 
doth,<by  y^  free  &  full  consente,  approbation,  and  agreemente 
of  y^  said  old-planters,  or  purchasers,  together  with  y*"  liking, 
approbation,  and  acceptation  of  y^  other  parte  of  y*  said 
corporation,  surrender  into  y**  hands  of  y*^  whole  courte,  con- 
sisting of  y"  free-men  of  this  corporation  of  New-Plimoth,  all 
y'  other  right  &  title,  power,  authority,  priviledges,  immu- 
nities, &  freedomes  granted  in  y*"  said  letters  patents  by  y'^ 
said  right  Honb'"  Counsell  for  Xew-England ;  reserveing  his 
&  their  personall  right  of  freemen,  together  w*  the  said  old 
planters  afforesaid,  excepte  y*^  said  lands  before  excepted, 
declaring  the  freemen  of  this  corporation,  togeather  with  all 
such  as  shal  be  legally  admitted  into  y"  same,  his  associats. 
And  y''  said  William  Bradford,  for  him,  his  heiers,  &  assignes, 
doe  hereby  further  promise  and  grant  to  doe  &  performe 
whatsoever  further  thing  or  things,  acte  or  actes,  which  in 
him  lyeth,  which  shall  be  needfuU  and  expediente  for  y*"  better 


446  .nSTORY  OF  [bookii.' 


confirming  and  establishing  the  said  premises,  as  by  counsel 
lerued  in  y'"  lawes  shall  be  reasonably  advised  and  devised, 
when  he  shall  be  ther  unto  required.  In  witness  wherof,  the 
said  William  Bradford  hath  in  publick  courte  surrendered 
the  said  letters  patents  actually  into  y*"  hands  &  power  of  y^ 
said  courte,  binding  him  selfe,  his  heires,  executors,  admin- 
istrators, and  assignes  to  deliver  up  whatsoever  spetialties  are 
in  his  hands  that  doe  or  may  concerne  the  same. 

[235]  In  these  2.  years  they  had  sundry  letters  out 
of  England  to  send  one  over  to  end  the  buissines  and 
accounte  with  ]\P.  Sherley ;  who  now  professed  he 
could  not  make  up  his  accounts  without  y''  help  of 
some  from  hence,  espetial}^  M''.  Winslows.  They  had 
serious  thoughts  of  it,  and  y^  most  parte  of  y®  partners 
hear  thought  it  best  to  send ;  but  they  had  formerly 
written  such  bitter  and  threatenins;  letters  as  M"".  Wins- 
low  was  neither  willing  to  goe,  nor  y'  any  other  of  y* 
partners  should ;  for  he  was  pers waded,  if  any  of  them 
wente,  they  should  be  arested,  and  an  action  of  such 
a  suine  layed  upon  them  as  they  should  not  procure 
baele,  but  must  lye  in  prison,  and  then  they  would 
bring  them  to  what  they  liste ;  or  other  wise  they 
might  be  brought  into  trouble  by  j^  arch-bishops 
means,  as  y®  times  then  stood.  But,  notwithstand- 
ing, they  weer  much  inclined  to  send,  &  Captaine 
Standish  was  willing  to  goe,  but  they  resolved,  see- 
ing they  could  not  all  agree  in  this  thing,  and  that 
it  was  waighty,  and  y*'  consequence  might  prove  dan- 
gerous,   to    take    M"".    Winthrops    advise    in    y^   thing, 


1639,  1640.]     PLYMOUTH  PLAKTA1   N.  447 


and  y®  rather,  because  M"".  Andrews  had  by  many 
letters  acquaynted  him  with  y^  differences  betweene 
them,  and  appoynted  him  for  his  assigne  to  receive 
his  parte  of  y*^  debte.  (And  though  they  deneyed  to 
pay  him  any  as  a  debte,  till  y"  controversie  was  ended, 
yet  they  had  deposited  110^'.  in  money  in  his  hands 
for  IVF.  Andrews,  to  pay  to  him  in  parte  as  soone 
as  he  would  come  to  any  agreement  with  y^  rest.) 
But  M^  Winthrop  was  of  M"".  Winslows  minde,  and 
disswaded  them  from  sending ;  so  they  broak  of  their 
resolution  from  sending,  and  returned  this  answer : 
that  the  times  were  dangerous  as  things  stood  with 
them,  for  they  knew  how  M''.  Winslow  had  suffered 
formerley,  and  for  a  small  matter  was  clapte  up  in 
y®  Fleete,  &  it  was  long  before  he  could  gett  out, 
to  both  his  &  their  great  loss  and  damage ;  and 
times  were  not  better,  but  worse,  in  y'  respecte. 
Yet,  that  their  equall  &  honest  minds  might  appeare 
to  all  men,  they  made  them  this  tender :  to  refferr  y^ 
case  to  some  gentle-men  and  marchants  in  y''  Bay  of 
y®  Massachusetts,  such  as  they  should  chuse,  and  were 
well  knowne  unto  them  selves,  (as  they  perceived 
their  wer  many  of  their  aquaintance  and  freinds  ther, 
better  knowne  to  them  then  y^  partners  hear,)  and 
let  them  be  informed  in  y^  case  by  both  sids,  and 
have  all  y^  evidence  y'  could  be  prodused,  in  writ- 
ing, or  other  wise ;  and  they  would  be  bound  to 
stand    to    their    determination,    and    make    good    their 


448  HISTORY   OF  [book  II. 

award,  though  it  should  cost  them  all  they  had  in 
y*"  world.  But  this  did  not  please  them,  but  they 
were  offended  at  it,  without  any  great  reasone  for 
ought  1  know,  (seeing  nether  side  could  give  in  clear 
accounles,  y*"  partners  here  could  not,  by  reason  they 
(to  their  smarte)  were  failed  by  y"  accountante  they 
sent  them,  and  M"".  Sherley  pretened  he  could  not 
allso,)  save  as  they  conceived  it  a  disparagmente 
to  yeeld  to  their  inferiours  in  respecte  of  y*"  place 
and  other  concurring  circomstances.  So  this  came  to 
nothing ;  and  afterward  M''.  Sherley  write,  y*  if  M"". 
Winslow  would  mett  him  in  France,  y*"  Low-Coun- 
tries, or  Scotland,  let  y*"  place  be  knowne,  and  he 
[236]  come  to  him  ther.  But  in  regard  of  y*"  troubles 
that  now  begane  to  arise  in  our  owne  nation,  and 
other  reasons,  this  did  not  come  to  any  effecte.  That 
which  made  them  so  desirous  to  bring  things  to  an 
end  was  partly  to  stope  y^  clamours  and  aspertions 
raised  &  cast  upon  them  hereaboute ;  though  they 
conceived  them  selves  to  sustaine  the  greatest  wrong, 
and  had  most  cause  of  complainte ;  and  partly  because 
they  feared  y*^  fall  of  catle,  in  which  most  parte  of 
their  estats  lay.  And  this  was  not  a  vaine  feare ; 
for  they  fell  indeede  before  they  came  to  a  conclu- 
sion, and  that  so  souddanly,  as  a  cowe  that  but  a 
month  before  was  worth  20^'.,  and  would  so  have 
passed  in  any  paymente,  fell  now  to  5^'.  and  would 
yeeld  no  more  ;   and  a  goate  that  wente   at  3".   or  50'. 


1641.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  449 


would  now  yeeld  but  8.  or  10'.  at  most.  All  men 
feared  a  fall  of  catle,  but  it  was  thought  it  would 
be  by  degrees ;  and  not  to  be  from  y*^  highest  pitch 
at  once  to  y*'  lowest,  as  it  did,  which  was  greatly 
to  y*"  damage  of  many,  and  y®  undoing  of  some.  An 
other  reason  was,  they  many  of  them  grew  aged, 
(and  indeed  a  rare  thing  it  was  that  so  many  part- 
ners should  all  live  together  so  many  years  as  these 
did,)  and  saw  many  changes  were  like  to  befall;  so 
as  they  were  loath  to  leave  these  intanglments  upon 
their  children  and  posteritie,  who  might  be  driven  to 
remove  places,  as  they  had  done;  yea,  them  selves 
might  doe  it  yet  before  they  dyed.  But  this  bussi- 
nes  must  yet  rest ;  y''  next  year  gave  it  more  rip- 
nes,  though  it  rendred  them  less  able  to  pay,  for 
y*"   reasons   afforesaid. 

Anno  Do7n :  1641. 
M".  Sherley  being  weary  of  this  controversie,  and 
desirous  of  an  end,  (as  well  as  them  selves,)  write  to 
M>'.  John  Atwode  and  M-".  William  Collier,  2.  of  y« 
inhabitants  of  this  place,  and  of  his  speatiall  aquaint- 
ance,  and  desired  them  to  be  a  means  to  bring  this 
bussines  to  an  end,  by  advising  &  counselling  the 
partners  hear,  by  some  way  to  bring  it  to  a  composi- 
tion, by  mutuall  agreemente.  And  he  write  to  them 
selves  allso  to  y'  end,  as  by  his  letter  may  apear ;  so 
much  therof  as   concernse    y''  same  I  shall  hear  relate. 


450  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

S^  My  love  remembered,  &c.  I  have  writte  so  much  con- 
cerning y^  ending  of  accounts  betweexte  us,  as  I  profess  I 
know  not  what  more  to  write,  &c.  If  you  desire  an  end, 
as  you  seeme  to  doe,  ther  is  (as  I  conceive)  but  2.  waise  ; 
that  is,  to  parfecte  all  accounts,  from  y"  first  to  y*"  last,  &c. 
Now  if  we  find  this  difflculte,  and  tedious,  haveing  not  been 
so  stricte  &  carefull  as  we  should  and  oughte  to  have 
done,  as  for  my  owne  parte  I  doe  confess  I  have  been  some- 
what to  remisse,  and  doe  verily  thiuke  so  are  you,  &c.  I 
fear  you  can  never  make  a  perfecte  accounte  of  all  your 
pety  viages,  out,  &  home  too  &  againe,  &c.*  So  then  y® 
second  way  must  be,  by  biding,  or  [237]  compounding;  and 
this  way,  first  or  last,  we  must  fall  upon,  &c.  If  we  must 
warr  at  law  for  it,  doe  not  you  expecte  from  me,  nether 
will  I  from  you,  but  to  cleave  y"  heare,  and  then  I  dare  say 
y®  lawyers  will  be  most  gainers,  &c.  Thus  let  us  set  to  y® 
worke,  one  way  or  other,  and  end,  that  I  may  not  allways 
suffer  in  my  name  &  estate.  And  you  are  not  free ;  nay, 
y^  gospell  suffers  by  your  delaying,  and  causeth  y"  professors 
of  it  to  be  hardly  spoken  of,  that  you,  being  many,  &  now 
able,  should  combine  «fe  joyne  togeather  to  oppress  &  bur- 
den me,  &c.  Fear  not  to  make  a  faire  &  reasonable  offer ; 
beleeve  me,  I  will  never  take  any  advantage  to  plead  it 
against  you,  or  to  wrong  you  ;  or  else  let  M^  Winslow  come 
over,  and  let  him  have  such  full  power  &  authority  as  we  may 
ende  by  compounding ;  or  else,  y"  accounts  so  well  and  fully 
made  up,  as  we  may  end  by  reconing.  Now,  blesed  be  God, 
y®  times  be  much  changed  here,  I  hope  to  see  many  of  you 
returne  to  you''  native  countrie  againe,  and  have  such  free- 
dome  &  libertie  as  y'^  word  of  God  prescribs.  Our  bishops 
were  never  so  near  a  downfall  as  now ;  God  hath  miracu- 
lously  confounded    them,    and    turned    all    their     popish    & 

•  This  was  but  to  pretend  advantage,  for  it  could  not  be  done,  neither  did 
it  need. 


1641.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  451 

Machavillian  plots  &  projects  on  their  owne  heads,  &c. 
Thus  you  see  what  is  fitt  to  be  done  concerning  our  per- 
ticulere  greevances.  I  pi'ay  you  take  it  seriously  into  consid- 
eration ;  let  each  give  way  a  litle  that  we  may  meete,  &c. 
Be   you  and  all    yours  kindly  saluted,  &c.     So  I  ever  rest, 

Your  loving  friend, 

James  Sherlet. 
Clapham,  May  18.  1641. 

Being  thus  by  this  leter,  and  allso  by  M^  Atwodes 
&  M"".  Colliers  mediation  urged  to  bring  things  to  an 
end,  (and  y*"  continuall  clamors  from  y''  rest,)  and  by 
none  more  urged  then  by  their  own  desires,  they  tooke 
this  course  (because  many  scandals  had  been  raised 
upon  them).  They  apoynted  these  2.  men  before  men- 
tioned to  meet  on  a  certaine  day,  and  called  some 
other  freinds  on  both  sids,  and  M^  Free-man,  brother 
in  law  to  M^  Beachamp,  and  having  drawne  u]:>  a  col- 
lection of  all  y*"  remains  of  y*'  stock,  in  what  soever  it 
was,  as  housing,  boats,  bark,  and  all  implements  be- 
longing to  y*'  same,  as  they  were  used  in  y*^  time  of 
y*"  trad,  were  they  better  or  worce,  with  y*"  remaines 
of  all  comodities,  as  beads,  knives,  hatchetts,  cloth,  or 
any  thing  els,  as  well  y*^  refuse  as  y®  more  vendible, 
with  all  debts,  as  well  those  y*  were  desperate  as 
others  more  hopefull ;  and  having  spent  diverce  days 
to  bring  this  to  pass,  having  y*^  helpe  of  all  bookes  and 
papers,  which  either  any  of  them  selves  had,  or  Josias 
Winslow,  who  was  their  accountante  ;  and  they  found 
y"  sume    in    all    to    arise  (as    y*^  things  were  valued)  to 


452  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

aboute  1400^'.  And  they  all  of  them  tooke  a  volun- 
tary but  a  sollem  oath,  in  y^  presence  one  of  an 
other,  and  of  all  their  frends,  y*"  persons  abovesaid  y* 
were  now  presente,  that  this  was  all  that  any  of  them 
knew  of,  or  could  remember ;  and  Josias  Winslow  did 
y*  like  for  his  parte.  But  y"^  truth  is  they  wrongd 
them  selves  much  in  y*^  valuation,  for  they  reconed 
some  catle  as  they  were  taken  of  M^  Allerton,  as  for 
instance  a  cowe  in  y*^  hands  of  one  cost  25^.  and  so 
she  was  valued  in  this  accounte ;  but  when  she  came 
to  be  past  away  in  parte  of  paymente,  after  y*  agree- 
mente,  she  would  be  accepted  but  at  4*'.  15\  [238] 
Also,  being  tender  of  their  oaths,  they  brought  in  all 
they  knew  owing  to  y*^  stock ;  but  they  had  not  made 
y''  like  diligente  search  what  y*^  stocke  might  owe  to 
any,  so  as  many  scattering  debts  fell  upon  afterwards 
more  then  now  they  knew  of. 

Upon  this  they  drew  certaine  articles  of  agreemente 
betweene  M""  Atwode,  on  M^  Sherleys  behalfe,  and 
them  selves.     The  eliecte  is  as  folloeth. 


Articles  'of  agreemente  made  and  concluded  upon  y"  15.  day  of 
October,  1641.  &c. 

Imp :  Wheras  ther  was  a  partnership  for  diverce  years 
agreed  upon  betweeue  James  Sherley,  John  Beacham,  and 
Richard  Andrews,  of  Loudon,  marchants,  and  William  Brad- 
ford, Edward  Winslow,  Tliomas  Preuce,  Myles  Standish, 
William  Brewster,  John  Aldon,  &  John  Howland.  w'*"  Isaack 
Allerton,  in   a   trade  of    beaver   skines   &   other   furrs   arising 


1641.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  453 

in  New-England  ;  the  terme  of  which  said  partnership  being 
expired,  and  diverse  suiiies  of  money  in  goods  adventnred 
into  New-England  by  y^  said  James  Sherley,  John  Beachamp, 
&  Richard  Andrews,  and  many  large  returnes  made  from 
New-England  by  y*"  said  William  Bradford,  Ed :  Winslow, 
&c. ;  and  differauce  arising  aboute  y"  charge  of  2.  ships,  the 
one  called  y"  White  Angele,  of  Bristow,  and  y''  other  y* 
Frindship,  of  Barnstable,  and  a  viage  intended  in  her,  &c.  ; 
which  said  ships  &  their  viages,  y®  said  William  Bradford, 
Ed  :  W.  &c.  conceive  doe  not  at  all  appertaine  to  their  ac- 
counts of  partnership ;  and  weras  y''  accounts  of  y^  said 
partnership  are  found  to  be  confused,  and  cannot  orderley 
appeare  (through  y**  defaulte  of  Josias  Winslow,  y*'  booke 
keeper)  ;  and  weras  y®  said  W.  B.  &g.  have  received  all 
their  goods  for  y^  said  trade  from  the  foi*esaid  James  Sher- 
ley, and  have  made  most  of  their  returnes  to  him,  by  con- 
sente  of  y*"  said  John  Beachamp  &  Richard  Andrews  ;  and 
wheras  also  y^  said  James  Sherley  hath  given  power  & 
authoritie  to  M^  John  Atwode,  with  y*"  advice  &  consente 
of  William  Collier,  of  Duxborow,  for  and  on  his  behalf e,  to 
put  such  an  absolute  end  to  y*^  said  partnership,  with  all 
and  every  accounts,  reconings,  dues,  claimes,  demands,  what- 
soever, to  y*  said  James  Sherley,  John  Beacham,  &  Richard 
Andrews,  from  y^  said  W.  B.  &c.  for  and  concerning  y*^  said 
beaver  trade,  &  also  y^  charge  y*"  said  2.  ships,  and  their 
viages  made  or  pretended,  whether  just  or  un juste,  from  y® 
worlds  begining  to  this  presente,  as  also  for  y"  paimente 
of  a  purchas  of  1800*'.  made  by  Isaack  Allerton,  for  and  on 
y"  behalfe  of  y"^  said  W.  B.,  Ed:  W.,  &c.,  and  of  y^  joynt 
stock,  shares,  lands,  and  adventurs,  what  soever  in  New- 
England  aforesaid,  as  apeareth  by  a  deede  bearing  date  y' 
6.  Nov''^  1627  ;  and  also  for  and  from  such  sume  and  sumes 
of  money  or  goods  as  are  received  by  William  Bradford, 
Tho  :  Prence,  &  Myles  Standish,  for  y''  recovery  of  dues,  by 
accounts    betwexte   them,   y*  said    James    Sherly,   John    Bea- 


454  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

champ,  &  Richai'd  Andrews,  and  Isaack  AUerton,  for  y*  ship 
caled  y*  White  Angell.  Now  y"  said  John  Attwode,  with  ad- 
vice &  eounsell  of  y^  said  William  Collier,  having  had  much 
comunication  &  spente  diverse  days  in  agitation  of  all  y*^ 
said  differances  &  accounts  with  y"  said  W.  B.,  E.  W., 
&c.  ;  and  y*"  said  W.  B.,  E.  W.,  &c.  have  also,  with  y''  said 
book-keeper  spente  much  time  in  collecting  &  gathering 
togeither  y*"  remainder  of  y^  stock  of  partnership  for  y*  said 
trade,  and  what  soever  hath  beene  received,  or  is  due  by  y* 
said  attorneyship  before  expresed,  and  all,  and  all  manner 
of  goods,  debts,  and  dues  therunto  belonging,  as  well  those 
debts  that  are  weake  and  doubtfull  [239]  and  desperate,  as 
those  y'  are  more  secure,  which  in  all  doe  amounte  to  y* 
sume  of  1400*'.  or  ther  aboute  ;  and  for  more  full  satisfac- 
tion of  y*^  said  James  Sherley,  John  Beachamp,  &  Richard 
Andrews,  the  said  W.  B.  and  all  y"  rest  of  y^  abovesaid 
partners,  togeither  with  Josias  Winslow  y^  booke  keeper, 
have  taken  a  voluntarie  oath,  y'  within  y^  said  sume  of 
1400*'.  or  thevaboute,  is  contained  whatsoever  they  knew,  to 
y^  utmost  of  their  rememberance. 

In  consideration  of  all  which  matters  &  things  before  ex- 
pressed, and  to  y®  end  y'  a  full,  absolute,  and  finall  end 
may  be  now  made,  and  all  suits  in  law  may  be  avoyded, 
and  love  &  peace  continued,  it  is  therfore  agreed  and  con- 
cluded betweene  y"  said  John  Attwode,  with  y**  advice  & 
consent  of  y'^  said  William  Colier,  for  &  on  y"  behalfe  of 
y*  said  James  Shei'ley,  to  and  with  y*^  said  W.  B.,  &c.  in 
mauer  and  forme  following:  viz.  that  y^  said  John  Attwode 
shall  procure  a  sufficiente  release  and  discharge,  under  y* 
hands  &  seals  of  y*^  said  James  Sherley,  John  Beachamp,  & 
Richard  Andrews,  to  be  delivered  fayer  &  unconcealed  unto 
y^  said  William  Bradford,  &c.,  at  or  before  y''  last  day  of 
August,  next  insuing  y^  date  hereof,  whereby  y^  said  William 
Bradford    &c.,   their   heires,   executors,    &   administrators,    & 


1641.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  455 

every  of  them  shall  be  fully  and  absolutly  aquited  &  dis- 
charged of  all  actions,  suits,  reconings,  accounts,  claimes,  and 
demands  whatsoever  concerning  y®  generall  stock  of  beaver 
trade,  paymente  of  y''  said  1800".  for  y"  purchass,  and  all 
demands,  reckonings,  and  accounts,  just  or  uujuste,  con- 
cerning the  tow  ships  Whit-Angell  and  Frendship  aforesaid, 
togeather  with  whatsoever  hath  been  received  by  y*  said 
"William  Bradford,  of  y^  goods  or  estate  of  Isaack  Allerton, 
for  satisfaction  of  y*^  accounts  of  y*  said  ship  called  y* 
Whit  Angele,  by  vertue  of  a  ire  of  attourney  to  him,  Thomas 
Prence,  &  Myles  Standish,  directed  from  y^  said  James  Sher- 
ley,  John  Beachanip,  &  Richard  Andrews,  for  y'  purpose  as 
afforesaid. 

It  is  also  agreed  &  concluded  upon  betweene  the  said 
parties  to  these  presents,  that  the  said  W.  B.,  E.  W.,  &c. 
shall  now  be  bound  in  2400*'.  for  paymente  of  1200*'.  in  full 
satisfaction  of  all  demands  as  afforesaid ;  to  be  payed  in 
maner  &  forme  following ;  that  is  to  say,  400''.  within  2. 
months  next  after  y®  receite  of  the  aforesaid  releases  and 
discharges,  one  hundred  and  ten  pounds  wherof  is  allready 
in  y*  hands  of  John  Winthrop  senior  of  Boston,  Esquire,  by 
the  means  of  M''.  Richard  Andrews  afforesaid,  and  80*'. 
waight  of  beaver  now  deposited  into  y"  hands  of  y^  said 
John  Attwode,  to  be  both  in  part  of  paimente  of  y^  said 
400*'.  and  y'  other  800*'.  to  be  payed  by  200*'.  p'  ahume,  to 
such  assignes  as  shall  be  appointed,  inhabiting  either  in 
Plimoth  or  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  such  goods  &  comodi- 
ties,  and  at  such  rates,  as  the  countrie  shall  afford  at  y^ 
time  of  delivery  &  paymente  ;  and  in  y''  mean  time  y'^  said 
bond  of  2400*'.  to  be  deposited  into  y*'  hands  of  y^  said  John 
Attwode.  And  it  is  agreed  upon  by  &  betweene  y"  said 
parties  to  these  presents,  that  if  y"  said  John  Attwode  shall 
not  or  cannot  procure  such  said  releases  &  discharges  as 
afforesaid    from    y"  said    James    Sherley,  John    Bachamp^   & 


456  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

Richard  Andrews,  at  or  before  y^  last  day  of  August  next 
insuing  y«  date  hear  of,  y*  then  y^  said  John  Attwode  shall, 
at  y^  said  day  precisely,  redeliver,  or  cause  to  [240]  be  de- 
livered unto  y«  said  W.  B.,  E.  W.,  &c.  their  said  bond  of 
2400".  and  y*^  said  80''.  waight  of  beaver,  or  y*"  due  valew 
therof ,  without  any  fraud  or  further  delay  ;  and  for  perform- 
ance of  all  &  singuler  y''  covenants  and  agreements  hearin 
contained  and  expressed,  which  on  y*  one  parte  and  behalfe 
of  y'=  said  James  Sherley  are  to  be  observed  &  performed, 
shall  become  bound  in  y^  suEae  of  2400".  to  them,  y^  said 
William  Bradford,  Edward  Winslow,  Thomas  Prence,  Myles 
Standish.  William  Brewster,  John  Allden,  and  John  How- 
land.  And  it  is  lastly  agreed  upon  betweene  y^  said  parties, 
that  these  presents  shall  be  left  in  trust,  to  be  kepte  for 
boath  parties,  in  y^  hands  of  Mr.  John  Reanour,  teacher  of 
Plimoth.  In  witnes  wherof,  all  y^  said  parties  have  here- 
unto severally  sett  their  hands,  3^"  day  and  year  first  above 
writen. 

John  Atwode,  William  Bradford,  Edward  Winslow,  &c. 
In  y^  presence  of  Edmond  Freeman, 

William  Thomas, 

William  Pady, 

Nathaniell  Souther. 


The  nexte  year  this  long  and  tedious  bussines  came 
to  some  issue,  as  will  then  appeare,  though  not  to  a 
finall  ende  with  all  y^  parties ;  but  this  much  for  y® 
presente. 

I  had  forgoten  to  inserte  in  its  place  how  y®  church 
here  had  invited  and  sent  for  M^  Charles  Chansey,*  a 


*  M'.  Chancey  came  to  them  ia  y«  year  1638.  and  staid  till  y  later  part  of 
this  year  1641. 


1641.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  457 

reverend,  godly,  and  very  larned  man,  intending  upon 
triall    to    chose    him    pastor  of  y"  church   hear,  for  y® 
more  comfortable  performance  of  y*"  ministrie  with  M\ 
John    Reinor,   the    teacher   of   y*^  same.     But   ther   fell 
out    some    diflerance    aboute    baptising,   he    holding    it 
ought  only  to  be  by  diping,  and  putting  y*  whole  body 
under  water,  and  that  sprinkling  was  unlawfull.     The 
church   yeelded   that  immersion,  or  dipping,  was    law- 
full,  but    in    this    could    countrie    not    so    conveniente. 
But    they  could    not    nor   durst    not    yeeld    to    him    in 
this,  that    sprinkling  (which    all    y*  churches   of  Christ 
doe  for   y*^  most  parte  use  at  this  day)  was  unlawfull, 
&    an    humane    invention,  as    y®  same    was    prest ;    but 
they  were  willing  to  yeeld  to  him  as  far  as    y*"^'  could, 
&  to    y''  utmost ;    and  were  contented  to  suffer  him  to 
practise  as   he  was  perswaded ;    and  when    he  came  to 
minister   that    ordnance,  he    might    so  doe  it  to  any  y* 
did    desire    it    in    y'  way,  provided   he    could    peacably 
suffer  M^  Reinor,  and   such  as  desired  to    have  theirs 
otherwise  baptised  by   him,  by  sprinkling  or  powering 
on  of  water  upon  them ;    so  as  ther  might  be  no  dis- 
turbance   in    y^  church    hereaboute.     But    he    said    he 
could  not  yeeld  herunto.     Upon  which  the  church  pro- 
cured   some    other   ministers  to  dispute    y*  pointe  with 
him  publikly ;  as  M^  Ralfe  Partrich,  of  Duxberie,  who 
did  it  sundrie  times,  very  ablie  and  sufficently,  as  allso 
some  other  ministers  within  this  govermente.     But  he 
was    not    satisfied ;    so    y^  church    sent    to    many  other 


458  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

churches  to  crave  their  help  and  advise  in  [241]  this 
mater,  and,  with  his  will  &  consente,  sent  them  his 
arguments  writen  under  his  owne  hand.  They  sente 
them  to  y®  church  at  Boston  in  y^  Bay  of  Massachu- 
sets,  to  be  comunicated  with  other  churches  ther. 
Also  they  sent  the  same  to  y''  churches  of  Conighte- 
cutt  and  New-Haven,  with  sundrie  others ;  and  re- 
ceived very  able  &  sufficent  answers,  as  they  con- 
ceived, from  them  and  their  lamed  ministers,  who  all 
concluded  against  him.  But  him  selfe  was  not  satis- 
fied therw'^.  Their  answers  are  too  large  hear  to 
relate.  They  conceived  y''  church  had  done  what  was 
meete  in  y"  thing,  so  M^  Chansey,  having  been  y"^  most 
parte  of  3.  years  here,  removed  him  selfe  to  Sityate, 
wher  he  now  remaines  a  minister  to  y^  church  ther. 
Also  about  these  times,  now  y^  catle  &  other  things 
begane  greatly  to  fall  from  their  former  rates,  and 
persons  begane  to  fall  into  more  straits,  and  many 
being  allready  gone  from  them,  (as  is  noted  before,) 
both  to  Duxberie,  Marshfeeld,  and  other  places,  & 
those  of  y^  cheefe  sorte,  as  M^  Winslow,  Captaine 
Standish,  Mr.  Allden,  and  many  other,  &  stille  some 
dropping  away  daly,  and  some  at  this  time,  and  many 
more  unsetled,  it  did  greatly  weaken  y^  place,  and  by 
reason  of  y*  straitnes  and  barrennes  of  y"  place,  it  sett 
y*  thoughts  of  many  upon  removeall ;  as  will  appere 
more  hereafter. 


1642.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  459 


Anno  Dom:   1642. 
Marvilous  it  may  be  to  see  and  consider  how  some 
kind  of  wickedues  did  grow  &  breake  forth  here,  in  a 
land  wher  the  same  was  so  much  witnesed  against,  and 
so  narrowly  looked    unto,  &  severly  punished  when   it 
was  knowne ;  as  in  no   place  more,   or    so    much,  that 
I   have    known    or    heard    of;    insomuch    as    they  have 
been  somewhat  censured,   even   by  moderate  and  good 
men,  for  their  severitie   in  punishments.     And    yet  all 
this  could  not  suppress  y"  breaking  out  of  sundrie  no- 
torious  sins,  (as  this    year,  besids  other,  gives  us  too 
many  sad  presidents    and  instances,)  espetially  drunk- 
ennes  and  unclainnes  ;  not  only  incontinencie  betweene 
persons  unmaried,  for  which  many  both  men  &  women 
have   been  punished   sharply  enough,  but  some   maried 
persons    allso.      But    that    which    is    worse,    even    sod- 
omie  and  bugerie,  (things  fearfull  to  name,)  have  broak 
forth    in    this   land,  oftener   then  once.     I    say  it   may 
justly  be  marveled  at,  and  cause  us  to  fear  &  tremble 
at  the  consideration  of  our  corrupte  natures,  which  are 
so    hardly  bridled,  subdued,  &  mortified ;    nay,  cannot 
by  any  other  means  but  y*^  powerful!  worke  &  grace  of 
Gods    spirite.     But  (besids    this)  one    reason   may  be, 
that  y^  Divell   may  carrie   a   greater    spite    against   the 
churches  of  Christ   and    y^  gospell   hear,  by  how  much 
y*  more  they  indeaour  to  preserve  holynes  and  puritie 
amongst    them,    and    strictly    punisheth    the    contrary 


460  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

when  it  ariseth  either  in  church  or  comone  wealth ; 
that  he  might  cast  a  [242]  blemishe  &  staine  upon 
them  in  y'^  eyes  of  [y*^]  world,  who  use  to  be  rash  in 
judgmente.  I  would  rather  thinke  thus,  then  that 
Satane  hath  more  power  in  these  heathen  lands,  as 
som  have  thought,  then  in  more  Christian  nations,  es- 
petially  over  Gods  servants  in  them. 

2.  An  other  reason  may  be,  that  it  may  be  in  this 
case  as  it  is  with  waters  when  their  streames  are 
stopped  or  darned  up,  when  they  gett  passage  they 
flow  with  more  violence,  and  make  more  noys  and  dis- 
turbance, then  when  they  are  suffered  to  rune  quietly 
in  their  owne  chanels.  So  wikednes  being  here  more 
stopped  by  strict  laws,  and  y^  same  more  nerly  looked 
unto,  so  as  it  cannot  rune  in  a  comone  road  of  liberty 
as  it  would,  and  is  inclined,  it  searches  every  wlier, 
and  at  last  breaks  out  wher  it  getts  vente. 

3.  A  third  reason  may  be,  hear  (as  I  am  verily  per- 
swaded)  is  not  more  evills  in  this  kind,  nor  nothing 
nere  so  many  by  proportion,  as  in  other  places ;  but 
they  are  here  more  discoverd  and  seen,  and  made  pub- 
lick  by  due  serch,  inquisition,  and  due  punishment ; 
for  y*^  churches  looke  narrowly  to  their  members,  and 
y®  magistrats  over  all,  more  strictly  then  in  other 
places.  Besids,  here  the  people  are  but  few  in  com- 
parison of  other  places,  which  are  full  &  populous, 
and  lye  hid,  as  it  were,  in  a  wood  or  thickett,  and 
many  horrible   evills   by   y'  means   are  never  seen   nor 


1642.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  461 

knowne ;  wheras  hear,  they  are,  as  it  were,  brought 
into  y^  light,  and  set  in  y'*  plaine  feelcl,  or  rather  on 
a  hill,  made  conspicuous  to  y"  veiw  of  all. 

But  to  proceede ;  ther  came  a  letter  from  y"  Gov"" 
in  y"  Bay  to  them  here,  touching  matters  of  y*'  fore- 
mentioned  nature,  which  because  it  may  be  usefull 
I  shall  hear  relate  it,  and  y*^  passages  ther  aboute. 

S"":  Having  an  opportunitie  to  signifie  y^  desu'es  of  our  Gen- 
erall  Court  in  toow  thhigs  of  spetiall  importance,  I  willingly 
take  this  occasion  to  iiiiparte  them  to  you,  y'  you  may  imparte 
them  to  y"  rest  of  your  magistrats,  and  also  to  your  Elders, 
for  counsell ;  and  give  us  your  advise  in  them.  The  first  is 
concerning  heinous  offences  in  point  of  uncleannes  ;  the  per- 
ticuler  cases,  witii  y'^  circomstances,  and  y''  questions  ther 
upon,  you  have  hear  inclosed.  The  2.  thing  is  concerning 
y*"  Ilanders  at  Aquidnett ;  y'  seeing  the  cheefest  of  them  are 
gone  from  us,  in  offences,  either  to  churches,  or  coiiione  welth, 
or  both  ;  others  are  dependants  on  them,  and  y'^  best  sorte 
are  such  as  close  with  them  in  all  their  rejections  of  us. 
Neither  is  it  only  in  a  faction  y'  they  are  devided  from  us, 
but  in  very  deed  they  rend  them  selves  from  all  y*^  true 
churches  of  Christ,  and,  many  of  them,  from  all  y'^  powers 
of  majestracie.  We  have  had  some  experience  hereof  by  some 
of  their  underworkers,  or  emissaries,  who  have  latly  come 
amongst  us,  and  have  made  publick  defiance  against  magis- 
tracie,  ministrie,  churches,  &  church  covenants,  &c.  as  anti- 
christiau ;  secretly  also  sowing  y"  seeds  of  Familisme,  and 
Anabaptistrie,  to  y*"  infection  of  some,  and  danger  of  others  ; 
so  that  we  are  not  willing  to  joyne  with  them  in  any  league 
or  confederacie  at  all,  but  rather  that  you  would  consider  & 
advise  with  us  how  we  may  avoyd  them,  antl  keep  ours  from 
being    infected    by   them.       Another    thing   I    should    mention 


462  HISTORY    OF  [book   II. 


to  3'ou,  for  y'  maintenance  of  y''  trad  of  beaver;  if  ther  be 
not  a  compan^^  to  order  it  in  every  jurisditiou  among  y^ 
English,  which  companies  should  agree  in  generall  of  their 
way  in  trade,  I  supose  that  y''  trade  will  be  overthrowne,  and 
y'  Indeans  will  abuse  us.  For  this  cause  we  have  latly  put 
it  into  order  amongst  us,  hoping  of  incouragmente  from  you 
(as  we  have  had)  y'  we  may  continue  y''  same.  Thus  not 
further  to  trouble  you,  I  rest,  with  my  loving  remembrance 
to  your  selfe,  &c. 

Your  loving  friend, 

Ri :  Bellingham. 
Boston,  28.  (1.)  1642. 

The  note  inclosed  follows  on  y*  other  side.* 

[244]  Worthy  &  beloved  S"-: 

Your  letter  (with  y'=  questions  inclosed)  I  have  comunicated 
with  our  Assistants,  and  we  have  refered  y^  answer  of  them 
to  such  Reve"*  Elders  as  are  amongst  us,  some  of  whose 
answers  thertoo  we  have  here  sent  you  inclosed,  under  their 
owne  hands  ;  from  y^  rest  we  have  not  yet  received  any.  Our 
farr  distance  hath  bene  y''  reason  of  this  long  delay,  as  also 
y'  they  could  not  conferr  their  counsells  togeather. 

For  our  selves,  (you  know  our  breedings  &  abillities,)  we 
rather  desire  light  from  your  selves,  &  others,  whom  God 
hath  better  inabled,  then  to  presume  to  give  our  judgments  in 
cases  so  difHculte  and  of  so  high  a  nature.  Yet  under  cor- 
rection, and  submission  to  better  judgments,  we  propose  this 
one  thing  to  your  prudent  considerations.  As  it  seems  to  us, 
in  y-^  case  even  of  willfuU  murder,  that  though  a  man  did 
smite  or  wound  an  other,  with  a  full  pourpose  or  desire  to  kill 
him,  (w=^  is  murder  in  a  high  degree,  before  God,)  yet  if  he 


A  leaf  is  here  wanting  in  the  original  manuscript,  it  having  been  cut  out. 


1642.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  463 

did  not  dye,  the  magistrate  was  not  to  take  away  y"  others 
life.*  So  by  proportion  in  other  grosse  &  foule  sines,  though 
high  attempts  &  nere  approaches  to  y*"  same  be  made,  and 
such  as  in  the  sight  &  account  of  God  may  be  as  ill  as  y* 
aecomplishmente  of  y'  foulest  acts  of  y'  sine,  yet  we  doute 
whether  it  may  be  safe  for  y"  magistrate  to  proceed  to  death  ; 
we  thinke,  upon  y^  former  grounds,  rather  he  may  not.  As, 
for  instance,  in  y*"  case  of  adultrie,  (if  it  be  admitted  y'  it  is 
to  be  punished  w""  death,  which  to  some  of  us  is  not  cleare,) 
if  y^  body  be  not  actually  defiled,  then  death  is  not  to  be 
inflicted.  So  in  sodomie,  &  beastialitie,  if  ther  be  not  pene- 
tration. Yet  we  confess  foulnes  of  circomstances,  and  fre- 
quencie  in  y*"  same,  doth  make  us  remaine  in  y^  darke,  and 
desire  further  light  from  you,  or  any,  as  God  shall  give. 

As  for  y^  2.  thing,  concerning  y"  Ilanders?  we  have  no  con- 
versing with  them,  nor  desire  to  have,  furder  then  necessitie 
or  humanity  may  require. 

And  as  for  trade?  we  have  as  farr  as  we  could  ever  therin 
held  an  orderly  course,  &  have  been  sory  to  see  y"  spoyle 
therof  by  others,  and  fear  it  will  hardly  be  recovered.  But 
in  these,  or  any  other  things  which  may  concerue  y"  coinone 
good,  we  shall  be  willing  to  advise  &  concure  with  you  in 
what  we  may.  Thus  w*  my  love  remembered  to  your  selfe, 
and  y"  rest  of  our  worthy  friends,  your  Assistants,  I  take 
leave,  &  rest, 

Your  loving  friend, 

W.  B. 

Plim:  17.  3.  month,  1642. 


Now    follows    y®   ministers    answers.      And    first   M' 
Reynors. 


*  Exod:  21.  22.     Deu :  19.  11.    Num :  35.  16.  18. 


464  HISTORY   OF  [book    II. 

Qest :  What  sodmiticall  acts  are  to  be  punished  with  death, 
&  what  very  facte  (ipso  facto)  is  worthy  of  death,  or,  if  y*^ 
fact  it  selfe  be  not  capitall,  what  circomstances  concurring 
may  make  it  capitall? 

Ans  :  In  y*"  judiciall  law  (y*^  moralitie  wherof  concerneth  us) 
it  is  manyfest  y^  carnall  knowledg  of  man,  or  lying  w""  man, 
as  with  woman,  cum  penetratioue  corporis,  was  sodomie,  to 
be  punished  with  death  ;  what  els  can  be  understood  by  Levit : 
18.  22.  &  20.  13.  &  Gen:  19.  5?  2'y.  It  seems  allso  y'  this, 
foule  sine  might  be  capitall,  though  ther  was  not  penitratio 
corporis,  but  only  contactus  &  fricatio  usg^  ad  eftusionem 
seminis,  for  these  reasons:  [245]  1.  Because  it  was  sin  to  be 
punished  with  death,  Levit.  20.  13.  in  y^  man  who  was  lyen 
withall,  as  well  as  in  him  y'  lyeth  with  him  ;  now  his  sin  is 
not  mitigated  wher  ther  is  not  peuitration,  nor  augmented 
wher  it  is  ;  wheras  its  charged  upon  y*"  women,  y'  they  were 
guilty  of  this  unnaturall  sine,  as  well  as  men,  Rom.  1.  26.  27. 
Y^  same  thing  doth  furder  apeare,  2.  because  of  y*  proportion 
betwexte  this  sin  &  beastialitie,  wherin  if  a  woman  did  stand 
before,  or  aproach  to,  a  beast,  for  y'  end,  to  lye  downe  therto, 
(whether  penetration  was  or  not,)  it  was  capitall,  Levit:  18. 
23.  &  20.  16.  3'y.  Because  something  els  might  be  equivalent 
to  penetration  wher  it  had  not  been,  viz.  y"  fore  mentioned 
acts  with  frequencie  and  long  continuance  with  a  high  hand, 
utterly  extinguishing  all  light  of  nature  ;  besids,  full  intention 
and  bould  attempting  of  y"  foulest  acts  may  seeme  to  have 
been  capitall  here,  as  well  as  coming  presumptuously  to  slay 
with  guile  was  capitall.     Exod :   21.  14. 

Yet  it  is  not  so  manyfest  y'  y"  same  acts  were  to  be  pun- 
ished with  death  in  some  other  sines  of  uncleannes,  w"''  yet 
by  y^  law  of  God  were  capitall  crimes ;  besids  other  reasons, 
(1.)  because  sodomie,  &  also  beastialitie,  is  more  -against  y^ 
light  of  nature  then  some  other  capitall  crimes  of  unclainnes, 
which  reason  is  to  be  attended  unto,  as  y^  which  most  of  all 


1642.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  465 

made  this  sin  capitall ;  (2.)  because  it  might  be  cornited  with 
more  secrecie  &  less  suspition,  &  therfore  needed  y^  more  to 
be  restrained  &  suppresed  by  y*  law ;  (3'^)  because  ther  was 
not  y*  like  reason  &  degree  of  siiiing  against  family  &  pos- 
teritie  in  this  sin  as  in  some  other  capitall  sines  of  uncleannes. 

2.  Quest:  How  farr  a  magistrate  may  extracte  a  confession 
from  a  delinquente,  to  acuse  him  selfe  of  a  capitall  crime, 
seeing  Nemo  tenetur  prodere  seipsum. 

Ans :  A  majestrate  cannot  without  sin  neglecte  diligente 
inquision  into  y^  cause  brought  before  him.  Job  29.  16. 
Pro:  24.  11.  12.  &  25.  2.  (2'^.)  If  it  be  manifest  y'  a  capitall 
crime  is  committed,  &  y'  comone  reporte,  or  probabilitie, 
suspition,  or  some  complainte,  (or  y*'  like,)  be  of  this  or  y^ 
person,  a  magistrate  ought  to  require,  and  by  all  due  means 
to  procure  from  y'^  person  (so  farr  allready  bewrayed)  a  naked 
confession  of  y"  fact,  as  apears  by  y'  which  is  morall  &  of 
perpetuall  equitie,  both  in  y*"  case  of  uncertaine  murder,  Deut : 
21.  1.  9.  and  slander,  Deut:  22.  13.  21;  for  though  nemo 
tenetur  prodere  seipsum,  yet  by  that  w"^*"  may  be  known  to  y" 
magistrat  by  y*  forenamed  means,  he  is  bound  thus  to  doe, 
or  els  he  may  betray  his  countrie  &  people  to  y"  heavie  dis- 
pleasure of  God,  Levit:  18.  24.  25.  Jos:  22.  18.  Psa :  106. 
30  ;  such  as  are  inocente  to  y*  sinfuU,  base,  cruell  lusts  of 
y*  profane,  &  such  as  are  delinquents,  and  others  with  them, 
into  y^  hands  of  y*  stronger  temptations,  &  more  bouldness, 
&  hardnes  of  harte,  to  coliiite  more  &  worse  villany,  besids 
all  y"  guilt  &  hurt  he  will  bring  upon  him  selfe.  (3'^'.)  To 
inflicte  some  punishmente  meerly  for  this  reason,  to  extracte 
a  confTession  of  a  capitall  crime,  is  contrary  to  y""  nature  of 
vindictive  justice,  which  always  hath  respecte  to  a  know  crime 
comitited  by  y*'  person  punished  ;  aud  it  will  therfore,  for  any 
thing  which  can  before  be  kuowne,  be  y*"  provocking  and 
forcing  of  wrath,  compared  to  y"  wringing  of  y*^  nose.  Pro : 
30.  33.  which  is  as  well  forbiden  y*  fathers  of  y"  countrie  as 


466  HISTORY    OF  [.BOOK    II. 

of  y*  family,  Ephe.  6.  4.  as  produsing  many  sad  &  dangerous 
effects.  That  an  oath  (ex  officio)  for  such  a  purpose  is  no 
due  means,  hath  been  abundantly  proved  by  y^  godly  learned, 
&  is  well  known. 

Q.  3.  In  what  cases  of  capitall  crimes  one  witues  with 
other  circomstances  shall  be  sufflciente  to  convince  ?  or  is  ther 
no  conviction  without  2.  witneses? 

Ans :    In   taking    away  y®  life    of    man,   one  witnes   alone 

will    not   suffice,   ther   must   be    tow,   or   y'   which  is   instar ; 

y^  texts  are  manifest,  Numb:  35.  30.  Deut :  17.  6.   &  19.  15. 

2'y.    Ther  may  be  conviction  by  one  witues,   &    some   thing 

y'  hath  y"  force  of  another,  as  y"  evidencie    of   y'^  fact  done 

by  such  an  one,  &  not  an  other ;   unforced  confession  when 

ther  was  no    fear  or  danger   of    suffering    for  y"  fact,   hand 

writings  acknowledged  &  confessed. 

John  Reynor. 

[246]   M''.  Partrich   his   writing,  in  ans:  to  y"  questions. 

What  is  y'  sodomiticall  acte  which  is  to  be  punished  with 
death  ? 

Though  I  conceive  probable  y'  a  voluntary  effusion  of  seed 
per  modum  concubitus  of  man  with  man,  as  of  a  man  with 
woman,  though  in  concubitu  ther  be  not  penetratio  corporis, 
is  y'  sin  which  is  forbiden,  Levit :  18.  22.  &  adjudged  to  be 
punished  with  death,  Levit:  20.  13.  because,  though  ther  be 
not  penetratio  corporis,  yet  ther  may  be  similitudo  concubitus 
muliebris,  which  is  y'  the  law  specifieth ;  yet  I  dar  not  be 
con-*  (1.)  because,  Gen:  19.  5.  y"  intended  acte  of  y"  Sodo- 
mits  (who  were  y®  first  noted  maisters  of  this  unnaturall  act 
of  more  then  brutish  filthines)  is  expressed  by  carnall  copu- 
lation of  man  with  woman  :  Bring  them  out  unto  us,  y'  we 
may  know  them;  (2'^.)  because  it  is  observed  among  y* 
nations  wher  this  unnaturall  unclainnes  is  coinited,  it  is  w'^ 
penetration   of   y^  body;    (3'^.)    because,    in   y*^  judiciall  pro- 

•  "Confident"  ? 


1642.]  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.  467 

ceedings  of  y''  judges  in  England,  y"  indict :  so  nine  (as 
I  have  been  informed). 

Q.  How  farr  may  a  magistrat  extracte  a  confession  of 
a  capitall  crime  from  a  suspected  and  an  accused  person? 

Ans.  I  conceive  y'  a  magistrate  is  bound,  by  carfull  ex- 
amenation  of  circomstances  &  waigliing  of  probabilities,  to 
sifte  y*^  accused,  and  by  force  of  argumente  to  draw  him 
to  an  acknowledgment  of  y*'  truth  ;  but  he  maj  not  extracte 
a  confession  of  a  capitall  crime  from  a  suspected  person  by 
any  violent  means,  whether  it  be  by  an  oath  imposed,  or 
by  any  punishmente  inflicted  or  threatened  to  be  inflicted, 
for  so  he  ma}^  draw  forth  an  acknowledgmente  of  a  crime 
from  a  fearfull  inocente  ;  if  guilty,  he  shall  be  compelled  to 
be  his  owne  accuser,  when  no  other  can,  which  is  against 
y'^  rule  of  justice. 

Q.  In  what  cases  of  capitall  crimes  one  witues  with  other 
circomstances  shall  be  sufflcente  to  convicte ;  or  is  ther  no 
conviction  without  two  witnesses? 

Ans :  I  conceive  y',  in  y*  case  of  capitall  crimes,  ther  can 
be  no  safe  proceedings  unto  judgmente  without  too  witnesses, 
as  Numb:  35.  30.  Deut :  19.  15.  excepte  ther  can  some  evi- 
dence be  prodused  as  aveilable  &  firme  to  prove  y'^  facte  as 
a  witnes  is,  then  one  witnes  may  suffice  ;  for  therin  y"  end 
and  equitie  of  y*  law  is  attained.  But  to  proceede  unto 
sentence  of  death  upon  presumptions,  wher  probably  ther 
may  subesse  falsum,  though  ther  be  y''  testimony  of  one 
wittnes,  I  supose  it  cannot  be  a  safe  way  ;  better  for  such  a 
one  to  be  held  in  safe  custodie  for  further  triall,  I  conceive. 

Ralph  Partrich. 

The  Answer  of  M".   Charles  Chancy. 

An  contactus  et  fricatio  usg,  ad  seminis  effusioem  sine 
penetratione  corporis  sit  sodomia  morte  plectenda? 

Q.    The  question  is  what  sodomiticall  acts  are  to   be  pun- 


468  HISTORY   OF  [book  II. 

ishecl  w"^  death,  &  what  very  facte  comitted,  (ipso  facto,) 
is  worthy  of  death,  or  if  y*^  facte  it  selfe  be  not  capitall, 
what  circomstances  coucuring  may  make  it  capitall.  The 
same  question  may  be  asked  of  rape,  inceste,  beastialitie, 
unnaturall  sins,  presumtuous  sins.  These  be  y^  words  of  y* 
first  question. 

Aus :  The  answer  unto  this  I  will  lay  downe  (as  God 
shall  directe  by  his  word  &  spirite)  in  these  following  con- 
clusions: (1.)  That  y''  judicials  of  Moyses,  that  are  appen- 
dances  to  y^  morall  law,  &  grounded  on  y"^  law  of  nature, 
or  y*  decalogue,  are  iiiiutable,  and  ppetuall,  w'^'^  all  orthodox 
devines  acknowledge ;  see  y^  authors  following.  Luther, 
Tom.  1.  Whiteuberge:  fol.  435.  &  fol.  7.  Melancthon, 
in  loc :  com  loco  de  conjugio.  Calvin,  1.  4.  Institu.  c.  4. 
sect.  15.  Junious  de  politia  Moysis,  thes.  29.  &  30.  Hen: 
Bulin :  Decad.  3.  sermo.  8.  Wolf :  Muscu.  loc :  com :  in  6. 
precepti  explicaei :  Bucer  de  regno  Christi,  1.  2.  c.  17. 
Theo  :  Beza,  vol:  1.  de  hereti :  punieudis,  fol.  154.  Zanch : 
in  3.  praecept :  Ursiu  :  Pt.  4.  explicat.  contra  John.  Piscat : 
in  Aphorismi  Loc.  de  lege  dei  aphorism.  17.  And  more 
might  be  added.  I  forbear,  for  brevities  sake,  to  set  downe 
their  very  words  ;  this  being  y*"  constante  &  generall  oppinion 
of  y*  best  devines,  I  will  rest  in  this  as  undoubtedly  true, 
though  much  more  might  be  said  to  confirme  it. 

2.  That  all  y*^  siHes  mentioned  in  y^  question  were  pun- 
ished with  death  by  y*^  judiciall  law  of  Moyses,  as  adultry, 
Levit:  20.  10.  Deut:  22.  22.  Esech :  16.  38.  Jhon.  8.  5. 
which  is  to  be  understood  not  only  of  double  adultrie,  when 
as  both  parties  are  marled,  (as  some  conceive,)  but  who- 
soever (besids  her  husband)  lyes  with  a  married  woman, 
whether  y^  man  be  marled  or  not,  as  in  y''  place,  Deut:  22. 
22.  or  whosoever,  being  a  maried  man,  lyeth  with  another 
woman  (besids  his  wife),  as  P.  Martire  saith,  loc:  com: 
which   in  diverce  respects   maks  y'^  sine  worse    on  y®  maried 


1642.]  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.  469 

mans  parte  ;  for  y®  Lord  in  this  law  hath  respect  as  well  to 
publick  honesty,  (the  sin  being  so  prejudicall  to  y^  church 
&  state,)  as  y''  private  wrongs  (saith  Junious).  So  incest 
is  to  be  punished  with  death,  Levit :  20.  11.  22.  Beastiality 
likwise,  Lev:  20.  15.  Exod :  22.  19.  Raps  in  like  maner, 
Deut:  22.  25.  Sodoraie  in  like  sort,  Levit:  18.  22.  &  20. 
13.     And  all  presumptuous  sins,  Numb:   15.  30.  31. 

3.  That  y'  punishmente  of  these  foule  sines  w"'  death  is 
grounded  on  y*"  law  of  nature,  &  is  agreeable  to  the  morall 
law.  (1.)  Because  y*^  reasons  aiiexed  shew  them  to  be  per- 
petuall.  Deut.  22.  22.  So  shalt  thou  put  away  evill.  Incest, 
beastiality,  are  caled  confusion,  &  wickednes.  (2.)  Infamie 
to  y*  whole  humane  nature,  Levit:  22.  12.  Levit:  18.  23. 
Raps  are  as  murder,  Deut:  22.  25.  Sodomie  is  an  abomi- 
nation, Levit:  22.  22.  [247]  No  holier  &  juster  laws  can 
be  devised  by  any  man  or  augele  then  have  been  by  y* 
Judg  of  all  y*  world,  the  wisdome  of  y*  Father,  by  whom 
kings  doe  raigne,  &c.  (3.)  Because,  before  y*  giving  of  y* 
Law,  this  punishmente  was  anciently  practised.  Gen:  26.  11. 
38.  29.  39.  20.  &  even  by  the  heathen,  by  y*"  very  light  of 
nature,  as  P.  Martire  shews.  (4'^.)  Because  y''  land  is  de- 
filed by  such  sins,  and  spews  out  y^  inhabitants,  Levit :  18. 
24,  25.  &  that  in  regard  of  those  nations  y'  were  not  ac- 
quainted w""  the  law  of  Moyses,  5.  All  y*"  devins  above 
specified  consent  in  this,  that  y^  unclean  acts  punishable 
with  death  by  y^  law  of  God  are  not  only  y*  grose  acts  of 
uncleannes  by  way  of  carnall  copulation,  but  all  y*"  evidente 
attempts  therof,  which  may  appeare  by  those  severall  words 
y'  are  used  by  y^  spirite  of  God,  expressing  y^  sins  to  be 
punished  with  death  ;  as  y''  discovering  of  nakednes,  Levit : 
18.  20.  which  is  retegere  pudenda,  as  parts  p'  euphemismum 
(saith  Junius),  or  detegere  ad  cubandum  (saith  Willett),  to 
uncover  y^  shameful!  parts  of  y''  body  (saith  Ainsworth), 
which,  though  it  reaches  to  y"  grose  acts,  yet  it  is  plaiue  it 


470  HISTORY    OF  [book    II. 

doth  comprehend  y^  other  foregoing  immodest  attempts,  as 
contactum,  fricationem,  &c. ;  likwise  y"  phrase  of  lying  with, 
so  often  used,  doth  not  only  signifie  carnall  copulation,  but 
other  obscene  acts,  ;^ceding  y*  same,  is  implyed  in  Pauls 
word  c\p6EvoHo?rai,  \.  Cor :  6.  9.  «&  men  lying  with  men, 
1.  Tim:  1.  9.  men  defiling  them  selves  w""  mankind,  men 
burning  with  lust  towards  men,  Rom:  1.  26.  &  Levit :  18.*  22. 
sodom)  &  sin  going  after  strange  flesh,  Jud :  v.  7.  8.  and 
lying  with  mankind  as  with  a  woman,  Levit:  18.  22.  Abu- 
lentis  says  y'  it  signifies  omues  modos  quibus  masculus  mas- 
culo  abutatur,  changing  y'  naturall  use  into  y'  which  is  against 
nature,  Rom:  1.  26.  arrogare  sibi  cubare,  as  Junius  well 
translats  Levit:  20.  15.  to  give  consente  to  lye  withall,  so 
approaching  to  a  beast,  &  lying  downe  therto,  Levit:  20.  16. 
ob  solum  conatuf  (saith  Willett)  or  for  going  about  to  doe 
it.  Add  to  this  a  notable  speech  of  Zepperus  de  legibus 
(who  hath  enough  to  end  controversies  of  this  nature). 
L.  1.  he  saith:  In  crimine  adulterii  voluntas  (understand- 
ing manifeste)  sine  effectu  subsecuto  de  jure  attenditur; 
and  he  proves  it  out  of  good  laws,  in  these  words :  Solici- 
tatores  %  alieiium  nuptiam  item^  matrimonium  interpellatores, 
etsi  effectu  sceleris  potiri  non  possunt,  propter  voluntatem 
tamen  perniciosse  libidinis  extra  ordinem  puniuntur ;  nam 
generale  est  quidem  affectu  sine  effectu  [non]  puniri,  sed 
contrarium  observatur  in  atrocioribus  &  horum  similibus. 

5.  In  concluding  punishments  from  y*  judiciall  law  of 
Moyses  y'  is  perpetuall,  we  must  often  p''ceed  by  analogicall 
proportion  &  interpretation,  as  a  paribus  similibus,  minore 
ad  majus,  &c.  ;  for  ther  will  still  fall  out  some  cases,  in 
every  coinone-wealth,  which  are  not  in  so  many  words  ex-: 
taute  in  holy  write,  yet  y^  substance  of  y^  matter  in  every 
kind  (I  conceive  under  correction)  may  be  drawne  and  con- 
cluded out  of  y^  scripture  by  good  consequence  of  an  equeva- 

*  <9  in  MS.  t  Contic  in  MS.  %  Solicitations  in  MS. 


1642.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  471 

lent  nature  ;  as,  for  example,  ther  is  no  express  law  against 
destroying  conception  in  y"  wombe  by  potions,  yet  by  anologie 
with  Exod  :  21.  22,  23.  we  may  reason  y'  life  is  to  be  given 
for  life.  Againe,  y"^  question.  An  contactus  &  fricatio,  &c., 
and  methinks  y'  place  Gen:  38.  9.  in  y"  punishmente  of 
Onans  sin,  may  give  some  cleare  light  to  it ;  it  was  (saith 
Parens)  beluina  crudelitas  quam  Deus  pari  loco  cum  parri- 
cidio  habuit,  nam  semen  corrumpere,  quid  fuit  aliud  quam 
hominem  ex  semine  generandum  occidere?  Propterea  juste 
a  Deo  occisus  est.  Observe  his  words.  And  againe,  Disca- 
mus  quantopere  Deus  abominetur  omnem  seminis  genitalis 
abusum,  illicita  effusionem,  &  corruptione,  &c.,  very  perti- 
nente  to  this  case.  That  allso  is  considerable,  Dent:  25. 
11,  12.  God  comanded  y',  if  any  wife  drue  nigh  to  deliver 
her  husband  out  of  y®  hand  of  him  y'  smiteth  him,  &c.,  her 
hand  should  be  cutt  off.  Yet  such  a  woman  in  y'  case  might 
say  much  for  her  selfe,  y'  what  she  did  was  in  trouble  & 
perplexitie  of  her  minde,  &  in  her  husbands  defence ;  yet 
her  hand  must  be  cutt  of  for  such  impuritie  (and  this  is 
morall,  as  I  conceive).  Then  we  may  reason  from  y*  less 
to  y*  greater,  what  greevous  sin  in  y*"  sight  of  God  it  is, 
by  y®  instigation  of  burning  lusts,  set  on  fire  of  hell,  to 
proceede  to  contactum  &  fricationem  ad  emissionem  seminis, 
&c.,  &  y'  contra  naturam,  or  to  attempte  y"  grosse  acts  of 
unnaturall  filthines.  Againe,  if  y'  unnaturall  lusts  of  men 
with  men,  or  woman  with  woman,  or  either  with  beasts,  be 
to  be  punished  with  death,  then  a  pari  naturall  lusts  of  men 
towards  children  under  age  are  so  to  be  punished. 

6.  Circumstantise  variant  vis  e  actiunes,  (saith  y*  lawiers,) 
&  circomstances  in  these  cases  cannot  possibly  be  all  recked 
up  ;  but  God  hath  given  laws  for  those  causes  &  cases  that 
are  of  greatest  momente,  by  which  others  are  to  be  judged 
of,  as  in  y*'  dift'erance  betwixte  chanc  medley,  &  willfull 
murder ;  so  in  y"  sins  of  uncleannes,  it  is  one  thing  to  doe 


472  HISTORY    OF  [book   U. 

an  acte  of  uncleannes  by  sudden  temptation,  &  another  to 
lye  in  waite  for  it,  yea,  to  make  a  coiiiune  practise  of  it  -, 
this  mightily  augments  &  multiplies  y^  sin.  Agaiue,  some 
siiies  of  this  nature  are  simple,  others  compound,  as  y'  is 
simple  adultrie,  or  inceste,  or  simple  sodouiie ;  but  when 
ther  is  a  mixture  of  diverce  kinds  of  lust,  as  when  adultery 
&  sodomie  &  p'ditio  seminis  goe  togeather  in  y^  same  acte 
of  uncleannes,  this  is  capitall,  double,  &  trible.  Againe, 
when  adultrie  or  sodomie  is  coinited  by  ^fessors  or  church 
members,  I  fear  it  corns  too  near  y"  sine  of  y"  preists  daugh- 
ters, forbidden,  &  comanded  to  be  punished,  Levit :  21.  9. 
besids  y^  presumption  of  y*  sines  of  such.  Againe,  when 
uncleannes  is  comited  with  those  whose  chastity  they  are 
bound  to  ^serve,  this  coms  very  nere  the  incestious  copula- 
tion, I  feare ;  but  I  must  hasten  to  y"  other  questions. 

[248]  2.  Question  y*  second,  upon  y*"  pointe  of  exami- 
nation, how  farr  a  magistrate  may  extracte  a  confession 
from  a  delinquente  to  accuse  him  selfe  in  a  capitall  crime, 
seeing  Nemo  tenetur  prodere  seipsum. 

Ans :  The  words  of  y*"  question  may  be  understood  of 
extracting  a  confession  from  a  delinquente  either  by  oath  or 
bodily  tormente.  If  it  be  mente  of  extracting  by  requiring 
an  oath,  (ex  officio,  as  some  call  it,)  &  that  in  capitall 
crimes,  I  fear  it  is  not  safe,  nor  warented  by  Gods  word, 
to  extracte  a  confession  from  a  delinquente  by  an  oath  in 
matters  of  life  and  death.  (1.)  Because  y^  practise  in  y'' 
Scripturs  is  other  wise,  as  in  y''  case  of  Achan,  Jos:  7.  19. 
Give,  I  pray  y%  glorie  to  y'  Lord  God  of  Israll,  and  make 
a  confession  to  him,  &  tell  me  how  thou  hast  done.  He 
did  not  compell  him  to  sweare.  So  when  as  Johnathans  life 
was  indangered,  1.  Sam.  14.  43.  Saule  said  unto  Johnathau, 
Tell  me  what  thou  hast  done  ;  he  did  not  require  an  oath. 
And  notable  is  y',  Jer:  38.  14.  Jeremiah  was  charged  by 
Zedechias,  who   said,   I  will    aske    the    a   thing,   hide    it   not 


1642.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  473 

from  me ;  &  Jeremiah  said,  If  I  declare  it  unto  y^,  wilt 
thou  not  surely  put  me  to  death?  impling  y',  in  case  of 
death,  he  would  have  refused  to  answer  him.  (2.)  Reason 
shews  it,  &  experience;  Job:  2.  4.  Skin  for  skin,  &c.  It 
is  to  be  feared  y'  those  words  (whatsoever  a  man  hath)  will 
comprehend  also  y'^  conscience  of  an  oath,  and  y''  fear  of 
God,  and  all  care  of  religion;  therfore  for  laying  a  snare 
before  y®  guiltie,  I  think  it  ought  not  to  be  donn.  But 
now,  if  y*  question  be  mente  of  inflicting  bodyly  torments 
to  extracte  a  confession  from  a  mallefactor,  I  conceive  y' 
in  maters  of  higest  consequence,  such  as  doe  conceirne 
y^  saftie  or  mine  of  stats  or  countries,  magistrats  may 
proceede  so  farr  to  bodily  torments,  as  racks,  hote-irons, 
(fee,  to  extracte  a  conffession,  espetially  wher  presumptions 
are  strounge ;  but  otherwise  by  no  means.  G-od  sometims 
bids  a  sinner  till  his  wickednes  is  filled  up. 

Question  3.  In  what  cases  of  capitall  crimes,  one  witnes 
with  other  circumstances  shall  be  sufflcente  to  convicte,  or 
is  ther  no  conviction  without  2.  witneses? 

Deut:  19.  25.  God  hath  given  an  express  rule  y'  in  no 
case  one  witness  shall  arise  in  judgmente,  espetially  not  in 
capitall  cases.  God  would  not  put  our  lives  into  y*  power 
of  any  one  touugue.  Besids,  by  y^  examination  of  more 
wittneses  agreeing  or  disagreeing,  any  falshood  ordenarilly 
may  be  discovered ;  but  this  is  to  be  understood  of  one 
witnes  of  ailother ;  but  if  a  man  witnes  against  him  selfe, 
his  owue  testimony  is  sufflcente,  as  in  y*"  case  of  y^  Amala- 
kite,  2.  Sam:  1.  16.  Againe,  when  ther  are  sure  &  certaine 
signes  &  evidences  by  circumstances,  ther  needs  no  witnes 
in  this  case,  as  in  y**  bussines  of  Adoniah  desiring  Abishage 
y*  Shunamite  to  wife,  that  therby  he  might  make  way  for 
him  selfe  unto  y^  kingdome,  1.  King:  2.  23,  24.  Againe, 
probably  by  many  concurring  circumstances,  if  probabillity 
may   have   y*   strength   of    a   witnes,    somthing   may  be    this 


474  HISTORY   OF  [book  II. 

way  gathered,  me  thinks,  from  Sallomons  judging  betweexte 
y**  true  mother,  and  y*  harlote,  1.  King.  3.  25.  Lastly,  I 
see  no  cause  why  in  waighty  matters,  in  defecte  of  witneses 
&  other  proofes,  we  may  not  have  recourse  to  a  lott,  as  in 
y'^  case  of  Achan,  Josu :  7.  16.  which  is  a  clearer  way  in 
such  doubtful!  cases  (it  being  solemnely  &  religiously  per- 
formed) then  any  other  that  I  know,  if  it  be  made  y''  last 
refuge.     But  all  this  under  correction. 

The  Lord  in  mercie  directe  &  prosper  y*  desires  of  his 
servants  that  desire  to  walk  before  him  in  truth  &  right- 
eousnes  in  the  administration  of  justice,  and  give  them  wis- 

dome  and  largnes  of  harte. 

Charles  Channct. 

Besids  j"  occation  before  mentioned  in  these  writ- 
ings concerning  the  abuse  of  those  2.  children,  they 
had  aboute  y''  same  time  a  case  of  buggerie  fell  out 
amongst  them,  which  occasioned  these  questions,  to 
which  these  answers  have  been  made. 

And  after  y"*  time  of  y"  writig  of  these  things 
befell  a  very  sadd  accidente  of  the  like  foule  nature 
in  this  govermente,  this  very  year,  which  I  shall 
now  relate.  Tlier  was  a  youth  whose  name  was 
Thomas  Granger;  he  was  servant  to  an  honest  man 
of  Duxbery,  being  aboute  16.  or  17.  years  of  age. 
(His  father  &  mother  lived  at  the  same  time  at 
Sityate.)  He  was  this  year  detected  of  buggery  (and 
indicted  for  y^  same)  with  a  mare,  a  cowe,  tow  goats, 
five  sheep,  2.  calves,  and  a  turkey.  Horrible  [249] 
it  is  to  mention,  but  y*"  truth  of  y'^  historic  requires 
it.      He    was    first    discovered    by    one    y'    accidentally 


1642.]  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.  475 

saw  liis  lewd  practise  towards  the  mare.  (I  forbear 
perticulers.)  Being  upon  it  examined  and  comitted, 
in  y®  end  he  not  only  contest  y®  fact  with  that  beast 
at  that  time,  but  sundrie  times  before,  and  at  sev- 
erall  times  with  all  y"  rest  of  y''  forenamed  in  his 
indictmente ;  and  this  his  free-confession  was  not  only 
in  private  to  y**  magistrats,  (though  at  first  he  strived 
to  deney  it,)  but  to  sundrie,  both  ministers  &  others, 
and  afterwards,  upon  his  indictmente,  to  y''  whole 
court  &  jury ;  and  confirmed  it  at  his  execution. 
And  wheras  some  of  y'^  sheep  could  not  so  well  be 
knowne  by  his  description  of  them,  others  with  them 
were  brought  before  him,  and  he  declared  which  were 
they,  and  which  were  not.  And  accordingly  he  was 
cast  by  y*^  jury,  and  condemned,  and  after  executed 
about  y®  8.  of  vSepf,  1642.  A  very  sade  spectakle 
it  was ;  for  first  the  mare,  and  then  y''  cowe,  and 
y®  rest  of  y*^  lesser  catle,  were  kild  before  his  face, 
according  to  y*'  law,  Levit :  20.  15.  and  then  he  him 
selfe  was  executed.  The  catle  were  all  cast  into  a 
great  &  large  pitte  that  was  digged  of  purposs  for 
them,  and  no  use  made  of  any  part  of  them. 

Upon  y"  examenation  of  this  person,  and  also  of  a 
former  that  had  made  some  sodomiticall  attempts  upon 
another,  it  l)eing  demanded  of  them  how  they  came 
first  to  y''  knowledge  and  practice  of  such  wickednes, 
the  one  confessed  he  had  long  used  it  in  old  England ; 
and  this   youth  last  spoaken   of  said  he  was  taught  it 


476  HISTORY    OF  [book    II. 


by  an  other  that  had  heard  of  such  things  from  some 
in  England  when  he  was  ther,  and  they  kept  catle 
togeather.  By  which  it  appears  how  one  wicked  per- 
son may  infecte  many;  and  what  care  all  ought  to 
have  what  servants  they  bring  into  their  families. 

But  it  may  be  demanded  how  came  it  to  pass  that 
so  many  wicked  persons  and  profane  people  should 
so  quickly  come  over  into  this  land,  &  mixe  them 
selves  amongst  them?  seeing  it  was  religious  men  y* 
begane  y''  work,  and  they  came  for  religions  sake. 
I  confess  this  may  be  marveilled  at,  at  least  in  time 
to  come,  when  the  reasons  therof  should  not  be 
knowne ;  and  y^  more  because  here  was  so  many 
hardships  and  wants  mett  withall.  I  shall  therfore 
indeavor  to  give  some  answer  hereunto.  And  first, 
according  to  y*  in  y«  gospell,  it  is  ever  to  be  remem- 
bred  that  wher  y«  Lord  begins  to  sow  good  seed, 
ther  y^  envious  man  will  endeavore  to  sow  tares. 
2.  Men  being  to  come  over  into  a  wildernes,  in 
which  much  labour  &  servise  was  to  be  done  aboute 
building  &  planting,  &c.,  such  as  wanted  help  in  y' 
respecte,  when  they  could  not  have  such  as  y'^y  would, 
were  glad  to  take  such  as  they  could;  and  so,  many 
untoward  servants,  sundry  of  them  proved,  that  were 
thus  brought  over,  both  men  &  women  kind;  who, 
when  their  times  were  expired,  became  families  of 
them  selves,  which  gave  increase  hereunto.  3.  An 
other  and  a  maine  reason  hearof  was,  that  men,  find- 


1642.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  477 

ing   so  many  godly  disposed  persons  willing   to    come 
into  these  parts,   some  begane  to  make  a  trade  of  it, 
to    transeport    passengers    &    their    goods,    and    hired 
ships    for    that     end ;     and    then,    to    make    up    their 
fraight   and   advance   their    profite,    cared    not   who    y^ 
persons  were,  so  they  had  money  to  pay  them.     And 
by  this  means  the  cuntrie  became  pestered  with  many 
unworthy  persons,   who,  being   come    over,   crept    into 
one    place    or    other.      4.    Againe,    the    Lords    blesing 
usually   following   his    people,    as    well   in    outward    as 
spirituall    things,    (though    afflictions    be    mixed    with- 
all,)     doe    make    many    to    adhear    to    y*'    people    of 
God,    as    many   followed    Christ,    for   y*"    loaves    sake, 
lohn    6.     26.    and    a    mixed    multitud    came    into    y® 
willdernes    with    y^    people    of    God    out    of    Eagipte 
of  old,    Exod.    12.    38;    so   allso    ther   were    sente    by 
their  freinds  some  under  hope  y'  they  would  be  made 
better;    others  that  they  might  be  eased  of  such  bur- 
thens,  and   they  kept   from    shame    at   home  y*^  would 
necessarily  follow  their  dissolute    courses.     And   thus, 
by    one    means    or   other,    in    20.    years    time,    it    is    a 
question    whether    y«    greater   part    be    not    growne    y'' 
worser. 

[250]  I  am  now  come  to  y''  conclusion  of  that  long 
&  tedious  bussines  betweene  y*"  partners  hear,  &  them 
in  England,  the  which  I  shall  manifest  by  their  owne 
letters  as  followeth,  in  such  parts  of  them  as  are  per- 
tinente  to  y®  same. 


478  HISTORY    OF  [book    II. 


M''.  Sherleys  to  M'^.  Attwood. 
M'.  Attwood,  my  approved  loving  freind  :  Your  letter  of  y'' 
18.  of  October  last  I  have  received,  wherin  I  find  you  have 
taken  a  great  deall  of  paines  and  care  aboute  y'  trouble- 
some bussines  betwixte  our  Plimoth  partners  &  freiuds,  & 
us  hear,  and  have  deeply  ingaged  your  selfe,  for  which 
complements  &  words  are  no  reall  satisfaction,  &c.  For 
y*^  agreemente  you  have  made  with  M^  Bradford,  M^  Wins- 
low,  &  y^  rest  of  y^  partners  ther,  considering  how  honestly 
and  justly  I  am  perswaded  they  have  brought  in  an  accounte 
of  y*^  remaining  stock,  for  my  owne  parte  I  am  well  satis- 
fied, and  so  I  thinke  is  ]\P.  Andrewes,  and  I  supose  will 
be  M'.  Beachampe,  if  most  of  it  might  acrew  to  him,  to 
whom  y*"  least  is  due,  &c.  And  now  for  peace  sake,  and 
to  conclud  as  we  began,  lovingly  and  freindly,  and  to  pass 
by  all  failings  of  all,  the  conclude  is  accepted  of;  I  say  this 
agreemente  y'  you  have  made  is  condesended  unto,  and  M^ 
Andrews  hath  sent  his  release  to  M^  Winthrop,  with  such 
directions  as  he  conceives  fitt ;  and  I  have  made  bould  to 
trouble  you  with  mine,  and  we  have  both  sealed  in  y'^  pres- 
ence of  M'.  Weld,  and  M"".  Peeters,  and  some  others,  and 
I  have  also  sente  you  an  other,  for  the  partners  ther, 
to  scale  to  me ;  for  you  must  not  deliver  mine  to  them, 
excepte  they  scale  &  deliver  one  to  me ;  this  is  fitt  and 
equall,  &c. 

Yours  to  comand  in  what  I  may  or  can, 

James  Shekley. 
June  14.  1642. 

His  to  y^  partners  as  followeth. 
Loving  freinds, 

M'.  Bradford,  M'.  Winslow,  M'.  Prence,  Captaine  Stan- 
dish,  M'.  Brewster,  M"".  Alden,  &  M^  Howland,  give  me 
leave  to  joyne  you  all  in  one  letter,  concerning  y^  finall  end 


1642.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  479 

&  couclude  of  y'  tedious  &  troublsome  bussiues,  &  I  thinke 
I  may  truly  say  uncomfurtable  &  unprofitable  to  all,  &c.  It 
hath  pleased  God  uow  to  put  us  upon  a  way  to  sease  all  suits, 
and  disquieting  of  our  spirites,  and  to  conclude  with  peace 
and  love,  as  we  began.  I  am  contented  to  yeeld  &  make 
good  what  M^  Attwood  and  you  have  agreed  upon  ;  and  for 
y'  end  have  sente  to  my  loving  freind,  M^  Attwood,  an  abso- 
lute and  generall  release  unto  you  all,  and  if  ther  wante  any 
thing  to  make  it  more  full,  write  it  your  selves,  &  it  shall  be 
done,  provided  y'  all  you,  either  joyntly  or  severally,  scale 
y*  like  discharge  to  me.  And  for  y'  end  I  have  drawne  one 
joyntly,  and  sent  it  to  M^  Attwood,  with  y'  I  have  sealed  to 
you.  M^  Andrews  hath  sealed  an  aquitance  also,  &  sent 
it  to  M"^.  Winthrop,  whith  such  directions  as  he  conceived 
fitt,  and,  as  I  hear,  hath  given  his  debte,  which  he  maks  544*'. 
unto  y®  gentlemen  of  y^  Bay.  Indeed,  M'.  Welld,  M^  Peters, 
&  M^  Hibbens  have  taken  a  great  deale  of  paines  with  Mr. 
Andrews,  M^  Beachamp,  &  my  selfe,  to  bring  us  to  agree, 
and  to  y'  end  we  have  had  many  meetings  and  spent  much 
time  aboute  it.  But  as  they  are  very  religious  &  honest 
gentle-men,  yet  they  had  an  end  y'  they  drove  at  &  laboured 
to  accomplish  (I  meane  not  any  private  end,  but  for  y*^  gen- 
erall good  of  their  patente).  It  had  been  very  well  you  had 
sent  one  over.  ]VF.  Andrew  wished  you  might  have  one  3. 
parte  of  y*  1200*'.  &  y'=  Bay  2.  thirds;  but  then  we  3.  must 
have  agreed  togeather,  which  were  a  hard  mater  now.  But 
M'.  Weld,  M'.  Peters,  &  M'.  Hibbens,  &  I,  have  agreed,  they 
giving  you  bond  (so  to  compose  with  M^  Beachamp,  as)  to 
procure  his  generall  release,  &  free  you  from  all  trouble  & 
charge  y'  he  may  put  you  too ;  which  indeed  is  nothing,  for 
I  am  perswaded  M''.  Weld  will  in  time  gaine  hiin  to  give  them 
all  that  is  dew  to  [251]  him,  which  in  some  sorte  is  granted 
allready  ;  for  though  his  demands  be  great,  yet  M'.  Andrewes 
hath  taken  some  paines  in  it,  and  makes  it  appear  to  be  less 
then  I  thinke  he  will  consente  to  give  them  for  so  good  an 


480  HISTORY   OF  [book   II. 

use  ;  so  you  neede  not  fear,  that  for  taking  bond  ther  to  save 
you  harrales,  you  be  safe  and  well.  Now  our  accord  is,  y' 
you  must  pay  to  y^  gentle-men  of  y"  Bay  900".  ;  they  are  to 
bear  all  chargs  y*'  may  any  way  arise  concerning  y"  free 
&  absolute  clearing  of  you  from  us  three.  And  you  to  have 
y"  other  300*'.    &c. 

Upon  y^  receiving  of  my  release  from  you,  I  will  send  you 
your  bonds  for  y''  purchass  money.  I  would  have  sent  them 
now,  but  I  would  have  M\  Beachamp  release  as  well  as  I,  be- 
cause you  are  bound  to  him  in  them.  Now  I  know  if  a  man 
be  bound  to  12.  men,  if  one  release,  it  is  as  if  all  released, 
and  my  discharge  doth  cutt  them  of  ;  wherfore  doubte  you  not 
but  you  shall  have  them,  &  your  coiiiission,  or  any  thing  els 
that  is  fitt.  Now  you  know  ther  is  tow  years  of  y"  purchass 
money,  that  I  would  not  owne,  for  I  have  formerley  certified 
you  y'  I  would  but  pay  7.  years  ;  but  now  you  are  dischai'ged 
of  all,  &c. 

Your  loving  and  kind  friend  in  what  I  may  or  can, 

James  Sherlet. 
June  14.  1642. 

The  coppy  of  his  release  is  as  folio weth. 

Wheras  diverce  questions,  differences,  &  demands  have 
arisen  &  depended  betweene  William  Bradford,  Edward  Wins- 
low,  Thomas  Prence,  Mylest  Standish,  William  Brewster,  John 
AUden,  and  John  Howland,  gent :  now  or  latly  inhabitants  or 
resident  at  New-Plimoth,  in  New-England,  on  y''  one  party, 
and  James  Sherley  of  London,  marchante,  and  others,  in  th' 
other  parte,  for  &  concerning  a  stocke  &  partable  trade  of 
beaver  &  other  comodities,  and  fraighting  of  ships,  as  y*^ 
White  Angell,  Frindship,  or  others,  and  y^  goods  of  Isaack 
AUerton  which  were  seazed  upon  by  vertue  of  a  leter  of 
atturney  made  by  y"  said  James  Sherley  and  John  Beachamp 
and  Richard  Andrews,  or  any  other  maters  concerning  y''  said 


1642.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  481 

trade,  eithei-  hear  in  Old-Eugland  or  ther  in  New-England  or 
elsewlier,  all  which  differences  are  since  by  mediation  of 
freinds  composed,  compremissed,  and  all  y"  said  parties 
agreed.  Now  know  all  men  by  these  presents,  that  I,  the 
said  James  Sherley,  in  performance  of  y®  said  compremise  & 
agreemente,  have  remised,  released,  and  quite  claimed,  &  doe 
by  these  presents  remise,  release,  and  for  me,  myne  heires, 
executors,  &  Administrators,  and  for  every  of  us,  for  ever 
quite  claime  unto  y*'  said  William  Bradford,  Edward  Wiuslow, 
Thomas  Prence,  Myles  Standish,  William  Brewster,  John 
Allden,  &  John  Rowland,  and  every  of  them,  their  &  every 
of  their  heires,  executors,  and  administrators,  all  and  all 
maner  of  actions,  suits,  debts,  accounts,  rekonings,  comissions, 
bonds,  bills,  specialties,  judgments,  executions,  claimes,  chal- 
linges,  differences,  and  demands  whatsoever,  with  or  against 
y^  said  William  Bradford,  Edward  Winslow,  Thomas  Prence, 
Myles  Standish,  William  Brewster,  John  Allden,  and  John 
Howland,  or  any  of  them,  ever  J  had,  now  have,  or  in  time 
to  come  can,  shall,  or  may  have,  for  any  mater,  cause,  or 
thing  whatsoever  from  y''  begining  of  y*^  world  untill  y®  day 
of  y''  date  of  these  presents.  In  witnes  wherof  I  have  here- 
unto put  my  hand  &  scale,  given  y''  second  day  of  June,  1642, 
and  in  y^  eighteenth  year  of  y^  raigne  of  our  soveraigne  lord, 
king  Charles,  &c. 

James  Sherley. 
Sealed  and  delivered 

in  y*  presence  of     Thomas  Weld, 

Hugh  Peters, 

William  Hibbins. 

Arthur  Tirrey,  Scr. 

Tho  :  Sturgs,  his  servants 

M''.  Andrews  his  discharg  was  to  y*^  same  effecte ;  he 
was  by  agreemete  to  have  500*'.  of  y"  money,  the  which 


482  HISTORY    OF  [book    II. 

he  gave  to  them  in  y^  Bay,  who  brought  his  discharge 
and  demanded  y'^  money.  And  they  tooke  in  his  re- 
lease and  paid  y''  money  according  to  agreemete,  viz. 
one  third  of  the  500".  they  paid  downe  in  hand,  and 
y''  rest  in  4.  equall  payments,  to  be  paid  yearly, 
for  which  they  gave  their  bonds.  And  wheras  44*^. 
was  more  demanded,  they  conceived  they  could  take 
it  of  with  M''.  Andrews,  and  therfore  it  was  not  in  the 
bonde.  [252]  But  M"".  Beachamp  would  not  parte  with 
any  of  his,  but  demanded  400".  of  y''  partners  here,  & 
sent  a  release  to  a  friend,  to  deliver  it  to  them  upon 
y^  receite  of  y*"  money.  But  his  relese  was  not  per- 
fecte,  for  he  had  left  out  some  of  y"^  pai-tners  names, 
with  some  other  defects ;  and  besids,  the  other  gave 
them  to  understand  he  had  not  near  so  much  due.  So 
no  end  was  made  with  him  till  4.  years  after;  of  which 
in  it  plase.  And  in  y'  regard,  that  them  selves  did  not 
agree,  I  shall  inserte  some  part  of  M'.  Andrews  letter, 
by  which  he  conceives  y*"  partners  here  were  wronged, 
as  folio weth.  This  leter  of  his  was  write  to  M''. 
Edmond  Freeman,  brother  in  law  to  M^  Beachamp. 

M'.   Freeman, 

My  love  reraembred  unto  you,  &c.  I  then  certified  y^  part- 
ners how  I  found  W.  Beachamp  &  M^  Sherley,  in  their  per- 
ticuler  demands,  which  was  according  to  mens  principles,  of 
getting  what  they  could  ;  allthough  y^  one  will  not  shew  any 
accounte,  and  y''  other  a  very  unfaire  and  unjust  one  ;  and 
both  of  them  discouraged  me  from  sending  y'=  partners  my 
accounte,    M^    Beachamp    espetially.      Their   reason,    I   have 


1642.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  483 

cause  to  conceive,  was,  y'  allthough  I  doe  not,  nor  ever 
intended  to,  wrong  y"  partnei's  or  y°  bussines,  yet,  if  I  gave 
no  accounte,  I  might  be  esteemed  as  guiltie  as  they,  in  some 
degree  at  least ;  and  they  might  seeme  to  be  y*"  more  free 
from  taxation  in  not  delivering  their  accounts,  who  have  both 
of  them  charged  y*"  accounte  with  much  intrest  they  have 
payed  forth,  and  one  of  them  would  likwise  for  much  intrest 
he  hath  not  paid  forth,  as  appeareth  by  his  accounte,  &c. 
And  seeing  y^  partners  have  now  made  it  appear  y*  ther  is 
1200*'.  remaining  due  between  us  all,  and  that  it  may  appear 
by  my  accounte  I  have  not  charged  y**  bussiues  with  any  in- 
trest, but  doe  forgive  it  unto  y*^  partners,  above  200'".  if  M^ 
Sherley  &  M^  Beachamp,  who  have  betweene  them  wronged 
y^  bussines  so  many  100".  both  in  principall  &  intrest  likwise, 
and  have  therin  wronged  me  as  well  and  as  much  as  any  of 
y*  partners  ;  yet  if  they  will  not  make  &  deliver  faire  &  true 
accounts  of  y"  same,  nor  be  contente  to  take  what  by  com- 
putation is  more  then  can  be  justly  due  to  either,  that  is,  to 
M"".  Beachamp  150''.  as  by  M''.  Allertons  accounte,  and  M*". 
Sherleys  accounte,  on  oath  in  chancerie ;  and  though  ther 
might  be  nothing  due  to  M^  Sherley,  yet  he  requirs  100*'. 
&c.  I  conceive,  seing  y*^  partners  have  delivered  on  their 
oaths  y^  suine  remaining  in  their  hands,  that  they  may  justly 
detaine  y*  650*'.  which  may  remaine  in  their  hands,  after  I  am 
satisfied,  untill  M^  Sherley  &  M'.  Beachamp  will  be  more  fair 
&  just  in  their  ending,  &c.  And  as  I  intend,  if  y'^  partners 
fayrly  end  with  me,  in  satisfing  in  parte  and  ingaging  them 
selves  for  y^  rest  of  my  said  544''.  to  returne  back  for  y^  poore 
my  parte  of  y^  land  at  Sityate,  so  likwise  I  intend  to  re- 
linquish my  right  &  intrest  in  their  dear  patente,  on  which 
much  of  our  money  was  laid  forth,  and  also  my  right  & 
intrest  in  their  cheap  purchass,  the  which  may  have  cost  me 
first  &  last  350*'.*     But  I  doubte  whether  other  men  have  not 

*  This  he  means  of  y  first  adventures,  all  which  were  lost,  as  hath  before 
been  shown ;  and  what  he  here  writs  is  probable  at  least. 


484  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

charged  or  taken  on  accounte  what  they  have  disbursed  in  y® 
like  case,  which  I  have  not  charged,  neither  did  I  conceive 
any  other  durst  so  doe,  untill  I  saw  y^  accounte  of  the  one 
and  heard  y"  words  of  y''  other ;  the  which  gives  me  just  cause 
to  suspecte  both  their  accounts  to  be  uufaire  ;  for  it  seemeth 
they  consulted  one  with  another  aboute  some  perticulers 
therin.  Therfore  I  conceive  y"  partners  ought  y''  rather  to 
require  just  accounts  from  each  of  them  before  they  parte 
with  any  money  to  either  of  them.  For  marchants  understand 
how  to  give  an  acounte  ;  if  they  mean  fairley,  they  will  not 
deney  to  give  an  accounte,  for  they  keep  memorialls  to  helpe 
them  to  give  exacte  acounts  in  all  perticulers,  and  memoriall 
cannot  forget  his  charge,  if  y^  man  will  remember.  I  desire 
not  to  wrong  M"".  Beachamp  or  M^  Sherley,  nor  may  be 
sileute  in  such  apparente  probabilities  of  their  wronging  y*^ 
partners,  and  me  likwise,  either  in  deueying  to  deliver  or  shew 
any  accounte,  or  in  delivering  one  very  unjuste  in  some  per- 
ticulers, and  very  suspitious  in  many  more  ;  either  of  which, 
being  from  understanding  marchants,  cannot  be  from  weaknes 
or  simplisitie,  and  therfore  y"  more  unfaire.  So  comending 
you  &  yours,  and  all  y'^  Lord's  people,  unto  y^  gratious  pro- 
tection and  blessing  of  y''  Lord,  and  rest  your  loving  friend, 

Richard  Andrewes. 
Aprill  7.  1643. 

This  leter  was  write  y^  year  after  y*^  agreement,  as 
doth  appear ;  and  what  his  judgmente  was  herein,  j^ 
contents  doth  manifest,  and  so  I  leave  it  to  j'^  equall 
judgmente  of  any  to  consider,  as  they  see  cause. 

Only  I  shall  adde  what  M'.  Sherley  furder  write  in 
a  leter  of  his,  about  y''  same  time,  and  so  leave  this 
bussines.     His  is  as  followeth  on  y^  other  side,* 

*  Being  the  conclusion,  as  will  be  seen,  of  page  252  of  the  original. 


1642.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  485 


[253]  Loving  freinds,  M^  Bradford,  M^  Winslow,  Cap: 
Standish,  M^  Prence,  and  y"  rest  of  y*  partners  w"^  you  ;  I 
shall  write  this  generall  leter  to  you  all,  hoping  it  will  be 
a  good  conclude  of  a  generall,  but  a  costly  &  tedious  bussines 
I  thinke  to  all,  I  am  sure  to  me,  &c. 

I  received  from  M^  Winslow  a  letter  of  y*  28.  of  Sept :  last, 
and  so  much  as  concernes  y^  generall  bussines  I  shall  answer 
in  this,  not  knowing  whether  I  shall  have  opportunitie  to 
write  perticuler  letters,  &c.  I  expected  more  letters  from  you 
all,  as  some  perticuler  writs,*  but  it  seemeth  no  fitt  oppor- 
tunity was  offered.  And  now,  though  y"  bussines  for  y* 
maine  may  stand,  yet  some  perticulers  is  alltered  ;  I  say  my 
former  agreemente  with  M''.  Weld  &  M^  Peters,  before  they  f 
could  conclude  or  gett  any  grante  of  M^  Andrews,  they 
sought  to  have  my  release ;  and  ther  upon  they  sealed  me  a 
bond  for  a  110*'.  So  I  sente  my  acquittance,  for  they  said 
without  mine  ther  would  be  no  end  made  (&  ther  was  good 
reason  for  it).  Now  they  hoped,  if  y^^  ended  with  me,  to 
gaine  M^  Andrews  parte,  as  they  did  holy,  to  a  pound,  (at 
which  I  should  wonder,  but  y'  I  observe  some  passages,)  and 
they  also  hoped  to  have  gotten  M''.  Beachamps  part,  &  I  did 
thinke  he  would  have  given  it  them.  But  if  he  did  well 
understand  him  selfe,  &  that  acounte,  he  would  give  it ;  for 
his  demands  make  a  great  sound.  J  But  it  seemeth  he  would 
not  parte  with  it,  supposing  it  too  great  a  sume,  and  y'  he 
might  easily  gaine  it  from  you.  Once  he  would  have  given 
them  40*'.  but  now  they  say  he  will  not  doe  that,  or  rather 
I  suppose  they  will  not  take  it;  for  if  they  doe,  &  have  M"". 
Andrewses,  then  they  must  pay  me  their  bond  of  110*'. 
3  months  hence.  Now  it  will  fall  out  farr  better  for  you, 
y'  they  deal  not  with  M''.  Beachamp,  and  also  for  me,  if  you 

•  Perhaps  write,  for  tvrote.  f  The  in  the  manuscript. 

X  This  was  a  misterie  to  them,  for  they  heard  nothing  hereof  from  any 
side  y  last  year,  till  now  y«  conclution  was  past,  and  bonds  given. 


486  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

be  as  kind  to  me  as  I  have  been  &  will  be  to  you  ;  and  y' 
thus,  if  you  pay  M^  Andrews,  or  y^  Bay  men,  by  his  order, 
544*'.  which  is  his  full  demande  ;  but  if  looked  into,  perhaps 
might  be  less.  The  man  is  honest,  &  in  my  conscience  would 
not  wittingly  doe  wronge,  yett  he  may  forgett  as  well  as  other 
men ;  and  M^  Winslow  may  call  to  minde  wherin  he  for- 
getts ;  (but  some  times  it  is  good  to  buy  peace.)  The  gentle- 
men of  y^  Bay  may  abate  100''.  and  so  both  sids  have  more 
right  &  justice  then  if  they  exacte  all,  &c.  Now  if  you  send 
me  a  150*'.  then  say  M"'.  Andrews  full  sume,  &  this,  it  is  nere 
700*'.  M^  Beachamp  he  demands  400*'.  and  we  all  know 
that,  if  a  man  demands  money,  he  must  shew  wherfore,  and 
make  proofe  of  his  debte  ;  which  I  know  he  can  never  make 
good  proafe  of  one  hunderd  pound  dew  unto  him  as  principall 
money ;  so  till  he  can,  you  have  good  reason  to  keep  y*^ 
500*'.  &c.  This  I  proteste  I  write  not  in  malice  against 
M'.  Beachamp,  for  it  is  a  reall  truth.  You  may  partly  see  it 
by  M''.  Andrews  making  up  his  accounte,  and  I  think  you 
are  all  perswaded  I  can  say  more  then  M^  Andrews  con- 
cerning that  accounte.  I  wish  I  could  make  up  my  owne  as 
plaine  &  easily,  but  because  of  former  discontents,  I  will 
be  sparing  till  I  be  called ;  &  you  may  injoye  y"  500*'.  quietly 
till  he  begine  ;  for  let  him  take  his  course  hear  or  ther,  it  shall 
be  all  one,  I  will  doe  him  no  wronge  ;  and  if  he  have  not  on 
peney  more,  he  is  less  loser  then  either  M'.  Andrews  or  I. 
This  I  conceive  to  be  just  &  honest ;  y"  having  or  not  having 
of  his  release  matters  not ;  let  him  make  such  proafe  of  his 
debte  as  you  cannot  disprove,  and  according  to  your  first 
agreemente  you  will  pay  it,   &c. 

Your  trul}'  affectioned  freind, 

James  Sherley. 
London,  Aprill  27.  1643. 


1643.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  487 

Amio  Doni:  1643. 
I  AM  to  begine  this  year  whith  that  which  was  a 
mater  of  great  saddnes  and  mouring  unto  them  all. 
Aboute  y^  18.  of  Aprill  dyed  their  Reve*^  Elder,  and 
my  dear  &  loving  friend,  M''.  William  Brewster ;  a 
man  that  had  done  and  suffered  much  for  y*  Lord 
Jesus  and  y®  gospells  sake,  and  had  bore  his  parte  in 
well  and  woe  with  this  poore  persecuted  church  above 
36.  years  [254]  in  England,  Holand,  and  in  this 
wildernes,  and  done  y*^  Lord  &  them  faithfull  service 
in  his  place  &  calling.  And  notwithstanding  y*'  man}' 
troubls  and  sorrows  he  passed  throw,  the  Lord  upheld 
him  to  a  great  age.  He  was  nere  fourskore  years 
of  age  (if  not  all  out)  when  he  dyed.  He  had  this 
blesing  added  by  y*^  Lord  to  all  y**  rest,  to  dye  in  his 
bed,  in  peace,  amongst  y*  mids  of  his  freinds,  who 
mourned  &  wepte  over  him,  and  ministered  what  help 
&  comforte  they  could  unto  him,  and  he  againe  re- 
comforted  them  whilst  he  could.  His  sicknes  was  not 
long,  and  till  y**  last  day  therof  he  did  not  wholy 
keepe  his  bed.  His  speech  continued  till  somewhat 
more  then  halfe  a  day,  &  then  failed  him ;  and  aboute 
9.  or  10.  a  clock  that  eving  he  dyed,  without  any 
pangs  at  all.  A  few  howers  before,  he  drew  his 
breath  shorte,  and  some  few  minuts  before  his  last, 
he  drew  his  breath  long,  as  a  man  falen  into  a  sound 
slepe,  without  any  pangs  or  gaspings,  and  so  sweetly 
departed  this  life  unto  a  better. 


4^88  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

I  would  now  demand  of  any,  what  he  was  y*"  worse 
for  any  former  sufferings?  What  doe  I  say,  worse? 
Nay,  sure  he  was  y^  better,  and  they  now  added  to 
his  honour.  It  is  a  manifest  token  (saith  y"  Apostle, 
2.  Thes :  1.  5,  6,  7.)  o/"  y*  righeous  judgmente  of  God 
y'  ye  may  he  counted  worthy  of  y^  kingdome  of  God^ 
for  which  ye  allso  suffer;  seing  it  is  a  righteous  thing 
with  God  to  recompence  tribulation  to  them  y'  trouble 
you:  and  to  you  loho  are  troubled,  rest  tvith  us,  when 
y^  Lord  Jesus  shall  be  revealed  from  heaven,  with  his 
mighty  angels.  1.  Pet.  4.  14.  If  you  be  reproached 
for  y"  name  of  Christ,  hapy  are  ye,  for  y'  spirite 
of  glory  and  of  God  resteth  upon  you.  What  though 
he  wanted  y*"  riches  and  pleasurs  of  y*'  world  in  this 
life,  and  pompous  monuments  at  his  funurall?  yet  y'^ 
memoriall  of  y*'  just  shall  be  blessed,  when  y®  name 
of  y®  wicked  shall  rott  (with  their  marble  monuments). 
Pro:   10.   7. 

I  should  say  something  of  his  life,  if  to  say  a  litle 
were  not  worse  then  to  be  silent.  But  I  cannot  wholy 
forbear,  though  hapily  more  may  be  done  hereafter. 
After  he  had  attained  some  learning,  viz.  y*^  knowledg 
of  y®  Latine  tongue,  &  some  insight  in  y^  Greeke,  and 
spent  some  small  time  at  Cambridge,  and  then  being 
first  seasoned  with  y'^  seeds  of  grace  and  vertue,  he  went 
to  y''  Courte,  and  served  that  religious  and  godly  gentl- 
man,  M''.  Davison,  diverce  years,  when  he  was  Secre- 
tary of  State ;   who  found  him  so  discreete  and  faithfull 


1643.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION .  489 

as  he  trusted  him  above  all  other  that  were  aboute 
him,  and  only  iraployed  him  in  all  matters  of  greatest 
trust  and  secrecie.  He  esteemed  him  rather  as  a  sonne 
then  a  servante,  and  for  his  wisdom  &  godlines  (in 
private)  he  would  converse  with  him  more  like  a  freind 
&  familier  then  a  maister.  He  attended  his  m"".  when 
he  was  sente  in  ambassage  by  the  Queene  into  y*^  Low- 
Countries,  in  y"  Earle  of  Leicesters  time,  as  for  other 
waighty  affaires  of  state,  so  to  receive  possession  of  the 
cautionary  townes,  and  in  token  &  signe  therof  the 
keyes  of  Flushing  being  delivered  to  him,  in  her  ma"^ 
name,  he  kepte  them  some  time,  and  comitted  them 
to  this  his  servante,  who  kept  them  under  his  pilow, 
on  which  he  slepte  y^  first  night.  And,  at  his  returne, 
y®  States  honoured  him  with  a  gould  chaine,  and  his 
maister  comitted  it  to  him,  and  comanded  him  to  wear 
it  when  they  arrived  in  England,  as  they  ridd  thorrow 
the  country,  till  they  came  to  y®  Courte.  He  afterwards 
remained  with  him  till  his  troubles,  that  he  was  put 
from  his  place  aboute  y"  death  of  y''  Queene  of  Scots  ; 
and  some  good  time  after,  doeing  him  manie  faithfull 
offices  of  servise  in  y*"  time  of  his  troubles.  Afterwards 
he  wente  and  lived  in  y"  country,  in  good  esteeme 
amongst  his  freinds  and  y*'  gentle-men  of  those  parts, 
espetially  the  godly  &  religious.  He  did  much  good 
in  y''  countrie  wher  he  lived,  in  promoting  and  further- 
ing religion,  not  only  by  his  practiss  &  example,  and 
provocking  and  incouraging  of  others,  but  by  procuring 


490  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

of  good  preachers  to  y*=  places  theraboute,  and  drawing 
on  of  others  to  assiste  &  help  forward  in  such  a  worke  ; 
he  him  selfe  most  comonly  deepest  in  y^  charge,  & 
some  times  above  his  abillitie.  And  in  this  state  he 
continued  many  years,  doeing  y*  best  good  he  could, 
and  walking  according  to  y^  light  he  saw,  till  y*  Lord 
revelled  further  unto  him.  And  in  y^  end,  by  y''  tir- 
rany  of  y*=  bishops  against  godly  preachers  &  people, 
in  silenceing  the  one  &  persecuting  y*  other,  he  and 
many  more  of  those  times  begane  to  looke  further  into 
things,  and  to  see  into  y^  unlawfullnes  of  their  callings, 
and  y''  burthen  of  many  anti-christian  corruptions,  which 
both  he  and  they  endeavored  to  cast  of;  as  y*^'  allso 
did,  as  in  y®  begining  of  this  treatis  is  to  be  seene. 
[255]  After  they  were  joyned  togither  in  comunion, 
he  was  a  spetiall  stay  &  help  unto  them.  They  ordi- 
narily mett  at  his  house  on  y''  Lords  day,  (which  was 
a  manor  of  y*"  bishops,)  and  with  great  love  he  enter- 
tained them  when  they  came,  making  provission  for 
them  to  his  great  charge.  He  was  y^  cheefe  of  those 
that  were  taken  at  Boston,  and  suffered  y"  greatest 
loss  ;  and  of  y''  seven  that  were  kept  longst  in  prison, 
and  after  bound  over  to  y"  assises.  Affter  he  came 
into  Holland  he  suffered  much  hardship,  after  he  had 
spente  y*"  most  of  his  means,  haveing  a  great  charge, 
and  many  children ;  and,  in  regard  of  his  former  breed- 
ing &  course  of  life,  not  so  titt  for  many  imployments 
as    others    were,    espetially   such   as    were    toylesume    & 


1643.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  491 

laborious.  But  yet  he  ever  bore  his  condition  with 
much  cherfullnes  and  contentation.  Towards  y*"  later 
parte  of  those  12.  years  spente  in  Holland,  his  outward 
condition  was  mended,  and  he  lived  well  &  plentifully; 
for  he  fell  into  a  way  (by  reason  he  had  y'^  Latine 
tongue)  to  teach  many  students,  who  had  a  disire 
to  lerne  y"  English  tongue,  to  teach  them  English ; 
and  by  his  method  they  quickly  attained  it  with  great 
facilitie ;  for  he  drew  rules  to  lerne  it  by,  after  y® 
Latine  maner ;  and  many  gentlemen,  both  Danes  & 
Germans,  resorted  to  him,  as  they  had  time  from  other 
studies,  some  of  them  being  great  mens  sones.  He 
also  had  means  to  set  up  printing,  (by  y*^  help  of  some 
freinds,)  and  so  had  imploymente  inoughg,  and  by 
reason  of  many  books  which  would  not  be  alowed 
to  be  printed  in  England,  they  might  have  had  more 
then  they  could  doe.  But  now  removeing  into  this 
countrie,  all  these  things  were  laid  aside  againe,  and 
a  new  course  of  living  must  be  framed  unto ;  in  which 
he  was  no  way  unwilling  to  take  his  parte,  and  to  bear 
his  burthen  with  y®  rest,  living  many  times  without 
bread,  or  corne,  many  months  together,  having  many 
times  nothing  but  fish,  and  often  wanting  that  also ; 
and  drunke  nothing  but"  water  for  many  years  togeather, 
yea,  till  within  5.  or  6.  years  of  his  death.  And  yet 
he  lived  (by  y"  blessing  of  God)  in  health  till  very  old 
age.  And  besids  y^  he  would  labour  with  his  hands 
in    y®    feilds    as    long    as    he    was    able ;    yet   when    the 


492  HISTORY    or  [book  II. 

church  had  no  other  minister,  he  taught  twise  every 
Saboth,  and  y'  both  powerfully  and  profitably,  to  y® 
great  contentment  of  y*  hearers,  and  their  comfortable 
edification ;  yea,  many  were  brought  to  God  by  his 
ministrie.  He  did  more  in  this  behalfe  in  a  year,  then 
many  that  have  their  hundreds  a  year  doe  in  all  their 
lives.  For  his  personall  abilities,  he  was  qualified 
above  many ;  he  was  wise  and  discreete  and  well 
spoken,  having  a  grave  &  deliberate  utterance,  of  a 
very  cherfull  spirite,  very  sociable  &  pleasante  amongst 
his  freinds,  of  an  humble  and  modest  mind,  of  a  peace- 
able disposition,  under  vallewing  him  self  &  his  owne 
abilities,  and  some  time  over  valewing  others ;  inoflfen- 
cive  and  inocente  in  his  life  &  conversation,  w"^  gained 
him  y®  love  of  those  without,  as  well  as  those  within ; 
yet  he  would  tell  them  plainely  of  their  limits  &  evills, 
both  publickly  &  privatly,  but  in  such  a  maner  as  usu- 
ally was  well  taken  from  him.  He  was  tender  harted, 
and  compassionate  of  such  as  were  in  miserie,  but 
espetialy  of  such  as  had  been  of  good  estate  and  ranke, 
and  were  fallen  unto  want  &  poverty,  either  for  good- 
nes  &  religions  sake,  or  by  y^  injury  &  oppression 
of  others ;  he  would  say,  of  all  men  these  deserved 
to  be  pitied  most.  And  none  did  more  offend  &  dis- 
please him  then  such  as  would  hautily  and  proudly 
carry  &  lift  up  themselves,  being  rise  from  nothing, 
and  haveing  litle  els  in  them  to  comend  them  but  a  few 
fine    cloaths,    or   a    litle    riches    more    then    others.     In 


1643.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  493 

teaching,  he  was  very  moving  &  stirring  of  aftections, 
also  very  plaine  &  distincte  in  what  he  taught ;  by 
which  means  he  became  y**  more  profitable  to  y"  hearers. 
He  had  a  singuler  good  gift  in  prayer,  both  publick 
&  private,  in  ripping  up  y*^  hart  &  conscience  before 
God,  in  y*^  humble  confession  of  siune,  and  begging  y® 
mercies  of  God  in  Christ  for  y*'  pardon  of  y''  same. 
He  always  thought  it  were  better  for  ministers  to  pray 
oftener,  and  devide  their  prears,  then  be  longe  &  te- 
dious in  y®  same  (excepte  upon  sollemne  &  spetiall 
occations,  as  in  days  of  humiliation  &  y*  like).  His 
reason  was,  that  y^  harte  &  spirits  of  all,  espetialy 
y®  weake,  could  hardly  continue  &  stand  bente  (as  it 
were)  so  long  towards  God,  as  they  ought  to  doe 
in  y'  duty,  without  flagging  and  falling  of.  For 
y**  govermente  of  y*'  church,  (which  was  most  [256] 
proper  to  his  office, )  he  was  carfull  to  preserve  good 
order  in  y"  same,  and  to  preserve  puritie,  both  in 
y^  doctrine  &  comunion  of  y'^  same ;  and  to  supress 
any  errour  or  contention  that  might  begine  to  rise 
up  amongst  them ;  and  accordingly  God  gave  good 
success  to  his  indeavors  herein  all  his  days,  and  he 
saw  y^  fruite  of  his  labours  in  that  behalfe.  But 
I  must  breake  of,  having  only  thus  touched  a  few, 
as  it  were,  heads  of  things. 

I  cannot  but  here  take  occasion,  not  only  to  men- 
tion, but  greatly  to  admire  y*"  marvelous  providence 
of   God,    that    notwithstanding    y''   many    changes    and 


494  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

hardships  that  these  people  wente  throwgh,  and  y® 
many  enemies  they  had  and  difficulties  they  mette  with 
all,  that  so  many  of  them  should  live  to  very  olde  age  ! 
It  was  not  only  this  reve''  mans  condition,  (for  one 
swallow  maks  no  summer,  as  they  say,)  but  many 
more  of  them  did  y''  like,  some  dying  aboute  and 
before  this  time,  and  many  still  living,  who  attained 
to  60.  years  of  age,  and  to  65.  diverse  to  70.  and 
above,  and  some  nere  80.  as  he  did.  It  must  needs 
be  more  then  ordinarie,  and  above  naturall  reason,  that 
so  it  should  be ;  for  it  is  found  in  experience,  that 
chaing  of  aeir,  famine,  or  unholsome  foode,  much  drink- 
ing of  water,  sorrows  &  troubls,  &c.,  all  of  them  are 
enimies  to  health,  causes  of  many  diseaces,  consumers 
of  naturall  vigoure  and  y*^  bodys  of  men,  and  shortners 
of  life.  And  yet  of  all  these  things  they  had  a  large 
parte,  and  suffered  deeply  in  y*"  same.  They  wente 
from  England  to  Holand,  wher  they  found  both  worse 
air  and  dyet  then  that  they  came  from  ;  from  thence 
(induring  a  long  imprisonmente,  as  it  were,  in  y^  ships 
at  sea)  into  New-England;  and  how  it  hath  been  with 
them  hear  hath  allready  beene  showne  ;  and  what  crosses, 
troubls,  fears,  wants,  and  sorrowes  they  had  been  lyable 
unto,  is  easie  to  conjecture  ;  so  as  in  some  sorte  they 
may  say  with  y*"  Apostle,  2.  Cor:  11.  26,  27.  they 
were  in  journey  ings  often  ^  in  perils  of  waters,  in  per  ills 
of  7'obers,  in  perills  of  their  owne  nation,  in  perils  among 
y'  heathen,  in  perills  in  y'  willdernes,  in  perills  in  y"  sea. 


1643.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  495 

in  perills  among  false  hreethern  ;  in  wearines  (&  painfull- 
nes,  in  watching  often,  in  hunger  and  thirst,  in  fasting 
often,  in  could  and  naJcednes.  What  was  it  then  that 
upheld  them?  It  was  Gods  vissitation  that  preserved 
their  spirits.  Job  10.  12.  Thou  hast  given  me  life 
and  grace,  and  thy  vissitation  hath  preserved  my  spirits. 
He  that  upheld  y''  Apostle  upheld  them.  They  were 
persecuted,  but  not  forsaken,  cast  downe,  but  joerished 
not.  2.  Cor:  4.  9.  As  unknowen,  and  yet  knowen; 
as  dying,  and  behold  we  live;  as  chastened,  and  yett 
not  kiled.  2.  Cor:  6.  9.  God,  it  seems,  would  have 
all  men  to  behold  and  observe  such  mercies  and  works 
of  his  providence  as  these  are  towards  his  people,  that 
they  in  like  cases  might  be  incouraged  to  depend  upon 
God  in  their  trials,  &  also  blese  his  name  when  they 
see  his  goodnes  towards  others.  Man  lives  not  hy 
bread  only,  Deut :  8.  3.  It  is  not  by  good  &  dainty 
fare,  by  peace,  &  rest,  and  harts  ease,  in  injoying 
y*^  contentments  and  good  things  of  this  world  only, 
that  preserves  health  and  prolongs  life.  God  in  such 
examples  would  have  y^  world  see  &  behold  that  he 
can  doe  it  without  them ;  and  if  y*^  world  will  shut 
ther  eyes,  and  take  no  notice  therof,  yet  he  would 
have  his  people  to  see  and  consider  it.  Daniell  could 
be  better  liking  with  pulse  then  others  were  with 
y®  kings  dainties.  Jaacob,  though  he  wente  from  one 
nation  to  another  people,  and  passed  thorow  famine, 
fears,  &  many  afflictions,  yet  he  lived  till  old  age,  and 


496  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

dyed  sweetly,  &  rested  in  y'^  Lord,  as  infinite  others 
of  Gods  servants  have  done,  and  still  shall  doe,  (through 
Gods  goodnes,)  notwithstanding  all  y*"  malice  of  their 
enemies ;  ichen  y^  branch  of  y"  wicked  shall  be  cut  of 
before  his  day^  Job.  15.  32.  and  y'  bloody  and  deceitfidl 
men  shall  not  live  out  halfe  their  days.     Psa :  55.   23. 

By  reason  of  y*'  plottings  of  the  Narigansets,  (ever 
since  y*^  Pequents  warr,)  the  Indeans  were  drawne  into 
a  generall  conspiracie  against  y"  English  in  all  parts, 
as  was  in  part  discovered  y"  yeare  before ;  and  now 
made  more  plaine  and  evidente  by  many  discoveries 
and  free-conffessions  of  sundrie  Indeans  (upon  severall 
occasions)  from  diverse  places,  concuring  in  one;  with 
such  other  concuring  circomstances  as  gave  them  sufEs- 
sently  to  understand  the  trueth  therof,  and  to  thinke 
of  means  how  to  prevente  y*^  same,  and  secure  them 
selves.  Which  made  them  enter  into  this  more  nere 
union  &  confederation  following. 

[257]  Articles  of  Conffederation  betweene  y*  Plantations  un- 
der y''  Goverraente  of  Massaehusets,  y^  Plantations  under 
y"  Governiente  of  New-Plimoth,  y®  Plantations  under  y" 
Govermente  of  Conightecute,  and  y*"  Govermente  of  New- 
Haven,  with  y^  Plantations  in  combination  therwith. 

Wheras  we  all  came  into  these  parts  of  America  with  one 
and  y*  same  end  and  aime,  namly,  to  advance  the  kingdome 
of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  &  to  injoye  y"  liberties  of  y"  Gospell 
in  puritie  with  peace  ;  and  wheras  in  our  setling  (by  a  wise 
providence    of    God)   we    are    further    disperced    upon    y'    sea 


1643.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  497 

coasts  and  rivers  then  was  at  first  intended,  so  y'  we  cannot, 
according  to  our  desires,  with  conveniencie  comunicate  in  one 
govermente  &  jurisdiction  ;  and  wheras  we  live  encompassed 
with  people  of  severall  nations  and  Strang  languages,  which 
hereafter  may  prove  injurious  to  us  and  our  posteritie  ;  and 
for  as  much  as  y''  natives  have  formerly  coliiitted  sundrie  iuso- 
lencies  and  outrages  upon  severall  plantations  of  y*'  English, 
and  have  of  late  combined  them  selves  against  us ;  and 
seeing,  by  reason  of  those  distractions  in  England  (which 
they  have  heard  of)  and  by  which  they  know  we  are  hindered 
from  y'  humble  way  of  seeking  advice  or  reaping  those  com- 
furtable  fruits  of  protection  which  at  other  times  we  might 
well  expecte  ;  we  therfore  doe  conceive  it  our  bouuden  duty, 
without  delay,  to  enter  into  a  presente  consociation  amongst 
our  selves,  for  mutuall  help  &  strength  in  all  our  future 
concernments.  That  as  in  nation  and  religion,  so  in  other 
respects,  we  be  &  continue  one,  according  to  y"  tenor  and 
true  meaning  of  the  insuing  articles.  (1)  Wherfore  it  is 
fully  agreed  and  concluded  by  &  betweene  y''  parties  or 
jurisdictions  above  named,  and  they  joyntly  &  severally 
doe  by  these  presents  agree  &  conclude,  that  they  all  be 
and  henceforth  be  called  by  y^  name  of  The  United  Colonies 
of  New-P2ngland. 

2.  The  said  United  Collonies,  for  them  selves  &  their  pos- 
terities, doe  joyntly  &  severally  hereby  enter  into  a  firme 
&  perpetuall  league  of  frendship  &  amitie,  for  offence  and 
defence,  mutuall  advice  and  succore  upon  all  just  occasions, 
both  for  preserving  &  propagating  y®  truth  of  y^  Gospell,  and 
for  their  owne  mutuall  saftie  and  wellfare. 

3.  It  is  further  agreed  that  the  plantations  which  at 
presente  are  or  hereafter  shall  be  setled  with  [in]  y"  limites 
of  y*  Massachusets  shall  be  for  ever  under  y"  Massachusets, 
and  shall  have  peculier  jurisdiction  araonge  them  selves  in  all 
cases,  as  an  intire  body.     And  y'  Plimoth,  Conightecutt,  and 


498  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

New-Haveii  shall  each  of  them  have  like  peculier  jurisdition 
and  govermente  within  their  limites  and  in  refference  to  y* 
plantations  which  allready  are  setled,  or  shall  hereafter  be 
erected,  or  shall  setle  within  their  limites,  respectively ;  pro- 
vided y'  no  other  jurisdition  shall  hereafter  be  taken  in,  as 
a  distincte  head  or  member  of  this  confederation,  nor  shall 
any  other  plantation  or  jurisdiction  in  presente  being,  and 
not  allread}'^  in  combination  or  under  y"  jurisdiction  of  any 
of  these  confederats,  be  received  by  any  of  them  ;  nor  shall 
any  tow  of  y^  confederats  joyue  in  one  jurisdiction,  without 
conseute  of  y"  rest,  which  consete  to  be  interpreted  as  is 
expresed  in  y*  sixte  article  ensewing. 

4.  It  is  by  these  conflfederats  agreed,  y'  the  charge  of  all 
just  warrs,  whether  offencive  or  defeucive,  upon  what  parte 
or  member  of  this  confederation  soever  they  fall,  shall,  both 
in  men,  provissions,  and  all  other  disbursments,  be  borne  by 
all  y^  parts  of  this  confederation,  in  diffe rente  proportions, 
according  to  their  differente  abillities,  in  maner  following : 
namely,  y'  the  comissioners  for  each  jurisdiction,  from  time 
to  time,  as  ther  shall  be  occasion,  bring  a  true  accounte  and 
number  of  all  their  males  in  every  plantation,  or  any  way 
belonging  too  or  under  their  severall  jurisdictions,  of  what 
qualitie  or  condition  soever  they  be,  from  16.  years  old  to 
60.  being  inhabitants  ther ;  and  y'  according  to  y^  differente 
numbers  which  from  time  to  time  shall  be  found  in  each 
jurisdiction  upon  a  true  &  just  accounte,  the  service  of  men 
and  all  charges  of  y*^  warr  be  borne  b}^  y^  pole  ;  each  juris- 
diction or  plantation  being  left  to  their  owne  just  course  & 
custome  of  rating  them  selves  and  people  according  to  their 
differente  estates,  with  due  respects  to  their  qualities  and 
exemptions  amongst  them  selves,  though  the  confederats  take 
no  notice  of  any  such  priviledg.  And  y'  according  to  their 
differente  charge  of  each  jurisdiction  &  plantation,  the  whole 
advantage    of    y^    warr,    (if    it    please    God    to    blesse    their 


1643.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  49^ 


indeaours,)  whether  it  be  in  lauds,  goods,  or  persons,  shall  be 
proportionably  devided  amonge  y®  said  confederats. 

5.  It  is  further  agreed,  that  if  these  jurisdictions,  or  any 
plantation  under  or  in  combynacion  with  them,  be  invaded 
by  any  euemie  whomsoever,  upon  notice  &  requeste  of  any 
3.  [258]  magistrats  of  y'  jurisdiction  so  invaded,  y^  rest 
of  y*  confederats,  without  any  further  meeting  or  expostu- 
lation, shall  forthwith  send  ayde  to  y*^  confederate  in  danger, 
but  in  differente  proportion ;  namely,  y"  Massachusets  an 
hundred  men  sufflcently  armed  &  provided  for  such  a  service 
and  journey,  and  each  of  y^  rest  forty  five  so  armed  &  pro- 
vided, or  any  lesser  number,  if  less  be  required  according  to 
this  proportion.  But  if  such  confederate  in  danger  may  be 
supplyed  by  their  nexte  confederates,  not  exeeding  y^  number 
hereby  agreed,  they  may  crave  help  ther,  and  seeke  no  further 
for  y*  presente  ;  y^  charge  to  be  borne  as  in  this  article  is 
exprest,  and  at  y*^  returne  to  be  victuled  &  suplyed  with 
powder  &  shote  for  their  jurney  (if  ther  be  need)  by  y'  juris- 
diction which  imployed  or  sent  for  them.  But  none  of  y* 
jurisdictions  to  exceeds  these  numbers  till,  by  a  meeting 
of  y^  coinissioners  for  this  confederation,  a  greater  aide 
appear  nessessarie.  And  this  proportion  to  continue  till  upon 
knowlege  of  greater  numbers  in  each  jurisdiction,  which  shall 
be  brought  to  y®  nexte  meeting,  some  other  proportion  be 
ordered.  But  in  such  case  of  sending  men  for  presente 
aide,  whether  before  or  after  such  order  or  alteration,  it  is 
agreed  y'  at  y'^  meeting  of  y*^  comissioners  for  this  confeder- 
ation, the  cause  of  such  warr  or  invasion  be  duly  considered  ; 
and  if  it  appeare  y*  the  falte  lay  in  y^  parties  so  invaded, 
y'  then  that  jurisdiction  or  plantation  make  just  satisfaction 
both  to  y^  invaders  whom  they  have  injured,  and  beare  all  y® 
charges  of  y^  warr  them  selves,  without  requiring  auy  allow- 
ance from  y*^  rest  of  y''  confederats  towards  y''  same.  And 
further,  y*  if  any  jurisdiction  see  any  danger  of  any  invasion 


500  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

approaching,  and  ther  be  time  for  a  meeting,  that  in  such 
a  case  3.  magistrats  of  y'  jurisdiction  may  suiBone  a  meeting, 
at  such  conveniente  place  as  them  selves  shall  thinke  meete, 
to  consider  &  provid  against  y'^  threatened  danger,  provided 
when  they  are  mett,  they  may  remove  to  what  place  they 
please ;  only,  whilst  any  of  these  foure  confederats  have  but 
3  magistrats  in  their  jurisdiction,  their  requeste,  or  sum- 
mons, from  any  2.  of  them  shall  be  accounted  of  equall 
force  with  y"  3.  mentioned  in  both  the  clauses  of  this  arti- 
cle, till  ther  be  an  increase  of  majestrats  ther. 

6.  It  is  also  agreed  y',  for  y'^  managing  &  concluding  of 
all  affairs  propper,  &  concerning  the  whole  confederation, 
tow  comissioners  shall  be  chosen  by  &  out  of  each  of  these 
4.  jurisdictions  ;  namly,  2.  for  y*"  Massachusets,  2.  for  Plim- 
oth,  2.  for  Conightecutt,  and  2.  for  New-Haven,  being  all 
in  church  fellowship  with  us,  which  shall  bring  full  power 
from  their  severall  Generall  Courts  respectively  to  hear,  ex- 
amene,  waigh,  and  detirmine  all  affairs  of  warr,  or  peace, 
leagues,  aids,  charges,  and  numbers  of  men  for  warr,  divis- 
sions  of  spoyles,  &  whatsoever  is  gotten  by  conquest ;  re- 
ceiving of  more  confederats,  or  plantations  into  combination 
with  any  of  y*'  confederates,  and  all  things  of  like  nature, 
which  are  y"^  proper  concomitants  or  consequences  of  such 
a  confederation,  for  amitie,  offence,  &  defence ;  not  inter- 
medling  with  y''  govermente  of  any  of  y*"  jurisdictions, 
which  by  }'"  3,  article  is  preserved  entirely  to  them  selves. 
But  if  these  8.  comissioners  when  they  meete  shall  not  all 
agree,  yet  it  concluded  that  any  6.  of  the  8.  agreeing 
shall  have  power  to  setle  &  determine  y^  bussines  in  ques- 
tion. But  if  6.  doe  not  agree,  that  then  such  propositions, 
with  their  reasons,  so  farr  as  they  have  been  debated,  be 
sente,  and  referred  to  y^  4.  Generall  Courts,  viz.  y^  Massa- 
chusets, Plimoth,  Conightecutt,  and  New-haven ;  and  if  at 
all  y^  said  Generall  Courts  y*  bussines  so  referred  be   con- 


1643.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  501 

eluded,  then  to  be  prosecuted  by  y^  confederats,  and  all 
their  members.  It  was  further  agreed  that  these  8.  comis- 
sioners  shall  meete  ouce  every  year,  besids  extraordinarie 
meetings,  (according  to  the  fifte  article,)  to  consider,  treate, 
&  conclude  of  all  affaires  belonging  to  this  confederation, 
which  meeting  shall  ever  be  y**  first  Thursday  in  September. 
And  y'  the  next  meeting  after  the  date  of  these  presents, 
which  shall  be  accounted  y"  second  meeting,  shall  be  at 
Boston  in  y**  Massachusets,  the  3.  at  Hartford,  the  4.  at 
New-Haven,  the  5.  at  Plimoth,  and  so  in  course  succes- 
sively, if  in  y"  meane  time  some  midle  place  be  not  found 
out  and  agreed  on,  which  may  be  comodious  for  all  y* 
jurisdictions. 

7.  It  is  further  agreed,  y'  at  each  meeting  of  these  8. 
comissioners,  whether  ordinarie,  or  extraordinary,  they  all 
6.  of  them  agreeing  as  before,  may  chuse  a  presidente  out 
of  them  selves,  whose  office  &  work  shall  be  to  take  care 
and  directe  for  order,  and  a  comly  carrying  on  of  all  pro- 
ceedings in  y*'  present  meeting ;  but  he  shall  be  invested 
with  no  such  power  or  respecte,  as  by  which  he  shall  hin- 
der y"  propounding  or  progrese  of  any  bussines,  or  any 
way  cast  y^  scailes  otherwise  then  in  y"  precedente  article 
is  agreed. 

[259]  8.  It  is  also  agreed,  y'  the  comissioners  for  this 
confederation  hereafter  at  their  meetings,  whether  ordinary 
or  extraordinarie,  as  they  may  have  comissiou  or  oppor- 
tunitie,  doe  indeaover  to  frame  and  establish  agreements 
&  orders  in  generall  cases  of  a  civill  nature,  wherin  all 
y*  plantations  are  interessed,  for  y"  preserving  of  peace 
amongst  them  selves,  and  preventing  as  much  as  may  be 
all  occasions  of  warr  or  difference  with  others ;  as  aboute 
y^  free  &  speedy  passage  of  justice,  in  every  jurisdiction, 
to  all  y®  confederats  equally  as  to  their  owne  ;  not  receiving 
those  y'  remove  from  one   plantation   to  another  without  due 


502  HISTORY   OF  [book   II. 

certificate ;  how  all  y*"  jurisdictions  may  carry  towards  y* 
Indeans,  that  they  neither  growe  insolente,  nor  be  injured 
without  due  satisfaction,  least  warr  breake  in  upon  the  con- 
federats  through  such  miscarriages.  It  is  also  agreed,  y' 
if  any  servaute  rune  away  from  his  maister  into  another 
of  these  confederated  jurisdictions,  that  in  such  case,  upon 
y*  certificate  of  one  magistrate  in  y^  jurisdiction  out  of 
which  y^  said  servante  fledd,  or  upon  other  due  proof e,  the 
said  servaute  shall  be  delivered,  either  to  his  maister,  or 
any  other  y'  pursues  &  brings  such  certificate  or  proof e. 
And  y'  upon  y®  escape  of  any  prisoner  whatsoever,  or  fugi- 
tive for  any  criminall  cause,  whether  breaking  prison,  or 
getting  from  y'^  officer,  or  otherwise  escaping,  upon  y®  cer- 
tificate of  2.  magistrats  of  y''  jurisdiction  out  of  which  y* 
escape  is  made,  that  he  was  a  prisoner,  or  such  an  offender 
at  y^  time  of  y^  escape,  they  magistrats,  or  sume  of  them  of 
y'  jurisdiction  wher  for  y^  presente  the  said  prisoner  or  fugi- 
tive abideth.  shall  forthwith  grante  such  a  warrante  as  y* 
case  will  beare,  for  y^  apprehending  of  any  such  person,  & 
y*"  delivering  of  him  into  y^  hands  of  y^  officer,  or  other 
person  who  pursues  him.  And  if  ther  be  help  required,  for 
y^  safe  returning  of  any  such  offender,  then  it  shall  be 
granted  to  him  y'  craves  y^  same,  he  paying  the  charges 
therof. 

9.  And  for  y'  the  justest  warrs  may  be  of  dangerous 
consequence,  espetially  to  y^  smaler  plantations  in  these 
United  Collonies,  it  is  agreed  y'  neither  y"  Massachusets, 
Plimoth,  Conightecutt,  nor  New-Haven,  nor  any  member  of 
any  of  them,  shall  at  any  time  hear  after  begine,  under- 
take, or  ingage  them  selves,  or  this  confederation,  or  any 
parte  therof,  in  any  warr  whatsoever,  (sudden  *  exegents, 
with  y''  necessary  consequents  therof  excepted,  which  are 
also   to   be    moderated    as    much    as   y®   case   will    permitte,) 

*  Substituted  for  sundry  on  the  authority  of  the  original  MS.  Records. 


1643.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  503 

without  y^  consente  and  agreemeute  of  y^  forementioned  8. 
comissioners,  or  at  y®  least  6.  of  them,  as  in  y"  sixt  article 
is  provided.  And  y'  no  charge  be  required  of  any  of  they 
confederats,  in  case  of  a  defensive  warr,  till  y*  said  comis- 
sioners have  mett,  and  approved  y*^  justice  of  y"  warr,  and 
have  agreed  upon  y^  suine  of  money  to  be  levied,  which 
sume  is  then  to  be  paid  by  the  severall  confederats  in  pro- 
portion according  to  y^  fourth  article. 

10.  That  in  extraordinary  occasions,  when  meetings  are 
summoned  by  three  magistrates  of  any  jurisdiction,  or  2.  as 
in  y*  5.  article,  if  any  of  y''  comissioners  come  not,  due 
warning  being  given  or  sente,  it  is  agreed  y'  4.  of  the 
comissioners  shall  have  power  to  directe  a  warr  which  can- 
not be  delayed,  and  to  send  for  due  proportions  of  men  out 
of  each  jurisdiction,  as  well  as  6.  might  doe  if  all  mett ; 
but  not  less  then  6.  shall  determine  the  justice  of  y^  warr, 
or  alow  y*  demands  or  bills  of  charges,  or  cause  any  levies 
to  be  made  for  y^  same. 

11.  It  is  further  agreed,  y'  if  any  of  y^  confederats  shall 
hereafter  breake  any  of  these  presente  articles,  or  be  any 
other  ways  injurious  to  any  one  of  y""  other  jurisdictions, 
such  breach  of  agreemente  or  injurie  shall  be  duly  consid- 
ered and  ordered  by  y^  comissioners  for  y^  other  jurisdic- 
tion ;  that  both  peace  and  this  presente  confederation  may 
be  intirly  preserved  without  violation. 

12.  Lastly,  this  perpetuall  confederation,  and  y*  severall 
articles  therof  being  read,  and  seriously  considered,  both  by 
y*  Generall  Courte  for  y*^  Massachusets,  and  by  y*^  comis- 
sioners for  Plimoth,  Conigtecute,  &  New-Haven,  were  fully 
alowed  &  confirmed  by  3.  of  y^  forenamed  confederats, 
namly,  y^  Massachusets,  Couightecutt,  and  New-Haven ; 
only  y®  comissioners  for  Plimoth  haveing  no  coiiiissiou  to 
conclude,  desired  respite  till  they  might  advise  with  their 
Generall   Courte ;    wher   upon    it   was    agreed    and    concluded 


504  HISTORY    OF  [book  TT. 

by  y^  said  Courte  of  y"  Massachusets,  and  the  comissioners 
for  y"  other  tow  confederats,  that,  if  Plimoth  consente,  then 
the  whole  treaty  as  it  stands  in  these  present  articls  is,  and 
shall  continue,  firme  &  stable  without  alteration.  But  if 
Plimoth  come  not  in,  yet  y*"  other  three  confederats  doe  by 
these  presents  [260]  confeirme  y^  whole  confederation,  and 
y"  articles  therof  ;  only  in  September  nexte,  when  y*^  second 
meeting  of  y"  coinissioners  is  to  be  at  Boston,  new  consid- 
eration may  be  taken  of  y^  6.  article,  which  concerns  num- 
ber of  comissioners  for  meeting  &  concluding  the  affaires 
of  this  confederation,  to  y"  satisfaction  of  y*"  Courte  of  y^ 
Massachusets,  and  y^  comissioners  for  y*^  other  2.  confed- 
erats, but  y*"  rest  to  stand  unquestioned.  In  y^  testimonie 
wherof,  y*  Generall  Courte  of  y^  Massachusets,  by  ther 
Secretary,  and  y^  comissioners  for  Conightecutt  and  New- 
Haven,  have  subscribed  these  presente  articles  this  19.  of 
y^  third  month,  comonly  called  May,  Anno  Dom :   1643. 

At  a  meeting  of  y"  comissioners  for  y"  confederation  held 
at  Boston  y*  7.  of  Sept :  it  appearing  that  the  Generall  Courte 
of  New-Plimoth,  and  y^  severall  towneshipes  therof,  have 
read  &  considered  &  approved  these  articles  of  confederation, 
as  appeareth  by  coiuission  from  their  Generall  Courte  bearing 
date  y«  29.  of  August,  1643.  to  M^  Edward  Winslow  and 
M^  William  Collier,  to  ratifie  and  confirme  y^  same  on  their 
behalfes.  We,  therfore,  y®  Comissioners  for  y®  Massachusets, 
Conightecutt,  &  New  Haven,  doe  also,  for  our  severall  gover- 
ments,  subscribe  unto  them. 

John  Winthrop,  Gov^  of  y""  Massachusest. 

Tho  :  Dudley.  Theoph  :  Eaton. 

Geo  :  Fenwick.  Edwa  :   Hopkins. 

Thomas  Gregson. 

These  were  y^  articles  of  agreemente  in  y*^  union  and 
confederation  which  they  now  first  entered  into ;  and  in 


1643.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  505 

this  their  first   meeting,  held  at  Boston  y*  day  &  year 

abovesaid,    amongst  other  things    they  had   this    matter 

of  great  consequence  to  considere   on  :  the  Narigansets, 

after  y""  subduing  of  y*"  Pequents,  thought  to  have  ruled 

over  all  y^  Indeans  aboute  them;   but  y^  English,  espe- 

tially  those   of  Conightecutt  holding  correspondencie  & 

frenship   with   Uncass,   sachem    of  y*"   Monhigg   Indeans 

which   lived  nere  them,    (as  y'^  Massachusets  had    done 

with  y*"  Narigansets,)  and  he  had  been  faithful]  to  them 

in   y^   Pequente    warr,    they    were    ingaged   to    supporte 

him  in  his  just  liberties,  and  were  contented  y'  such  of 

y®  surviving  Pequents  as   had  submited  to   him   should 

remaine    with    him    and    quietly    under    his    protection. 

This    did    much   increase    his    power   and    augmente    his 

greatnes,  which  y"  Narigansets  could  not  indure  to  see. 

But    Myantinomo,    their   cheefe    sachem,    (an    ambitious 

&    politick    man,)   sought    privatly    and    by    trearchery 

(according   to    y*'    Indean    maner)   to   make    him   away, 

by  hiring  some  to  kill  him.     Sometime  they  assayed  to 

poyson  him ;  that  not  takeing,  then  in  y"  night  time  to 

knock  him  on  y^  head  in  his  house,  or  secretly  to  shoot 

him,  and  such  like  attempts.     But  none  of  these  taking 

effecte,   he    made   open  warr  upon  him   (though   it  was 

against  y®  covenants  both  betweene  y^  English  &  them, 

as  also  betweene  them  selves,  and  a  plaine  breach  of  y^ 

same).     He  came  suddanly  upon  him  with  900.  or  1000. 

men   (never  denouncing   any    warr   before).     Y^    others 

power   at   y'   presente    was    not   above    halfe    so    many ; 


506  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

but  it  pleased  God  to  give  Uncass  y*"  victory,  and  he 
slew  many  of  his  men,  and  wounded  many  more  ;  but 
y®  oheefe  of  all  was,  he  tooke  Miantinomo  prisoner. 
And  seeing  he  was  a  greate  man,  and  y®  Narigansets 
a  potente  people  &  would  seeke  revenge,  he  would  doe 
nothing  in  y*=  case  without  y^  advise  of  y*  English ; 
so  he  (by  y*"  help  &  direction  of  those  of  Conightecutt) 
kept  him  prisoner  till  this  meeting  of  y®  coraissioners. 
The  comissioners  weighed  y*  cause  and  passages,  as 
they  were  clearly  represented  &  sufficently  evidenced 
betwixte  Uncass  and  Myantinomo ;  and  the  things  being 
duly  considered,  the  comissioners  apparently  saw  y* 
Uncass  could  not  be  safe  whilst  Miantynomo  lived,  but, 
either  by  secrete  trechery  or  open  force,  his  life  would 
still  be  in  danger.  Wherfore  they  thought  he  might 
justly  put  such  a  false  &  bloud-thirstie  enimie  to  death ; 
but  in  his  owne  jurisdiction,  not  in  y*'  English  plan- 
tations. And  they  advised,  in  y*'  maner  of  his  death 
all  mercy  and  moderation  should  be  showed,  contrary 
to  y*"  practise  of  y®  Indeans,  who  exercise  torturs  and 
cruelty.  And,  [261]  Uncass  having  hitherto  shewed 
him  selfe  a  freind  to  y*  English,  and  in  this  craving 
their  advise,  if  the  Narigansett  Indeans  or  others  shall 
unjustly  assaulte  Uncass  for  this  execution,  upon  notice 
and  request,  y"  English  promise  to  assiste  and  protecte 
him  as  farr  as  they  may  agaiste  such  violence. 

This  was  y"^  issue  of  this  bussines.     The  reasons  and 
passages  hereof  are  more  at  large  to  be  seene  in  y'^  acts 


1644.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  507 

&  records  of  this  meeting  of  y*^  comissioners.  And 
Uncass  follewd  this  advise,  and  accordingly  executed 
him,  in  a  very  faire  maner,  acording  as  they  advised, 
with  due  respecte  to  his  honour  &  greatnes.  But  what 
followed  on  y^  Narigansets  parte  will  appear  hear  after. 

Anno   Dom:    1644. 

M'*.  Edward  Winslow  was  chosen  Gov""  this  year. 

Many  having  left  this  place  (as  is  before  noted)  by 
reason  of  y''  straightnes  &  barrennes  of  y^  same,  and 
their  finding  of  better  accommodations  elsewher,  more 
sutable  to  their  ends  &  minds ;  and  sundrie  others 
still  upon  every  occasion  desiring  their  dismissions, 
the  church  begane  seriously  to  thinke  whether  it  were 
not  better  joyntly  to  remove  to  some  other  place,  then 
to  be  thus  weakened,  and  as  it  were  insensibly  dis- 
solved. Many  meetings  and  much  consultation  was  held 
hearaboute,  and  diverse  were  mens  minds  and  opinions. 
Some  were  still  for  staying  togeather  in  this  place, 
aledging  men  might  hear  live,  if  they  would  be  con- 
tente  with  their  condition ;  and  y*  it  was  not  for  wante 
or  necessitie  so  much  y^  they  removed,  as  for  y*"  enrich- 
ing of  them  selves.  Others  were  resolute  upon  removall, 
and  so  signified  y*  hear  y*''  could  not  stay;  but  if  y® 
church  did  not  remove,  they  must ;  insomuch  as  many 
were  swayed,  rather  then  ther  should  be  a  dissolution, 
to  condescend  to  a  removall,  if  a  fitt  place  could 
be  found,  that  might  more  conveniently  and  comforta- 


508  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

blie  receive  y*"  whole,  with  such  accession  of  others 
as  might  come  to  them,  for  their  better  strength  & 
subsistence;  and  some  such  like  cautions  and  limita- 
tions. So  as,  with  y''  atforesaide  provissos,  y*^  greater 
parte  consented  to  a  removall  to  a  place  called  Nawsett, 
which  had  been  superficially  veiwed  and  y*^  good  will 
of  y^  purchassers  (to  whom  it  belonged)  obtained,  with 
some  addition  thertoo  from  y*"  Courte.  But  now  they 
begane  to  see  their  errour,  that  they  had  given  away 
already  the  best  &  most  comodious  places  to  others, 
and  now  wanted  them  selves ;  for  this  place  was  about 
50.  myles  from  hence,  and  at  an  outside  of  y"  countrie, 
remote  from  all  society ;  also,  that  it  would  prove  so 
straite,  as  it  would  not  be  competente  to  receive 
y*'  whole  body,  much  less  be  capable  of  any  addition 
or  increase;  so  as  (at  least  in  a  shorte  time)  they 
should  be  worse  ther  then  they  are  now  hear.  The 
which,  with  sundery  other  like  considerations  and  in- 
conveniences, made  them  chaing  their  resolutions ;  but 
such  as  were  before  resolved  upon  removall  tooke  advan- 
tage of  this  agreemente,  &  wente  on  notwithstanding, 
neither  could  y"  rest  hinder  them,  they  haveing  made 
some  begining.  And  thus  was  this  poore  church  left, 
like  an  anciente  mother,  growne  olde,  and  forsaken  of 
her  children,  (though  not  in  their  affections,)  yett  in 
regarde  of  their  bodily  presence  and  personall  help- 
fullness.  Her  anciente  members  being  most  of  them 
worne  away  by  death ;    and   these    of  later   time    being 


1644.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  509 

like  children  translated  into  other  families,  and  she  like 
a  widow  left  only  to  trust  in  God.  Thus  she  that  had 
made  many  rich  became  her  selfe  poore. 

[262]    Some    things   handled,    and   pacified    by   y'   comissioner 

this  year. 

Wheras,  by  a  wise  providence  of  God,  tow  of  y*^  jurisdic- 
tions in  y*  westerne  parts,  viz.  Conightecutt  &  New-haven, 
have  beene  latly  exercised  by  sundrie  insolencies  &  outrages 
from  y^  Indeans  ;  as,  first,  an  Englishman,  runing  from  his 
m^  out  of  y*^  Massachusets,  was  murdered  in  y''  woods,  in  or 
nere  y^  limites  of  Conightecute  jurisdiction ;  and  aboute  6. 
weeks  after,  upon  discovery  by  an  Indean,  y"  Indean  saga- 
more in  these  parts  promised  to  deliver  the  murderer  to  y^ 
English,  bound  ;  and  having  accordingly  brought  him  within 
y^  sight  of  Uncaway,  by  their  joynte  consente,  as  it  is 
informed,  he  was  ther  unbound,  and  left  to  shifte  for  him 
selfe  ;  wherupon  10.  Englishmen  forthwith  coming  to  y''  place, 
being  sente  by  M^  Ludlow,  at  y"  Indeans  desire,  to  receive 
y^  murderer,  who  seeing  him  escaped,  layed  hold  of  8.  of  y^ 
Indeans  ther  presente,  amongst  whom  ther  was  a  sagamore 
or  2.  and  kept  them  in  hold  2.  days,  till  4.  sagamors  ingaged 
themselves  within  one  month  to  deliver  y*^  prisoner.  And 
about  a  weeke  after  this  agreemente,  an  Indean  came  pre- 
sumtuously  and  with  guile,  in  y''  day  time,  and  murtherously 
assalted  an  English  woman  in  her  house  at  Stamford,  and 
by  3.  wounds,  supposed  mortall,  left  her  for  dead,  after  he 
had  robbed  y"  house.  By  which  passages  y"  English  were 
provoked,  &  called  to  a  due  consideration  of  their  owne 
saftie  ;  and  y*"  Indeans  generally  in  those  parts  arose  in  an 
hostile  maiier,  refused  to  come  to  y''  English  to  carry 
on  treaties  of  peace,  departed  from  their  wigwames,  left 
their  corne  uuweeded,   and   shewed  them   selves   tumultuously 


510  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

about,  some  of  y"  English  plantations,  &  shott  of  peeces 
within  hearing  of  y"^  towne ;  and  some  Indeans  came  to  y* 
English  &  tould  them  y''  Indeans  would  fall  upon  them. 
So  y'  most  of  y*^  English  thought  it  unsafe  to  travell  in  those 
parts  by  land,  and  some  of  y*^  plantations  were  put  upon 
strong  watchs  and  ward,  night  &  day,  &  could  not  attend 
their  private  occasions,  and  yet  distrusted  their  owne  strength 
for  their  defence.  Wherupon  Hartford  &  New-Haven  were 
sent  unto  for  aide,  and  saw  cause  both  to  send  into  y^  weaker 
parts  of  their  owne  jurisdiction  thus  in  danger,  and  New- 
Haven,  for  couveniencie  of  situation,  sente  aide  to  Uncaway, 
though  belonging  to  Conightecutt.  Of  all  which  passages 
they  presently  acquainted  y*"  comissioners  in  y^  Bay,  &  had 
y^  allowance  &  approbation  from  y'^  Generall  Courte  ther, 
with  directions  neither  to  hasten  warr  nor  to  bear  such  inso- 
lencies  too  longe.  Which  courses,  though  chargable  to  them 
selves,  yet  through  Gods  blessing  they  hope  fruite  is,  &  will 
be,  sweete  and  wholsome  to  all  y^  collonies  ;  the  murderers 
are  since  delivered  to  justice,  the  publick  peace  preserved  for 
y®  presente,  &  probabillitie  it  may  be  better  secured  for  y® 
future. 

Thus  this  mischeefe  was  prevented,  and  y'^  fear  of 
a  warr  hereby  diverted.  But  now  an  other  broyle  was 
begune  by  y''  Narigansets ;  though  they  unjustly  had 
made  warr  upon  Uncass,  (as  is  before  declared,)  and 
had,  y^  winter  before  this,  ernestly  presed  y''  Gove"" 
of  y"  Massachusets  that  they  might  still  make  warr 
upon  them  to  revenge  y"  death  of  their  sagamore,  w^*^, 
being  taken  prisoner,  was  by  them  put  to  death,  (as 
before  was  noted,)  pretending  that  they  had  first  received 
and  accepted  his  ransome,  and  then  put  him  to   death. 


1644.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  511 

But  y*'  Gove''  refused  their  presents,  and  to  aid  them 
y*  it  was  them  selves  had  done  y*"  wronge,  &  broaken 
y^  conditions  of  peace ;  and  he  nor  y*'  English  neither 
could  nor  would  allow  them  to  make  any  further  warr 
upon  him,  but  if  they  did,  must  assiste  him,  &  oppose 
them ;  but  if  it  did  appeare,  upon  good  proofe,  that 
he  had  received  a  ransome  for  his  life,  before  he  put 
him  to  death,  when  y*"  comissioners  mett,  they  should 
have  a  fair  hearing,  and  they  would  cause  Uncass 
to  returne  y"  same.  But  notwithstanding,  at  y^  spring 
of  y''  year  they  gathered  a  great  power,  and  fell  upon 
Uncass,  and  slue  sundrie  of  his  men,  and  wounded 
more,  and  also  had  some  loss  them  selves.  Uncass 
cald  for  aide  from  y*"  English ;  they  tould  him  what 
y®  Narigansets  objected,  he  deney  the  same ;  they  tould 
him  it  must  come  to  triall,  and  if  he  was  inocente,  if 
y®  Narigansets  would  not  desiste,  they  would  aide  & 
assiste  him.  So  at  this  meeting  they  [263]  sent  both 
to  Uncass  <&,  y®  Narrigansets,  and  required  their  saga- 
mors  to  come  or  send  to  y''  comissioners  now  mete 
at  Hartford,  and  they  should  have  a  faire  &  inpartiall 
hearing  in  all  their  greevances,  and  would  endeavor 
y*  all  wrongs  should  be  rectified  wher  they  should  be 
found ;  and  they  promised  that  they  should  safly  come 
and  returne  without  any  danger  or  molestation ;  and 
sundry  y''  like  things,  as  appears  more  at  large  in 
y®  messengers  instructions.  Upon  w"^''  the  Narigansets 
sent  one   sagamore  and  some    other    deputies,   with  full 


512  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

power  to  doe  in  y®  case  as  should  be  meete.  Uncass 
came  in  person,  accompanyed  with  some  cheefe  aboute 
him.  After  the  agitation  of  y^  bussines,  y*^  issue  was 
this.  The  comissioners  declared  to  y^  Narigansett  depu- 
ties as  folio weth. 

1.  That  they  did  not  find  any  proof e  of  any  ransome 
agreed  on. 

2.  It  appeared  not  y'  any  warapam  had  been  paled  as  a 
ransome,  or  any  parte  of  a  ransome,  for  Myantinomos  life. 

3.  That  if  they  had  in  any  measure  proved  their  charge 
against  Uncass,  the  comissioners  would  have  required  him 
to  have  made  answerable  satisfaction. 

4.  That  if  hereafter  they  can  make  satisQng  profe,  y^  Eng- 
lish will  consider  y**  same,   &  proceed  accordingly. 

5.  The  comissioners  did  require  y*  neither  them  selves  nor 
y^  Nyauticks  make  any  warr  or  injurious  assaulte  upon 
Unquass  or  any  of  his  company  untill  they  make  profe 
of  y*  ransume  charged,  and  y'  due  satisfaction  be  deneyed, 
unless  he  first  assaulte  them. 

6.  That  if  they  assaulte  Uncass,  the  English  are  engaged 
to  assist  him. 

Hearupon  y''  Narigausette  sachim,  advising  with  y^  other 
deputies,  ingaged  him  selfe  in  the  behalfe  of  y^  Narigansets 
&  Nyanticks  that  no  hostile  acts  should  be  comitted  upon 
Uncass,  or  an}'  of  his,  untill  after  y''  next  planting  of  corne  ; 
and  y'  after  that,  before  thej  begine  any  warr,  they  will  give 
30.  days  warning  to  y*"  Gove'  of  the  Massachusets  or  Con- 
ightecutt.  The  comissioners  approving  of  this  offer,  and 
taking  their  ingagmente  under  their  hands,  required  Uncass, 
as  he  expected  y^  continuance  of  y'^  favour  of  the  English, 
to  observe  the  same  termes  of  peace  with  y^  Narigansets 
and  theirs. 


1645.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  513 

These  foregoing  conclusions  were   subscribed  by  y^  comis- 
sioners,  for  y®  severall  jurisdictions,  y"  19.  of  Sept:   1644. 

Edwa  :    Hopkins,  Presidente. 

Simon   Bradstreete. 

Will*'.    Hathorne. 

Edw  :    WiNSLOw. 

John   Browne. 

Geor  :    Fenwick. 

Theoph  :    Eaton. 

Tho  :  Gregson. 
Theforenamed  Narigansets  deputies  did  further  promise,  that 
if,  contrary  to  this  agreemente,  any  of  y''  Nyantick  Pequents 
should  make  any  assaulte  upon  Uncass,  or  any  of  his,  they 
would  deliver  them  up  to  y"  English,  to  be  punished  accord- 
ing to  their  demerits  ;  and  that  they  would  not  use  any  means 
to  procure  the  Mowacks  to  come  against  Uncass  during  this 
truce. 

These  were  their  names  subscribed  with  their  marks. 

"Weetowish.         Chinnough. 
Pampiamett.         Pummunish. 

[264]  Anno  Born:  1645. 
The  comissioners  this  year  were  caled  to  meete  to- 
gither  at  Boston,  before  their  ordinarie  time ;  partly  in 
regard  of  some  diffe ranees  falen  betweene  y*^  French  and 
ye  govermente  of  y*^  Massachusets,  about  their  aiding 
of  Munseire  Latere  against  Munsseire  de  Aulney,  and 
partly  aboute  y^  Indeans,  who  had  broaken  y*^  former 
agreements  aboute  the  peace  concluded  y®  last  year. 
This  meeting  was  held  at  Boston,  y'^  28.  of  July. 


514  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

Besids  some  underhand  assualts  made  on  both  sids, 
the  Nariganset8  gathered  a  great  power,  and  fell  upon 
Uncass,  and  slew  many  of  his  men,  and  wounded 
more,  by  reason  y*  they  farr  exseeded  him  in  number, 
and  had  gott  store  of  peeces,  with  which  they  did  him 
most  hurte.  And  as  they  did  this  withoute  y®  knowl- 
edg  and  consente  of  y''  English,  (contrary  to  former 
agreemente, )  so  they  were  resolved  to  prosecute  y®  same, 
notwithstanding  any  thing  y''  English  said  or  should  doe 
against  them.  So,  being  incouraged  by  ther  late  vic- 
torie,  and  promise  of  assistance  from  y*"  Mowaks,  (being 
a  strong,  warlike,  and  desperate  people,)  they  had  all- 
readj^  devoured  Uncass  &  his,  in  their  hops ;  and  surly 
they  had  done  it  in  deed,  if  the  English  had  not  timly 
sett  in  for  his  aide.  For  those  of  Conightecute  sent 
him  40.  men,  who  were  a  garison  to  him,  till  y*"  comis- 
sioners  could  meete  and  take  further  order. 

Being  thus  mett,  they  forthwith  sente  3.  messengers, 
viz.  Sargent  John  Davis,  Benedicte  Arnold,  and  Francis 
Smith,  with  full  &  ample  instructions,  both  to  y®  Nari- 
gansets  and  Uncass ;  to  require  them  y'  they  should 
either  come  in  person  or  send  sufficiente  men  fully 
instructed  to  deale  in  y*^  bussines ;  and  if  they  refused 
or  delayed,  to  let  them  know  (according  to  former 
agreements)  y*  the  English  are  engaged  to  assiste 
against  these  hostile  invasions,  and  y^  they  have  sente 
their  men  to  defend  Uncass,  and  to  know  of  y"  Nari- 
gansets    whether   they    will    stand    to   y*"  former   peace, 


1645.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  515 

or  they  will  assaulte  y^  English  also,  that  they  may 
provid  accordingly. 

But  y^  messengers  returned,  not  only  with  a  sleight- 
ing,  but  a  threatening  answer  from  the  Narigansets 
(as  will  more  appear  hereafter).  Also  they  brought 
a  letter  from  M"".  Roger  Williams,  wherin  he  assures 
them  that  y®  warr  would  presenly  breake  forth,  &  y^ 
whole  country  would  be  all  of  a  flame.  And  y*  the 
sachems  of  y'=  Narigansets  had  concluded  a  newtrality 
with  y^  English  of  Providence  and  those  of  Aquidnett 
Hand.  Wherupon  y''  comissioners,  considering  y''  great 
danger  &  provocations  offered,  and  y^  necessitie  we 
should  be  put  unto  of  making  warr  with  y^  Narigan- 
setts,  and  being  also  carfull,  in  a  matter  of  so  great 
waight  &  generall  concernmente,  to  see  y'  way  cleared, 
and  to  give  satisfaction  to  all  y"  colonies,  did  thinke 
fitte  to  advise  with  such  of  y^  magistrats  &  elders  of 
y'"  Massachusets  as  were  then  at  hand,  and  also  with 
some  of  y""  cheefe  millitary  comanders  ther ;  who  being 
assembled,  it  was  then  agreed,  — 

First,  y'  our  ingagmente  bound  us  to  aide  &  defend 
Uncass.  2.  That  this  ayde  could  not  be  intended  only 
to  defend  him  &  his  forte,  or  habitation,  but  (according 
to  y*^  comone  acceptation  of  such  covenants,  or  ingag- 
ments,  considered  with  y"  grounds  or  occasion  therof) 
so  to  ayde  him  as  he  might  be  preserved  in  his  liberty 
and  estate.  3^^.  That  this  ayde  [265]  must  be  speedy, 
least  he  might  be  swalowed  up  in   y*"  mean  time,   and 


516  HISTORY   OF  [book  II. 

SO  come  to  late.  4'^'.  The  justice  of  this  warr  being 
cleared  to  our  selves  and  y*^^  rest  then  presente,  it  was 
thought  meete  y'  the  case  should  be  stated,  and  y^ 
reasons  &  grounds  of  y*"  warr  declared  and  published. 
5^^.  That  a  day  of  humilliation  should  be  apoynted, 
which  was  y^  5.  day  of  y*"  weeke  following.  6'^'.  It  was 
then  allso  agreed  by  y*^  comissioners  that  y'^  whole  num- 
ber of  men  to  be  raised  in  all  y^  colonies  should  be  300. 
Wherof  from  y^  Massachusets  a  190.  Plimoth,  40. 
Conightecute,  40.  New-Haven,  30.  And  considering 
y'  Uncass  was  in  present  danger,  40.  men  of  this  num- 
ber were  forthwith  sente  from  y*"  Massachusets  for  his 
sucoure ;  and  it  was  but  neede,  for  y''  other  40.  from 
Conightecutt  had  order  to  stay  but  a  month,  &  their 
time  being  out,  they  returned ;  and  y"  Narigansets,  hear- 
ing therof,  tooke  the  advantage,  and  came  suddanly 
upon  him,  and  gave  him  another  blow,  to  his  further 
loss,  and  were  ready  to  doe  y''  like  againe ;  but  these 
40.  men  being  arrived,  they  returned,  and  did  nothing. 
The  declaration  which  they  sett  forth  I  shall  not 
transcribe,  it  being  very  larg,  and  put  forth  in  printe, 
to  which  I  referr  those  y'  would  see  y"  same,  in  which 
all  passages  are  layed  open  from  y*"  first.  I  shall  only 
note  their  prowd  carriage,  and  answers  to  y*"  3.  mes- 
sengers sent  from  y*^  comissioners.  They  received  them 
with  scorne  &  contempte,  and  tould  them  they  resolved 
to  have  no  peace  without  Uncass  his  head ;  also  they 
gave    them   this    further   answer :    that    it    mattered    not 


1645.]  PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.  517 

who  begane  y^  warr,  they  were  resolved  to  follow  it, 
and  that  y''  English  should  withdraw  their  garison  from 
Uncass,  or  they  would  procure  y®  Mowakes  against 
them ;  and  withall  gave  them  this  threatening  answer : 
that  they  would  lay  y*^  English  catle  on  heaps,  as  high 
as  their  houses,  and  y'  no  English-man  should  sturr  out 
of  his  dore  to  pisse,  but  he  should  be  kild.  And 
wheras  they  required  guids  to  pass  throw  their  countrie, 
to  deliver  their  message  to  Uncass  from  y"^  comissioners, 
they  deneyed  them,  but  at  length  (in  way  of  scorne) 
offered  them  an  old  Pequente  woman.  Besids  allso 
they  conceived  them  selves  in  danger,  for  whilst  y*"  in- 
terpretour  was  speakeing  with  them  about  y*^  answer 
he  should  returne,  3.  men  came  &  stood  behind  him 
with  ther  hatchets,  according  to  their  murderous  mauer; 
but  one  of  his  fellows  gave  him  notice  of  it,  so  they 
broak  of  &  came  away ;  with  sundry  such  like  affrontes, 
which  made  those  Indeans  they  carryed  with  them  to 
rune  away  for  fear,  and  leave  them  to  goe  home  as 
they  could. 

Thus  whilst  y^  comissioners  in  care  of  y®  publick 
peace  sought  to  quench  y*  fire  kindled  amongst  y® 
Indeans,  these  children  of  strife  breath  out  threatenings, 
provocations,  and  warr  against  y®  English  them  selves. 
So  that,  unless  they  should  dishonour  &  provoak  God, 
by  violating  a  just  ingagmente,  and  expose  y^  colonies  to 
contempte  &  danger  from  y*"  barbarians,  they  cannot  but 
exerciese   force,   when    no   other  means   will  prevaile  to 


518  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

reduse  y''  Narigansets  &  their  confederats  to  a  more 
just  &  sober  temper. 

So  as  here  upon  they  went  on  to  hasten  y'=  prepa- 
rations, according  to  y*^  former  agreemente,  and  sent  to 
Plimoth  to  send  forth  their  40.  men  with  all  speed, 
to  lye  at  Seacunke,  least  any  deanger  should  befalle 
it,  before  y''  rest  were  ready,  it  lying  next  y*^  enemie, 
and  ther  to  stay  till  y*  Massachusetts  should  joyne  with 
them.  Allso  Conigtecute  &  Newhaven  forces  were  to 
joyne  togeather,  and  march  with  all  speed,  and  y^ 
Indean  confederats  of  those  parts  with  them.  All  which 
was  done  accordingly ;  and  the  souldiers  of  this  place 
were  at  Seacunk,  the  place  of  their  rendevouze,  8.  or 
10.  days  before  y"  rest  were  ready ;  they  were  well 
armed  all  with  snaphance  peeces,  and  wente  under 
y*"  camand  of  Captain  [266]  Standish.  Those  from 
other  places  were  led  likwise  by  able  comanders,*  as 
Captaine  Mason  for  Conigtecute,  &c.  ;  and  Majore 
Gibons  was  made  generall  over  y*^  whole,  with  such 
comissions  &  instructions  as  was  meete. 

Upon  y*"  suden  dispatch  of  these  souldiears,  (the 
present  necessitie  requiring  it,)  the  deputies  of  y® 
Massachusetts  Courte  (being  now  assembled  imediatly 
after  y*^  setting  forth  of  their  40.  men)  made  a  ques- 
tion whether  it  was  legally  done,  without  their  comis- 
sion.  It  was  answered,  that  howsoever  it  did  properly 
belong  to  y*^  authority  of  y^  severall  jurisdictions  (after 

•  Comatider  in  the  MS. 


1645.]  PLYINIOUTH   PLANTATION.  519 

y*'  warr  was  agreed  upon  by  y''  comissioners,  &  the 
number  of  men)  to  provid  y*^  men  &  means  to  carry 
on  y®  warr ;  yet  in  this  presente  case,  the  proceeding 
of  y^  comissioners  and  y*^  comission  given  was  as  suffi- 
ciente  as  if  it  had  been  done  by  y®  Generall  Courte. 

First,  it  was  a  case  of  such  presente  &  urgente  necessitie, 
as  could  not  stay  y^  calling  of  y*  Courte  or  Counsell.  2'^. 
In  y^  Articles  of  Confederation,  power  is  given  to  y*  comis- 
sioners to  consult,  order,  &  determine  all  affaires  of  warr, 
&c.  And  y*  word  determine  comprehends  all  acts  of  author- 
ity belonging  therunto. 

3^''.  The  comissionei's  are  y**  judges  of  y®  necessitie  of  the 
expedition. 

4'y.  The  Generall  Courte  have  made  their  owne  comis- 
sioners their  sole  counsell  for  these  affires. 

5'y.  These  counsels  could  not  have  had  their  due  effecte 
excepte  they  had  power  to  proceede  in  this  case,  as  they 
have  done  ;  which  were  to  make  y*^  comissioners  power,  and 
y^  maine  end  of  y''  confederation,  to  be  frustrate,  and  that 
mearly  for  obserxing  a  ceremony. 

6'y.  The  comissioners  haveing  sole  power  to  manage  y* 
warr  for  number  of  men,  for  time,  place,  &c.,  they  only 
know  their  owne  counsells,  &  determinations,  and  therfore 
none  can  grante  comission  to  acte  according  to  these  but 
them  selves. 

All  things  being  thus  in  readines,  and  some  of  y* 
souldiers  gone  forth,  and  the  rest  ready  to  march, 
the  comissioners  thought  it  meete  before  any  hostile 
acte  was  performed,  to  cause  a  presente  to  be  re- 
turned, which  had  been  sente  to  y*"  Gove""  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts   from    y"    Narigansett    sachems,    but    not    by 


520  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

him  received,  but  layed  up  to  be  accepted  or  refused 
as  they  should  carry  them  selves,  and  observe  y"  cove- 
nants. Therfore  they  violating  the  same,  &  standing 
out  thus  to  a  warr,  it  was  againe  returned,  by  2.  mes- 
sengers &  an  interpretour.  And  further  to  let  know 
that  their  men  already  sent  to  Uncass  (&  other  wher 
sent  forth)  have  hitherto  had  express  order  only  to 
stand  upon  his  &  their  owne  defence,  and  not  to 
attempte  any  invasion  of  y^  Narigansetts  country ;  and 
yet  if  they  may  have  due  reperation  for  what  is  past, 
and  good  securitie  for  y""  future,  it  shall  appear  they 
are  as  desirous  of  peace,  and  shall  be  as  tender  of 
y''  Narigansets  blood  as  ever.  If  therefore  Pessecuss, 
Innemo,  with  other  sachemes,  will  (without  further 
delay)  come  along  with  you  to  Boston,  the  comis- 
sioners  doe  promise  &  assure  them,  they  shall  have 
free  liberty  to  come,  and  retourne  without  molesta- 
tion or  any  just  greevance  from  y''  English.  But 
deputies  will  not  now  serve,  nor  may  the  prepara- 
tions in  hand  be  now  stayed,  or  y®  directions  given 
recalled,  till  y*^  forementioned  sagamors  come,  and 
some  further  order  be  taken.  But  if  they  will  have 
nothing  but  warr,  the  English  are  providing,  and  will 
proceede  accordingly. 

Pessecouss,  Mixano,  &  Witowash,  3.  principall  sa- 
chems of  y*"  Narigansett  Indeans,  and  Awasequen,  dep- 
utie  for  y"  Nyanticks,  with  a  large  traine  of  men, 
within  a  few  days  after  came  to  Boston. 


1645.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  521 

And  to  omitte  all  other  circomstances  and  debats  y*^ 
past  betweene  them  and  the  comissioners,  they  came 
to  this  conclusion  following. 

[267]  1.  It  was  agreed  betwixte  y""  comissioners  of  y* 
United  Collonies,  and  y''  forementioned  sagamores,  &  Nian- 
tick  deputie,  that  y^  said  Narigausets  &  Niantick  sagamores 
should  pay  or  cause  to  be  payed  at  Boston,  to  y"  Massa- 
chusets  comissioners,  y"  full  sume  of  2000.  fathome  of  good 
white  wampame,  or  a  third  parte  of  black  wampampeage, 
in  4.  payments ;  namely,  500.  fathome  within  20.  days, 
500.  fathome  within  4.  months,  500.  fathome  at  or  before 
next  planting  time,  and  500.  fathome  within  2.  years  next 
after  y*  date  of  these  presents ;  which  2000.  fathome  y* 
comissionei's  accepte  for  satisfaction  of  former  charges  ex- 
pended. 

2.  The  foresaid  sagamors  &  deputie  (on  y*"  behalf e  of  y® 
Narigansett  &  Niantick  Indeans)  hereby  promise  &  cove- 
nante  that  they  upon  demand  and  profe  satisfle  &  re- 
store unto  Uncass,  y^  Mohigan  sagamore,  all  such  cap- 
tives, whether  men,  or  women,  or  children,  and  all  such 
canowes,  as  they  or  any  of  their  men  have  taken,  or  as 
many  of  their  owne  canowes  in  y^  roome  of  them,  full  as 
o-ood  as  they  were,  with  full  satisfaction  for  all  such  corne 
as  they  or  any  of  theire  men  have  spoyled  or  destroyed,  of 
his  or  his  mens,  since  last  planting  time-,  and  y''  English 
comissioners  hereby  promise  y'  Uncass  shall  doe  y^  like. 

3.  Wheras  ther  are  sundry  differences  &  greevances  be- 
twixte Narigansett  &  Niantick  Indeans,  and  Uncass  &  his 
men,  (which  in  Uncass  his  absence  cannot  now  be  detir- 
mined,)  it  is  hearby  agreed  y'  Nariganset  &  Niantick  saga- 
mores either  come  them  selves,  or  send  their  deputies  to  y* 
next  meeting  of  y^  comissioners  for  y*"  collonies,  either  at 
New-Haven  in  Sep'  1646.  or  sooner  (upon  convenieute  warn- 


522  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

iug,  if  y*  said  comissioners  doe  meete  sooner) ,  fully  instructed 
to  declare  &  make  due  proofe  of  their  injuines,  and  to  sub- 
mite  to  y*^  judgmente  of  y^  comissioners,  in  giving  or  receiv- 
ing satisfaction  ;  and  y"  said  comissioners  (not  doubting  but 
Uncass  will  either  come  him  selfe,  or  send  his  deputies, 
in  like  maner  furnished)  promising  to  give  a  full  hearing 
to  both  parties  with  equall  justice,  without  any  partiall 
respects,  according  to  their  allegations  and  profs. 

4.  The  said  Narigansett  &  Niantick  sagamors  &  deputies 
doe  hearby  promise  &  covenante  to  keep  and  maintains  a 
firme  &  perpetuall  peace,  both  with  all  y*  English  United 
Colonies  &  their  successors,  and  with  Uncass,  y*  Monhegen 
sachem,  &  his  men;  with  Ossamequine,  Pumham,  Sokanoke, 
Cutshamakin,  Shoanan,  Passacouaway,  and  all  other  Indean 
sagamors,  and  their  companies,  who  are  in  freindship  with 
or  subjecte  to  any  of  y^  English ;  hearby  ingaging  them 
selves,  that  they  will  not  at  any  time  hearafter  disturbe  y® 
peace  of  y^  cuntry,  by  any  assaults,  hostile  attempts,  inva- 
sions, or  other  injuries,  to  any  of  y^  Unnited  Collonies,  or 
their  successors  ;  or  to  y'^  afforesaid  Indeans  ;  either  in  their 
persons,  buildings,  catle,  or  goods,  directly  or  indirectly  ;  nor 
will  they  confederate  with  any  other  against  them  ;  &  if 
they  know  of  an}'^  Indeans  or  others  y'  conspire  or  intend 
hurt  against  y"^  said  English,  or  any  Indeans  subjecte  to  or  in 
freindship  with  them,  they  will  without  delay  acquainte  &  give 
notice  therof  to  y®  English  coiSissioners,  or  some  of  them. 

Or  if  any  questions  or  differences  shall  at  any  time  here- 
after arise  or  grow  betwext  them  &  Uncass,  or  any  Endeans 
before  mentioned,  they  will,  according  to  former  ingagments 
(which  they  hearby  confirme  &  ratifie)  first  acquainte  y* 
English,  and  crave  their  judgments  &  advice  theriu ;  and 
will  not  attempte  or  begine  any  warr,  or  hostille  invasion, 
till  they  have  liberty  and  alowauce  from  y*  comissioners  of 
y^  United  Collonies  so  to  doe. 


1645.]  PLYMOUTH    PLxiNTATION.  523 

5.  The  said  Narigansets  &  Niantick  sagamores  &  depu- 
ties doe  hearby  promise  y'  they  will  forthw*  deliver  &  re- 
store all  such  Indean  fugitives,  or  captives  which  have  at 
any  time  fled  from  any  of  y^  English,  and  are  now  living 
or  abiding  amongst  them,  or  give  due  satisfaction  for  them 
to  y^  comissioners  for  y*^  Massachusets ;  and  further,  that 
they  will  (without  more  delays)  pay,  or  cause  to  be  payed, 
a  yearly  tribute,  a  month  before  harvest,  every  year  after 
this,  at  Boston,  to  y^  English  Colonies,  for  all  such  Pequents 
as  live  amongst  them,  according  to  y^  former  treaty  & 
agreemente,  made  at  Hartford,  1638.  namly,  one  fathome 
of  white  wampara  for  every  Pequente  man,  &  halfe  a 
fathume  for  each  Pequente  youth,  and  one  hand  length 
for  each  mal-child.  And  if  Weequashcooke  refuse  to  pay 
this  tribute  for  any  Pequents  with  him,  the  Narigansetts 
sagamores  promise  to  assiste  y'^  English  against  him  And 
they  further  covenante  y'  they  will  resigne  &  yeeld  up  the 
whole  Pequente  cuntrie,  and  every  parte  of  it,  to  y*  Eng- 
lish coUonies,  as  due  to  them  by  conquest. 

6.  The  said  Narigansett  &  Niantick  sagamoi'es  &  deputie 
doe  hereby  promise  &  covenante  y'  within  14.  days  they  will 
bring  &  deliver  to  y^  Massachusetts  comissioners  on  y''  be- 
half e  of  y^  collonies,  [268]  foure  of  their  children,  viz. 
Pessecous  his  eldest  son,  the  sone  Tassaquanawite,  brother 
to  Pessecouss,  Awashawe  his  sone,  and  Ewangsos  sone,  a 
Niantick,  to  be  kepte  (as  hostages  &  pledges)  by  y*^  English, 
till  both  y''  forementioued  2000.  fathome  of  wampam  be  payed 
at  y^  times  appoynted,  and  y*^  differences  betweexte  themselves 
&  Uncass  be  heard  &  ordered,  and  till  these  artickles  be 
under  writen  at  Boston,  by  Jeuemo  &  Wipetock.  And  fur- 
ther they  hereby  promise  &  covenante,  y'  if  at  any  time 
hearafter  any  of  y*^  said  children  shall  make  escape,  or  be 
conveyed  away  from  y''  English,  before  y®  premisses  be  fully 
accomplished,    they   will    either   bring   back    &    deliver  to   y* 


524  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 


Massachusett  comissioners  y*"  same  children,  or,  if  they  be  not 
to  be  founde,  such  &  so  many  other  children,  to  be  chosen 
by  y*  comissioners  for  y"  United  Collonies,  or  their  assignes, 
and  y'  within  20.  days  after  demand,  and  in  y**  mean  time, 
uutill  y"  said  4.  children  be  delivered  as  hostages,  y**  Nari- 
gansett  &  Niantick  sagamors  &  depiit}'  doe,  freely  &  of  their 
owne  accorde,  leave  with  y^  Massachusett  comissioners,  as 
pledges  for  presente  securitie,  4.  Indeans,  namely,  Witowash, 
Pumanise,  Jawashoe,  Waughwamino,  who  allso  freely  con- 
sente,  and  offer  them  selves  to  stay  as  pledges,  till  y*"  said 
children  be  brought  &  delivered  as  abovesaid. 

7.  The  comissioners  for  y^  United  Collonies  doe  hereby 
promise  &  agree  that,  at  y*"  charge  of  y^  United  Collonies, 
y"  4.  Indeans  now  left  as  pledges  shall  be  provided  for,  and  y' 
the  4.  children  to  be  brought  &  delivered  as  hostages  shall 
be  kepte  &  maintained  at  y*"  same  charge ;  that  they  will 
require  Uncass  &  bis  men,  with  all  other  Indean  sagamors 
befoi'e  named,  to  forbear  all  acts  of  hostilitie  againste  y^  Nari- 
gansetts  and  Niantick  Indeans  for  y^  future.  And  further, 
all  y*"  promises  being  duly  observed  &  kept  by  y''  Narigansett 
&  Niantick  Indians  and  their  company,  they  will  at  y"  end 
of  2.  years  restore  y*^  said  children  delivered  as  hostiages, 
and  retaine  a  firme  peace  with  y^  Narigansets  &  Nianticke 
Indeans  and  their  successours. 

8.  It  is  fully  agreed  by  &  betwixte  y*^  said  parties,  y'  if 
any  hostile  attempte  be  made  while  this  treaty  is  in  hand, 
or  before  notice  of  this  agreemente  (to  stay  further  prepara- 
tions &  directions)  can  be  given,  such  attempts  &  y^  conse- 
quencts  therof  shall  on  neither  parte  be  accounted  a  violation 
of  this  treaty,  nor  a  breach  of  y^  peace  hear  made  &  con- 
cluded. 

9.  The  Narigansets  &  Niantick  sagamors  &  deputie  hereby 
agree  &  covenante  to  &  with  y"  comissioners  of  y''  United 
Collonies,  y'  henceforth  they  will  neither  give,  grante,  sell, 
or  in   any   maner   alienate,    any   parte    of    their   countrie,    nor 


1645.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  525 

any  parcell  of  land  therin,  either  to  any  of  y"  English  or 
others,  without  consente  or  allowance  of  y"  coiiiissioners. 

10.  Lastly,  they  promise  that,  if  any  Pequeute  or  other  be 
found  &  discovered  amongst  them  who  hath  in  time  of  peace 
murdered  any  of  y*'  English,  he  or  they  shall  be  delivered  to 
just  punishmente. 

In    witness    wherof    y^    parties    above    named    have    inter- 

chaingablie  subscribed  these  presents,  the  day  &   year  above 

writen. 

John  Winthrop,  President. 

Herbert  Pelham. 

Tho  :  Prence. 

John  Browne. 

Geo  :  Fenwick. 

Edwa  :  Hopkins. 

Theoph  :  Eaton. 

Steven  Goodyeare. 

Pessecouss  his  mark  \y 

Meekesano  his  mark  )'      ^ 

Witowash  his  mark  C  C  C 

/         I    the  Niantick 

AuMSEQUEN  his  mark  C^^      ^^  ^^ 
Abdas  his  mark  ^4-  0 
Pummash  his  mark  (Af^  C\V^ 
Cutohamakin  his  mark  ^^     Q; 

This  treaty  and  agreemente  betwixte  the  comissioners  of  y® 
United  Collonies  and  y"  sagamores  and  deputy  of  Narrigansets 
and  Niantick  Indeans  was  made  and  concluded,  Benedicte 
Arnold  being  interpretour  upon  his  oath  ;  Sergante  Callicate 
&  an  Indean,  his  man,  being  presente,  and  Josias  &  Cut- 
shamakin,  tow  Indeans  aquaiuted  with  y'^  English  language, 
assisting  therin ;  who  opened  &  cleared  the  whole  treaty,  & 
every  article,  to  y^  sagamoi'es  and  deputie  there  presente. 

And  thus  was  j*^  warr  at  this  time  stayed  and  pre- 
vented. 


526  HISTORY    OF  [book  II. 

[269]   An7io  Dom:   1646. 

About  y®  midle  of  May,  this  year,  came  in  3.  ships 
into  this  harbor,  in  warrlike  order ;  they  were  found  to 
be  men  of  warr.  The  captains  name  was  Crumwell, 
who  had  taken  sundrie  prizes  from  y*^  Spaniards  in  y*^ 
West  Indies.  He  had  a  comission  from  y"  Earle  of 
Warwick.  He  had  abord  his  vessels  aboute  80.  lustie 
men,  (but  very  unruly,)  who,  after  they  came  ashore, 
did  so  distemper  them  selves  with  drinke  as  they  be- 
came like  madd-men ;  and  though  some  of  them  were 
punished  &  imprisoned,  yet  could  they  hardly  be  re- 
strained ;  yet  in  y*"  ende  they  became  more  moderate 
&  orderly.  They  continued  here  aboute  a  month  or 
6.  weeks,  and  then  went  to  y*^  Massachusets ;  in  which 
time  they  spente  and  scattered  a  great  deale  of  money 
among  y^  people,  and  yet  more  sine  (I  fear)  then 
money,  notwithstanding  all  y"  care  &  watchfullnes  that 
was  used  towards  them,  to  prevente  what  might  be. 

In  which  time  one  sadd  accidente  fell  out.  A  des- 
perate fellow  of  y®  company  fell  a  quarling  with  some 
of  his  company.  His  captine  coinanded  him  to  be  quiet 
&  surcease  his  quarelling ;  but  he  would  not,  but 
reviled  his  captaine  with  base  language,  &  in  y*^  end 
halfe  drew  his  rapier,  &  intended  to  rune  at  his  captien  ; 
but  he  closed  with  him,  and  wrasted  his  rapier  from 
him,  and  gave  him  a  boxe  on  y*^  earr ;  but  he  would 
not  give  over,  but  still   assaulted  his   captaine.     Wher- 


1646.]  PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION.  527 

upon  he  tooke  y®  same  rapier  as  it  was  in  y''  scaberd, 
and  gave  him  a  blow  with  y*^  hilts ;  but  it  light  on  his 
head,  &  y^  smal  end  of  y*'  bar  of  y'^  rapier  hilts  peirct 
his  scull,  &  he  dyed  a  few  days  after.  But  y''  captaine 
was  cleared  by  a  counsell  of  warr.  This  fellow  was 
so  desperate  a  quareller  as  y*'  captaine  was  faine  many 
times  to  chaine  him  under  hatches  from  hurting  his 
fellows,  as  y*"  company  did  testifie ;  and  this  was  his 
end. 

This  Captaine  Thomas  Cromuell  sett  forth  another 
vioage  to  the  Westindeas,  from  the  Bay- of  the  Massa- 
chusets,  well  maned  &  victuled ;  and  was  out  3.  years, 
and  tooke  sundry  prises,  and  returned  rich  unto  the 
Massachusets,  and  ther  dyed  the  same  some  re,  having 
gott  a  fall  from  his  horse,  in  which  fall  he  fell  on  his 
rapeir  hilts,  and  so  brused  his  body  as  he  shortly  after 
dyed  therof,  with  some  other  distempers,  which  brought 
him  into  a  feavor.  Some  observed  that  ther  might  be 
somthing  of  the  hand  of  God  herein ;  that  as  the  fore- 
named  man  dyed  of  y^  blow  he  gave  him  with  y*"  rapeir 
hilts,  so  his  owne  death  was  occationed  by  a  like  means. 

This  year  M^  Edward  Winslow  went  into  England, 
upon  this  occation :  some  discontented  persons  under 
y^  govermente  of  the  Massachusets  sought  to  trouble 
their  peace,  and  disturbe,  if  not  innovate,  their  gover- 
mente, by  laying  many  [270]  scandals  upon  them ; 
and  intended  to  prosecute  against  them  in  England,  by 
petitioning    &    complaining    to    the    Parlemente.      Allso 


528  HISTORY    OF    PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION.        [BOOK  II. 

Samuell  Gorton  &  his  company  made  complaints  against 
them ;  so  as  they  made  choyse  of  M"".  Winslovv  to  be 
their  agente,  to  make  their  defence,  and  gave  him 
comission  &  instructions  for  that  end ;  in  which  he  so 
carried  him  selfe  as  did  well  answer  their  ends,  and 
cleared  them  from  any  blame  or  dishonour,  to  the 
shame  of  their  adversaries.  But  by  reason  of  the  great 
alterations  in  the  State,  he  was  detained  longer  then 
was  expected ;  and  afterwards  fell  into  other  imploy- 
ments  their,  so  as  he  hath  now  bene  absente  this 
4.  years,  which  hath  been  much  to  the  weakning  of 
this  govermente,  without  whose  consente  he  tooke  these 
imployments  upon  him. 

Anno  1647.     And  Anno  1648. 


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APPENDIX. 


No.  I. 

[Passengers  of  the  flay  flower.] 

The  names  of  those  which  came  over  first,  in  y^  year  1620. 
and  were  by  the  blessing  of  God  the  first  beginers  and 
(in  a  sort)  the  foundation  of  all  the  Plantations  and 
Colonies  in  New-England  ;    and  their  families. 


8. 


2. 


M'.  John  Carver ;  Kathrine,  his  wife  ;  Desire  Minter ; 
&  2.  man-servants,  John  Howland,  Roger  Wilder ;  Wil- 
liam Latham,  a  boy ;  &  a  maid  servant,  &  a  child  y* 
was  put  to  him,  called  Jasper  More. 

M^  William  Brewster;  Mary,  his  wife;  with  2.  sons, 
whose  names  were  Love  &  Wrasling ;  and  a  boy  was 
put  to  him  called  Richard  More ;  and  another  of  his 
brothei-s.  The  rest  of  his  children  were  left  behind,  & 
came  over  afterwards. 

M'.  Edward  Winslow ;  Elizabeth,  his  wife  ;  &  2.  men 
servants,  caled  Georg  Sowle  and  Elias  Story  ;  also  a  litle 
girle  was  put  to  him,  caled  Ellen,  the  sister  of  Richard 
More. 

William  Bradford,  and  Dorothy,  his  wife;  having  but 
one  child,  a  sone,  left  behind,  who  came  afterward. 


M''.  Isaack  Allertou,  and  Mary,  his  wife  ;  with  3.  chil- 
6.  dren,  Bartholmew,  Remember,   &    Mary ;    and    a   servant 
boy,  John  Hooke. 


532  APPENDIX. 


M^  Samuell  Fuller,  and  a  servant,  ealed  William  But- 
2.  ten.     His  wife  was  behind,  &  a  child,  which  came  after- 
wards. 

2.       John  Cnikston,  and  his  sone,  John  Crakston. 

2.    '   Captin  Myles  Standish,  and  Rose,  his  wife. 

M'.  Christopher  Martin,  and  his  wife,  and  2.  servants, 
4. 

Salamon  Prower  and  John  Langemore. 

M"".   William  Mullines,   and   his  wife,  and   2.   children, 
5. 

Joseph  &  Priscila ;    and  a  servant,  Robart  Carter. 

M'.   William  White,    and    Susana,   his    wife,    and    one 

sone,  caled  Resolved,  and   one    borne  a  ship-bord,  caled 
6. 

Peregriene ;    &    2.   servants,   named    William   Holbeck    & 

Edward  Thomson. 

M'.  Steven  Hopkins,  &  Elizabeth,  his  wife,  and  2.  chil- 
dren, caled    Giles,  and    Constanta,   a   doughter,   both    by 
8.  a  former  wife  ;  and  2.  more  by  this  wife,  caled  Damaris 
&  Oceanus  ;  the  last  was  borne  at  sea ;  and  2.  servants, 
called  Edward  Doty  and  Edward  Litster. 

M^  Richard  Warren ;    but  his  wife    and   children  were 
1. 

lefte  behind,  and  came  afterwards. 

John  Billinton,  and  Elen,  his  wife  ;   and  2.  sones,  John 
4. 

&  Francis. 

Edward  Tillie,  and  Ann,  his  wife  ;   and  2.  children  that 
4.  ' 

were  their  cossens,  Henery  Samson  and  Humillity  Coper. 

John     Tillie,     and    his    wife ;     and    Eelizabeth,    their 
3. 

doughter. 

Francis  Cooke,   and    his    sone  John.      But   his  wife  & 
2. 

other  children  came  afterwards. 


APPENDIX.  533 


Thomas  Rogers,  and  Joseph,  his  sone.     His  other  chil- 
dren came  afterwards. 


3.*     Thomas  Tinker,  and  his  wife,  and  a  sone. 

2.  John  Rigdale,  and  Alice,  his  wife. 

James  Chilton,  and  his  wife,  and  Mary,  their  dougter. 

3.  They  had  an  other  doughter,  y'  was  maried,  came  after- 
ward. ■N 

3.       Edwai'd  Fuller,  and  his  wife,  and  Samuell,  their  sonne. 

John  Turner,  and  2.  sones.     He  had  a  doughter  came 
some  years  after  to  Salem,  wher  she  is  now  living. 


Francis  Eaton,  and  Sarah,  his  wife,  and  Samuell,  their 
sone,  a  yong  child. 

Moyses    Fletcher,    John   Goodman,    Thomas    Williams, 

Digerie  Preist,  Edmond  Margeson,  Peter  Browne,  Richard 
10. 

Britterige,    Richard    Clarke,    Richard    Gardenar,    Gilbart 

Winslow. 


John  Alden  was  hired  for  a  cooper,  at  South-Hampton, 
wher  the  ship  victuled ;  and  being  a  hopfull  yong  man, 
was  much  desired,  but  left  to  his  owne  liking  to  go  or 
stay  when  he  came  here  ;  but  he  stayed,  and  maryed  here. 

John  AUerton  and  Thomas  Enlish  were  both  hired,  the 
later  to  goe  m''  of  a  shalop  here,  and  y''  other  was  reputed 
2.  as  one  of  y"  company,  but  was  to  go  back  (being  a  sea- 
man) for  the  help  of  others  behind.     But  they  both  dyed 
here,  before  the  shipe  returned. 

*  Written  2  in  MS. 


534  APPENDIX. 


There  were  allso  other  2.  seamen  hired  to  stay  a  year 
2.  here  in  the  country,  William  Trevore,  and  one  Ely.     But 
when  their  time  was  out,  they  both  returned. 

These,  beniug  aboute  a  hundred  sowls,  came  over  in 
this  first  ship  ;  and  began  this  worke,  which  God  of  his 
goodnes  hath  hithertoo  blesed ;  let  his  holy  name  have 
y^  praise. 


And  seeing  it  hath  pleased  him  to  give  me  to  see  30,  years 
compleated  since  these  beginings ;  and  that  the  great 
works  of  his  providence  are  to  be  observed,  I  have 
thought  it  not  unworthy  my  paines  to  take  a  veiw  of  the 
decreasings  &  iucreasings  of  these  persons,  and  such 
Changs  as  hath  pased  over  them  &  theirs,  in  this  thirty 
years.  It  may  be  of  some  use  to  such  as  come  after; 
but,  however,  I  shall  rest  in  my  owne  benefite. 

I  will  therfore  take  them  in  order  as  they  lye. 

M'.  Carver  and  his  wife  dyed  the  first  year ;  he  in  y* 
spring,  she  in  y*  soiner;  also,  his  man  Roger  and  y^  litle 
boy  Jasper  dyed  before  either  of  them,  of  y^  commone  in- 
fection. Desire  Minter  returned  to  her  freinds,  &  proved 
not  very  well,  and  dyed  in  England.  His  servant  boy 
Latham,  after  more  then  20.  years  stay  in  the  country, 
went  into  England,  and  from  thence  to  the  Bahamy  Hands 
in  y*  West  Indies,  and  ther,  with  some  others,  was  starved 
for  want  of  food.  His  maid  servant  maried,  &  dyed 
a  year  or  tow  after,  here  in  this  place. 

His    servant,    John   Rowland,   maried    the   doughter  of 

John   Tillie,    Elizabeth,    and    they    are   both    now   living, 

and  have   10.  children,  now  all   living;    and   their  eldest 
15. 

daughter  hath  4.  children.     And  ther  2.  daughter,  1.  all 

living;    and  other  of  their  children   mariagable.     So   15. 

are  come  of  them. 


APPENDIX.  535 

M'.  Brewster  lived  to  very  old  age  ;  about  80.  years  he 
was  when  he  dyed,  having  lived  some  23.  or  24.  years 
here  in  y^  couutrie  ;  &  though  his  wife  dyed  long  before, 
yet  she  dyed  aged.     His  sone  Wrastle  dyed  a  yonge  man 

4.  unmaried ;  his  sone  Love  lived  till  this  year  1650.  and 
dyed,  &  left  4.  children,  now  living.  His  doughters 
which  came  over  after  him  are  dead,  but  have  left  sundry 
children  alive  ;    his  eldst  sone  is  still  liveing,  and  hath  9. 

2.  or  10  children;   one  maried,  who  hath  a  child  or  2. 

Richard  More  his  brother  dyed  the  first  winter ;  but  he 
is  maried,  and  hath  4.  or  5.  children,  all  living. 

M^  Ed :  Winslow  his  wife  dyed  the  first  winter ;  and  he 

2.  maried  with  the  widow  of  M"".  White,  and  hath  2.  children 

living  by  her  marigable,  besids  sundry  that  are  dead. 

One  of  his  servants  dyed,  as  also  the  litle  girle,  soone 

8.  after  the  ships  arivall.     But  his  man,  Georg  Sowle,  is  still 

living,  and  hath  8.  childre. 

"William  Bradford  his  wife  dyed  soone  after  their  arivall ; 
4.  and  he  maried  againe ;   and  hath  4.  children,  3.  wherof  are 
maried. 

M'.  Allerton  his  wife  dyed  with  the  first,  and  his  ser- 
vant, John  Hooke.  His  sone  Bartle  is  maried  in  England, 
but  I  know  not  how  many  children  he  hath.  His  doughter 
Remember  is  maried  at  Salem,   &  hath  3.  or  4.  children 

living.     And  his  doughter  Mary  is  maried  here,  &  hath  4. 
8. 

children.     Him   selfe  maried   againe  with  y"  doughter  of 

M"".    Brewster,   &   hath   one   sone    living  by   her,  but  she 

is  long  since  dead.     And  he  is  maried  againe,  and  hath 

left   this  place  long  agoe.     So  I  account  his   increase  to 

be  8.  besids  his  sons  in  England. 

M''.  Fuller  his  servant  dyed  at  sea  ;   and  after  his  wife 

2.  came  over,  he  had  tow  children  by  her,  which  are  living 

and  growne  up  to  years  ;  but  he  dyed  some  15    years  agoe. 


536  APPENDIX. 


John  Crakston  dyed  in  the  first  mortality ;  and  about 
some  5.  or  6.  years  after,  his  sone  dyed;  having  lost  him 
selfe  in  y^  wodes,  his  feet  became  frosen,  which  put  him 
into  a  feavor,  of  which  he  dyed. 

♦Captain  Standish  his  wife  dyed   in  the  first  sicknes, 
4.  and   he   maried   againe,  and   hath   4.   sones   liveing,   and 
some  are  dead. 

M^  Martin,  he  &  all  his,  dyed  in  the  first  infection 
not  long  after  the  arivall. 

M'.  Molines,  and  his  wife,   his  sone,  and  his  servant, 

dyed  the  first  winter.     Only  his  dougter  Priscila  survied, 

15.  and  maried  with  John  Alden,  who  are   both  li\dng,  and 

have  11.  children.     And  their  eldest  daughter  is  maried, 

&  hath  five  children. 

M'.  White  and  his   2.  servants  dyed   soone    after  ther 

landing.     His  wife    maried  with  M'.  Winslow  (as  is  be- 

7.  fore  noted).     His  2.  sons  are  maried,  and  Resolved  hath 

5.  children,  Perigrine  tow,  all  living.     So  their  increase 

are  7. 

M^  Hopkins  and  his  wife  are  now  both  dead,  but  they 

lived  above  20.  years  in  this  place,  and  had  one  sone  and 

4.  doughters  borne  here.     Ther  sone  became  a  seaman,  & 
5. 

dyed  at  Barbadoes ;    one  daughter  dyed  here,  and  2.  are 

maried ;    one  of  them  hath  2.  children ;    &  one  is  yet  to 

mary.     So  their  increase  which  still  survive  are  5.     But 

4.  his  sone  Giles  is  maried,  and  hath  4.  children. 


His  douffhter  Constanta  is   also  maried,  and  hath   12. 
12. 

children,  all  of  them  living,  and  one  of  them  maried. 


*  Who  dyed  3.  of  Octob.  1655. 


APPENDIX.  537 


8. 


M^  Richard  Warren  lived  some  4.  or  5.  years,  and  had 
his  wife  come  over  to  him,  by  whom  he  had  2.  sons 
before  dyed ;  and  one  of  them  is  maryed,  and  hath  2. 
children.  So  his  increase  is  4.  But  he  had  5.  doughters 
more  came  over  with  his  wife,  who  are  all  maried,  & 
living,   &  have  many  children. 

John  Billintou,  after  he  had  bene  here  10.  yers,  was 
executed  for  killing  a  man ;  and  his  eldest  sone  dyed 
before  him;  but  his  2.  sone  is  alive,  and  maried,  &  hath 
8.  children. 

Edward  Tillie  and  his  wife  both  dyed  soon  after  their 
arivall ;  and  the  girle  Humility,  their  cousen,  was  sent  for 
into  England,  and  dyed  ther.  But  the  youth  Henery 
Samson  is  still  liveing,  and  is  maried,  &  hath  7.  children. 

John  Tillie  and  his  wife  both  dyed  a  litle  after  they 
came  ashore ;  and  their  daughter  Elizabeth  maried  with 
John  Howland,  and  hath  issue  as  is  before  noted. 

Francis  Cooke  is  still  living,  a  very  olde  man,  and  hath 

scene  his  childrens  children  have  children ;    after  his  wife 

8.  came   over,  (with  other  of   his   children,)  he   hath  3.  still 

living  by  her,  all  maried,  and  have  5.  children  ;    so  their 

encrease  is  8.     And  his  sone  John,  which  came  over  with 
4. 

him,  is  maried,  and  hath  4.  chilldren  living. 


7. 


6. 


Thomas  Rogers  dyed  in  the  first  sicknes,  but  his  sone 
Joseph  is  still  living,  and  is  maried,  and  hath  6.  children. 
The  rest  of  Thomas  Rogers  [children]  came  over,  &  are 
maried,  &  have  many  children. 

Thomas  Tinker  and  his  wife  and  sone  all  dyed  in  the 
first  sicknes. 

And  so  did  John  Rigdale  and  his  wife. 


538  APPENDIX. 


James  Chilton  aud  his  wife  also  dyed  iii  the  first  infec- 
tion. But  their  daughter  Mary  is  still  living,  aud  hath  9. 
children  ;  aud  oue  daughter  is  marled,  &  hath  a  child  ;  so 
their  increase  is  10. 


10. 


Edward  Fuller  and  his  wife  dyed  soon  after  they  came 
4.  ashore  ;    but  their  sone  Samuell  is  living,  &  marled,  and 
hath  4.  children  or  more. 

John  Turner  and  his  2,  sones  all  dyed  in  the  first 
siknes.  But  he  hath  a  daugter  still  living  at  Salem,  well 
marled,  and  approved  of. 

Francis  Eaton  his  first  wife  dyed  in  the  generall 
sicknes  ;  and  he  marled  againe,  &  his  2.  wife  dyed,  & 
4.  he  marled  the  3.  and  had  by  her  3.  children.  One  of 
them  is  marled,  &  hath  a  child  ;  the  other  are  living, 
but  one  of  them  is  an  ideote.  He  dyed  about  16.  years 
agoe.  His  sone  Samuell,  who  came  over  a  sucking  child, 
is  allso  marled,  &  hath  a  child. 

Moyses  Fletcher,  Thomas  AVilliams,  Digerie  Preist, 
John  Goodman,  Edmond  Margeson,  Richard  Britteridge, 
Richard  Clarke.  All  these  dyed  sone  after  their  arivall, 
in  the  generall  sicknes  that  befell.  But  Digerie  Preist 
had  his  wife  &  children  sent  hither  afterwards,  she  being 
M^  Allertons  sister.     But  the  rest  left  no  posteritie  here. 

Richard  Gardinar  became  a  seaman,  and  died  in  Eng- 
land, or  at  sea. 

Gilbert  Winslow,  after  diverse  years  aboad  here,  re- 
turned into  England,  and  dyed  ther. 

Peter  Browne  maried  twise.     By  his  first  wife   he   had 

2.  children,  who  are  living,  &  both  of  them  maried,  and 
6. 

the  one  of  them  hath  2.  children  ;   by  his  second  wife  he 

had  2.   more.     He  dyed  about  IG.  years  since. 


APPENDIX.  539 


Thomas  English  and  John  Allerton  dyed  in  the  generall 
siknes. 

John  Alden  maried  with  Priscila,  M^  MoUines  his 
doughter,  and  had  issue  by  her  as  is  before  related. 

Edward  Doty  &  Edward  Litster,  the  servants  of  M^ 
Hopkins.  Litster,  after  he  was  at  liberty,  went  to  Vir- 
ginia, &  ther  dyed.  But  Edward  Doty  b}'^  a  second  wife 
hath  7.   children,   and  both  he  and  they  are  living. 

Of  these  100.  persons  which  came  first  over  in  this 
first  ship  together,  the  greater  halfe  dyed  in  the  generall 
mortality;  and  most  of  them  in  2.  or  three  monthes  time. 
And  for  those  which  survied,  though  some  were  ancient 
&  past  procreation,  &  others  left  y*^  place  and  cuntrie, 
yet  of  those  few  remaining  are  sprunge  up  above  160. 
persons,  in  this  30.  years,  and  are  now  living  in  this 
presente  year,  1650.  besids  many  of  their  children  which 
are  dead,  and  come  not  within  this  account. 

And  of  the  old  stock  (of  one  &  other)  ther  are  yet 
living  this  present  year,  1650.  nere  30.  persons.  Let  the 
Lord  have  y*^  praise,  who  is  the  High  Preserver  of  men. 


*Twelfe  persons  liveing  of  the  old  stock  this  present 
yeare,    1679. 

Two  persons  liveing  that  came  over  in  the  first  shipe 
1620,  this  present  yeare,  1690.  Resolved  White  and  Mary 
Chusman,t  the  daughter  of  M'.  Allerton. 

And  John  Cooke,  the  son  of  Frances  Cooke,  that  came 
in  the  first  ship,  is  still  liveing  this  present  yeare,  1694; 
&  Mary  Cushman  is  still  living,  this  present  year,   1698. 

*  The  following  memoranda  are  in  a  later  hand, 
t  Obviously  intended  for  Cushman. 


540  APPENDIX. 


No.  n. 

[Commission  for  Regulating  Plantations.] 

Charles  by  y"  grace  of  God  king  of  England,  Scotland,  France, 
and  Ireland,  Defender  of  y"  Faith,   &c.* 

To  the  most  Reve''  father  in  Christ,  our  wellbeloved  &  faith- 
full  counsellour,  William,  by  devine  providence  Archbishop 
of  Counterbery,  of  all  England  Primate  &  Metropolitan ; 
Thomas  Lord  Coventry,  Keeper  of  our  Great  Seale  of 
England  ;  the  most  Reverente  father  in  Christ  oar  wellbe- 
loved and  most  faithful  Counselour,  Richard,  by  devine 
providence  Archbishop  of  Yorke,  Primate  &  Metropolitan  ; 
our  wellbeloved  and  most  faitbfuU  coussens  &  Counselours, 
Richard,  Earle  of  Portland,  our  High  Treasurer  of  Eng- 
land ;  Henery,  Earle  of  Manchester,  Keeper  of  our  Privie 
Seale ;  Thomas,  Earle  of  Arundalle  &  Surry,  Earle  Mar- 
shall of  England  ;  Edward,  Earle  of  Dorsett,  Chamberline 
of  our  most  dear  cousorte,  the  Queene ;  and  our  beloved  & 
faithfull  Counselours,  Francis  Lord  Cottington,  Counseler, 
and  Undertreasurour  of  our  Eschequour  ;  S'':  Thomas  Ed- 
monds, knight,  Treasourer  of  our  houshould  ;  S'':  Heuery 
Vane,  Knight,  controuler  of  y"^  same  houshould  ;  S':  John 
Cooke,  Knight,  one  of  our  Privie  Secretaries  ;  and  Francis 
Windebanck,  Knight,  another  of  our  Privie  Secretaries, 

Wheras  very  many  of  our  subjects,  &  of  our  late  fathers 
of  beloved  memory,  our  sovereigne  lord  James,  late  king 
of    England,    by    means    of    licence    royall,    not    only    with 

*  See  page  381.  This  document  was  written  on  tlie  reverse  of  folio  201 
et  seq.  of  the  original  manuscript,  and  for  the  sake  of  convenience  is  trans- 
ferred to  this  place. 


APPENDIX.  541 


desire  of  inlarging  y^  teritories  of  our  empire,  but  cheefly 
out  of  a  pious  &  religious  affection,  &  desire  of  propagat- 
ing y*  gospell  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Clirist,  witli  great  industrie 
&  expences  have  caused  to  be  planted  large  Collonies  of 
y'^  English  nation,  in  diverse  parts  of  y"  world  alltogether 
unmanured,  and  voyd  of  inhabitants,  or  occupied  of  y''  bar- 
barous people  that  have  no  knowledg  of  divine  worship. 
We  being  willing  to  provid  a  remedy  for  y"^  tranquillity  & 
quietnes  of  those  people,  and  being  vei'y  confidante  of  your 
faith  &  wisdom,  justice  &  provideute  circomspection,  have 
constituted  you  y"  aforesaid  Archbishop  of  Counterburie, 
Lord  Keeper  of  y*  Great  Scale  of  England,  y"  Archbishop 
of  Yorke,  &c.  and  any  5.  or  more,  of  you,  our  Comission- 
ers  ;  and  to  you,  and  any  5.  or  more  of  .you,  we  doe  give 
and  coinite  power  for  y*^  govermente  &  saftie  of  y"  said 
collonies,  drawen,  or  which,  out  of  y*^  English  nation  into 
those  parts  hereafter,  shall  be  drawne,  to  make  lawes,  con- 
stitutions, &  ordinances,  pertaining  ether  to  y®  publick  state 
of  these  collonies,  or  y*  private  profite  of  them ;  and  con- 
cerning y*^  lands,  goods,  debts,  &  succession  in  those  parts, 
and  how  they  shall  demaine  them  selves,  towards  foraigne 
princes,  and  their  people,  or  how  they  shall  bear  them 
selves  towards  us,  and  our  subjects,  as  well  in  any  foraine 
parts  whatsoever,  or  on  y*"  seas  in  those  parts,  or  in  their 
returne  sayling  home ;  or  which  may  pertaine  to  y*  clergie 
govermente,  or  to  y*  cure  of  soules,  among  y^  people  ther 
living,  and  exercising  trad  in  those  parts  ;  by  designing  out 
congruente  porcions  arising  in  tithes,  oblations,  &  other 
things  ther,  according  to  your  sound  discretions,  in  politi- 
cal! &  civill  causes;  and  by  haveing  y*^  advise  of  2.  or  3. 
bishops,  for  y*'  setling,  making,  &  ordering  of  y*'  bussines, 
for  y®  designeing  of  necessary  ecclesiasticall,  and  clargie 
porcions,  which  you  shall  cause  to  be  called,  and  taken  to 
you.     And  to  make  provission   against  y*'  violation  of  those 


542  APPENDIX. 


laws,  constitutions,  and  ordinances,  by  imposing  penealties 
&  mulcts,  imprisonmente  if  ther  be  cause,  and  y'  y*  quality 
of  y*  offence  doe  require  it,  by  deprivation  of  member,  or 
life,  to  be  inflicted.  With  power  allso  (our  assente  being 
had)  to  remove,  &  displace  y*  governours  or  rulers  of  those 
collonies,  for  causes  which  to  you  shall  seeme  lawfull,  and 
others  in  their  stead  to  constitute  ;  and  require  an  accounte 
of  their  rule  &  govermente,  and  whom  you  shall  finde  cul- 
pable, either  by  deprivation  from  their  place,  or  by  imposi- 
tion of  a  mulcte  upon  y"  goods  of  them  in  those  parts  to 
be  levied,  or  banishmente  from  those  provinces  in  w'^'^  they 
have  been  gove""  or  otherwise  to  cashier  according  to  y® 
quantity  of  y^  offence.  And  to  constitute  judges,  &  magis- 
trats  politicall  &  civill,  for  civill  causes  and  under  y''  power 
and  forme,  which  to  you  5.  or  more  of  you  shall  seeme  ex- 
pediente.  And  judges  &  magistrats  &  dignities,  to  causes 
Ecclesiasticall,  and  under  y^  power  &  forme  which  to  you 
5.  or  more  of  j^ou,  with  the  bishops  vicegerents  (provided 
by  y"  Archbishop  of  Counterbure  for  y"  time  being),  shall 
seeme  expediente ;  and  to  ordaine  courts,  pretoriane  and 
tribunall,  as  well  ecclesiasticall,  as  civill,  of  judgmentes ; 
to  detirmine  of  y^  formes  and  maner  of  procceedings  in 
y^  same ;  and  of  appealing  from  them  in  matters  &  causes 
as  well  criminall,  as  civill,  personall,  reale,  and  mixte,  and 
to  their  seats  of  justice,  what  may  be  equall  &  well  ordered, 
and  what  crimes,  faults,  or  exessess,  of  contracts  or  injuries 
ought  to  belonge  to  y"  Ecclesiasticall  courte,  and  what  to  y^ 
civill  courte,  and  seate  of  justice. 

Provided  never  y"  less,  y'  the  laws,  ordinances,  &  consti- 
tutions of  this  kinde,  shall  not  be  put  in  execution,  before 
our  assent  be  had  therunto  in  writing  under  our  signet, 
signed  at  least,  and  this  assente  being  had,  and  y"  same 
publikly  proclaimed  in  y"  provinces  in  which  they  are  to 
be  executed,  we  will  &  comand  y'  those  lawes,  ordinances, 
and  constitutions   more  fully  to  obtaine  strength  and  be  ob- 


APPENDIX.  543 

served  *  shall  be  Inviolably  of  all  men  whom  they  shall  con- 
cerne. 

Notwithstanding  it  shall  be  for  you,  or  any  5.  or  more 
of  you,  (as  is  afforsaid,)  allthough  those  lawes,  constitu- 
tions, and  ordinances  shalbe  proclaimed  with  our  royall 
assente,  to  chainge,  revocke,  &  abrogate  them,  and  other 
new  ones,  in  forme  afforsaid,  from  time  to  time  frame  and 
make  as  afforesaid ;  and  to  new  evills  arissing,  or  new 
dangers,  to  apply  new  remedyes  as  is  fitting,  so  often 
as  to  you  it  shall  seeme  expediente.  Furthermore  you  shall 
understand  that  we  have  constituted  you,  and  every  5.  or 
more  of  you,  the  afforesaid  Archbishop  of  Counterburie, 
Thomas  Lord  Coventrie,  Keeper  of  y"  Great  Seale  of  Eng- 
land, Richard,  Bishop  of  Yorke,  Richard,  Earle  of  Portland, 
Henery,  Earle  of  Manchester,  Thomas,  Earle  of  Arundale 
&  Surry,  Edward,  Earell  of  Dorsett,  Francis  Lord  Cottin- 
ton,  S''  Thomas  Edmonds, f  knighte,  S'  Henry  Vane,  knight, 
S'  Francis  Windebanke,  knight,  our  comissioners  to  hear, 
&  determine,  according  to  your  sound  discretions,  all  maner 
of  complaints  either  against  those  collonies,  or  their  rulers, 
or  govenours,  at  y^  instance  of  y*  parties  greeved,  or  at 
their  accusation  brought  concerning  injuries  from  hence,  or 
from  thence,  betweene  them,  &  their  members  to  be  moved, 
and  to  call  y"  parties  before  you  ;  and  to  the  parties  or  to 
their  procurators,  from  hence,  or  from  thence  being  heard 
y"  full  complemente  of  justice  to  be  exhibted.  Giving  unto 
you,  or  any  5.  or  more  of  you  power,  y'  if  you  shall  find 
any  of  y^  collonies  afforesaid,  or  any  of  y*  cheefe  rulers 
upon  y^  jurisdictions  of  others  by  unjust  possession,  or 
usurpation,  or  one  against  another  making  greevauce,  or 
in  rebelion  against  us,  or  withdrawing  from  our  alegance, 
or  our  comandmeuts,  not  obeying,  consultation  first  with  us 
in  y'  case  had,  to  cause  those  colonies,  or  y*  rulers  of  them, 

*  A  superfluous  atid  comes  after  "observed"  in  the  manuscript, 
t  Edioards  in  the  manuscript. 


544  APPENDIX. 

for  y^  causes  afforesaid,  or  for  other  just  causes,  either 
to  returne  to  England,  or  to  comand  them  to  other  places 
designed,  even  as  according  to  your  sounde  discretions  it 
shall  seeme  to  stand  with  equitie,  &  justice,  or  necessitie. 
Moreover,  we  doe  give  unto  you,  &  any  5.  or  more  of  you, 
power  &  spetiall  coinand  over  all  y*^  charters,  leters  patents, 
and  rescripts  royall,  of  y^  regions,  provinces,  ilands,  or 
lands  in  foraigne  parts,  granted  for  raising  colonies,  to 
cause  them  to  be  brought  before  you,  &  y**  same  being 
received,  if  any  thing  surrepticiously  or  unduly  have  been 
obtained,  or  y*  by  the  same  priviledges,  liberties,  &  preroga- 
tives hurtfull  to  us,  or  to  our  crowne,  or  to  foraigne  princes, 
have  been  prejudicially  suffered,  or  granted  ;  the  same  being 
better  made  knowne  unto  you  5.  or  more  of  you,  to  comand 
them  according  to  y^  laws  and  customs  of  England  to  be 
revoked,  and  to  doe  such  other  things,  which  to  y^  profite 
&  safgard  of  y*^  afforesaid  coUonies,  and  of  our  subjects 
residente  in  y^  same,  shall  be  necessary.  And  therfore 
we  doe  comand  you  that  aboute  y"  premisses  at  days  & 
times,  which  for  these  things  you  shall  make  provission, 
that  you  be  diligente  in  attendance,  as  it  becometh  you ; 
giving  in  precepte  also,  &  firmly  injoyning,  we  doe  give 
coinand  to  all  and  singuler  cheefe  rulers  of  provinces  into 
which  y'  colonies  afforesaid  have  been  drawne,  or  shall 
be  drawne,  &  concerning  y^  colonies  themselves,  &  concern- 
ing others,  y'  have  been  interest  therein,  y'  they  give  atend- 
ance  upon  you,  and  be  observante  and  obediente  unto  your 
warrants  in  those  affaires,  as  often  as,  and  even  as  in  our 
name  they  shall  be  required,  at  their  perill.  In  testimoney 
wherof,  we  have  caused  these  our  letters  to  be  made  pat- 
tente.  Wittnes  our  selfe  at  Westminster  the  28.  day  of 
Aprill,  in  y^  tenth  year  of  our  Raigne. 

By  write  from  y*^  privie  scale. 

Willies. 
Anno  Dom :  1634. 


INDEX. 


INDEX. 


Abdas,  an  Indian,  525. 

Accord  Pond,  442. 

Acoughcouss,  445. 

Adventurers.  See  Merchant  Adventur- 
ers. 

Alden,  John,  arrested  in  Massachusetts, 
379.  Party  to  contract,  452, 458.  Set- 
tlement with,  478,  481.  Family,  533, 
536,  539. 

Alden,  Robert,  256. 

Allerton,  Bartholomew,  531,  535. 

Allerton,  Isaac,  62.  Assistant,  121,  242. 
Goes  to  England,  252,  267,  274,  313, 
328.  Agreement  with,  254  et  seq.,  271, 
272.  Brings  over  Mr.  Rogers,  292. 
Marries  Elder  Brewster's  daughter, 
305.  Discharged,  329,  333,  358.  Dis- 
ciplined by  church,  349.  Disregards 
his  bond,  357,  362.  Referred  to,  276, 
278-280,  294,  296,  297,  300-303,  305- 
312,  318-327,  335,  336,  340-350,  357- 
359,  361,  363-369,  375,  394,  432,  436, 
452.    Family,  531. 

Allerton,  John,  533,  539. 

Allerton,  Mary,  531,  535. 

Allerton,  Remember,  531,  535. 

AUtham,  Emanuel,  256.  ' 

Amsterdam,  23,  66,  70,  73. 

Anabaptistry,  461. 

Andrews,  Richard,  adventurer,  256. 
Undertaker,  275,  279,  296,  307,  333, 
342,  343,  394.    Beaver  sent  to,   431, 

435.  Takes  land  at  Scituate,  439. 
Settlement  with,  452.  Letter  to  Free- 
man, 482.    Referred  to,  410,  412,  414, 

436,  447. 

Andrews,  Thomas,  adventurer,  256. 
Ann.    See  Cape  Ann. 
Anne,  ship,  168,  171,  177,  215 
Anthony,  Lawrence,  256. 


Aqnidnett  Island,  434,  401,  515. 

ArgoU,  Captain,  47,  48. 

Arminians,  27,  28. 

Arnold,  Benedict,  514,  525. 

Ashley,  Edward,  307.  His  patent  and 
business,  308  et  seq.  Sends  beaver 
home,  318, 326.  Trades  with  Indians, 
327.  Referred  to,  333,  335,  337,  339, 
346,  349.     His  death,  328. 

Assistants  at  Plymouth,  121,  187. 

Atwood,  John,  agent  for  Sherley,  449 
et  seq.    Sherley's  letter  to,  478. 

Aulney,  Monsieur  d.',  captures  Penob- 
scot, 395,  513. 

Aurelius,  Marcus,  24. 

Awasequin,  chief,  518,5525. 

Awashawe,  Indian,  523. 

Babb,  Mr.,  412. 

Baker,  master  of  the  Charity,  202. 

Baptism,  differences  respecting,  457, 
461. 

Barnstable,  444. 

Bass,  Edward,  255,  256. 

Beastliness,  459  et  seq. 

Beauchamp,  John,  138,  141,  255,  256, 
275,  276,  296.  Patent  in  his  name, 
307.  Referred  to,  333,  342,  343,  368, 
394,412,414,431,  435,  439,  451.  Set- 
tlement with,  452. 

Bellingham,  Richard,  deputy  governor 
of  Massachusetts,  399.  Letters  from, 
400,  461. 

Billirike  (Billerica),  Pilgrims  came  from, 
69. 

Billington,  Elen,  532. 

Billington,  Francis,  532. 

Billington,  John,  218.  Loses  himself, 
123.  Tried  for  murder  and  executed, 
329      Family,  532.  537. 

Billington,  John,  Jr.,  532. 


548 


INDEX. 


Blackwell,  Sir  Francis,  47-50,  54. 

Block  Island,  418,  421. 

Blossom,  Thomas,  374. 

Boston  in  England,  16. 

Boston  in  New  England,  342,  354,  383, 
417,  501,  518. 

Bound  Brook,  442. 

Bradford,  Dorothy,  531,  535. 

Bradford,  Wm.,  begins  writing,  9.  W. 
B.,  62.  Chosen  governor,  121.  Ill- 
ness, 111,  121  Letter  to  Weston,  131. 
Letter  from  Weston,  142  Letter  from 
Pickering  and  Greene,  144,  272.  With 
others  appoints  Sherley  and  Beau- 
champ  agents,  278.  Patent  at  Ken- 
nebec, 376.  Surrenders  patent,  444. 
Letter  from,  462.    Family,  531,  535. 

Bradstreet,  Simon,  399,  513. 

Brewer,  Thomas,  60,  256. 

Brewster,  Jonathan,  letter  from,  403. 

Brewster,  Love,  531,  535. 

Brewster,  Mary,  531. 

Brewster,  Wm.,  Elder,  14.  Goes  to 
Holland,  22.  Assistant  to  Robinson, 
24.  Correspondence  with  Sandys  and 
Worstenholme,  40-45.  As  to  going  to 
America,  53.  Labors  for  sick,  111. 
Letters  from  Pickering,  Greene  and 
Weston,  144-146.  Letter  from  Robin- 
son, 198.  Letter  from  Roger  White, 
248.  Referred  to,  153,  205,  208,  278, 
380,  452.  Dies,  487.  Character,  488 
et  seq.    Famil.r,  531,  535. 

Brewster,  Wrestling,  531,  535. 

Bristol,  England,  320,  333,  338,  340,  347, 
359. 

Britteridge,  Richard,  535,  538. 

Brook,  Lord,  378. 

Brown,  John,  513,  525. 

Brown,  Peter,  533,  538. 

Browning,  Henry,  256. 

Brownists,  238. 

Butten,  Wm.,  dies,  93.    Family,  532. 

Callicote,  Sergeant,  525. 

Calvin,  John,  7. 

Capawack,  117,  125,  148. 

Cape  Ann,  patent  for,  192.  Mentioned, 
202,204,237,265. 

Cape  Cod,  90.  Arrive  at,  93.  Explore 
bay  of,  101.  French  ship  lost  on,  118. 
Mentioned,  97,  123,  127,  132,  148,  153, 
154,  186,231,261,266. 

Carter,  Robert,  532. 


Carver,  John,  agent  to  England,  40. 
Deacon,  40.  Letter  from  Staresmore, 
50;  from  Robinson,  58;  from  S.  F. 
et  al.,  61;  from  Cushman,  69;  from 
Robinson,  77;  from  Weston,  128,  137, 
140.  Keeps  letter,  66.  Chosen  gov- 
ernor, 109.  Mentioned,  50,  54,  58,  61, 
63,  67-70,  76,  131.  At  Southampton, 
74.    Dies,  121.    Family,  531,  534. 

Carver,  Kathrine,  531,  534. 

Cattle,  first  arrival  of,  189. 

Cawsumsett  Neck,  445. 

Charity,  ship,  190,  207. 

Charles  I.,  commission  by,  for  regulat- 
ing plantations,  249,  540. 

Charles  River,  440. 

Charlestown,  441. 

Charlton,  116. 

Chauncey,  Charles,  invited  to  Plymouth, 
456,  558.    Letter  from,  467. 

Chilton,  James,  533,  538. 

Chilton,  Mary,  533,  538. 

Chinnough,  an  Indian,  513. 

Christmas  at  Plymouth,  134. 

Church  covenant,  331. 

Clapham,  411,  451. 

Clarke,  pilot  of  the  Mayflower,  67. 

Clarke,  Richard,  533,  538. 

Clifton,  Rev.  Richard,  14. 

Cobiseconte,  376. 

Coddington,  Wm.,  332,  399. 

Cohasset,  442. 

Collier,  Wm.,  256,  340,  367.  Sherley's 
agent,  449. 

Colonies  of  New  England,  confederation 
of,  496. 

Commissioners  for  the  plantation,  540. 
Winslow  petitions  the,  390. 

Compact  of  the  Pilgrims,  109. 

Connectirtit,  371,  386,  387,  391,  402,  405, 
415,  419,  424,  425,  430,  506,  509. 

Cooke,  Francis,  532,  537,  539. 

Cooke,  John,  532,  537,  539. 

Cooke,  Lord,  50. 

Cooper,  Humility,  532,  537. 

Coppin,  Robert,  Mayflower  pilot,  de- 
ceived, 104 

Corbitant  takes  Squanto,  124,  136. 

Corn.     See  Indian  Com. 

Cotton,  Rev.  John,  332. 

Coventry,  Thomas,  256. 

Crabe,  Rev.  Mr.,  71. 

Crackston,  John,  family,  532,  536. 


INDEX. 


.349 


Cromwell.    Thomas,    Captain,   and    his 

Fitcher,  Lieutenant,   at    Merry-^NIount, 

crew,  526,  527. 

284,  285. 

Crose,  Daniel,  murderer,  escapes. 

432. 

Fleet  Prison,  328,  393,  447. 

Cushman,  Mary,  539. 

Fletcher,  Moses,  533,  538. 

Cushman,   Robert,  agent   to  En 

gland. 

Fletcher,  Thomas,  256. 

40,    Letters  from,  46-19.    Letter  from 

Florida,  37. 

S.  F.  et  al.,  61,  62.     Letters  to 

S    F. 

Fogg,  339. 

et  a/.,  63-68;   to  John  Carver, 

69;  to 

Fort  Orange,  now  Albany,  282. 

Ed.  S.,  86-90.    Comes  in  the  Fortune, 

Fortune,  arrival  of  the,  126.     Departs, 

126      Condemns  Weston's  colonists. 

133,  142. 

147.    Letters  from,   172,   191. 

Men- 

France,  147,  148,  448. 

tioned,  49,  50,  54,  58,  60,  69,  74- 

76,  85, 

Freeman,  Edmund,  451,  456. 

137.     His  death,  249. 

French  robbery  at  Penobscot,  350. 

Cutshamakin,  522,  525. 

French  ship  lost  on  Cape  Cod,  118, 137. 

Damariscove  Islands,  137,  187,  228,  251. 

Friendship,  ship,  320,  328,  329,  333,  336, 

Dartmouth,  England,  83,  86,  90. 

338,  342,  343,  346,  347,  358,  360,  413, 

Davenport,  Lieutenant,  428. 

455. 

Davidson,  Wm.,  488. 

Fuller,  Edward,  and  family.  533,  538. 

Davis,  John,  Sergeant,  514. 

Fuller,  Samuel,  letter  from,  61.    Letters 

Delft-Haven,  72. 

from  Cushman,  63-68.    Mentioned,  93, 

Dennison,  Wm  ,  343. 

220,  315.    His  death,   374.    Family, 

Dermer,  Captain,  115,  118. 

532,  535. 

Dorchester,  402,  406. 

Furnival's  Inn,  284. 

Doty,  Edward,  532,  .539. 

Galopp,  John,  429. 

Dudley,  Thomas,  232,  342.    Letter  from. 

Gardenar,  Richard,  533,  538. 

379.     Mentioned,  384,  399,  504. 

Gardiner,  Sir  Christopher,  352  et  seq. 

Dumer,  Richard,  399. 

Gibbons  commands,  518. 

Dutch,  54, 196.     Send  letters,  281. 

Men- 

Gibbs,  Mr.,  mate  of  the  Sparrow,  275. 

tioned,  370,  372-374,  388. 

Girling,  expedition  of,  to  recover  Penob- 

Dutch letter,  268. 

scot,  396 

Dutchman  at  Hull,  17,  18,  409. 

Glover,  Rev.  Mr.,  408. 

Duxbury,  362,  444,  457,  458,  474. 

Goffe,  Thomas,  256,  275. 

Earthquake  in  1638,  437. 

Goodman,  John,  533,  538. 

Eaton,  Francis,  533,  538. 

Goodyeare,  Stephen,  525. 

Eaton,  Samuel,  533,  .538. 

Gorges,  Sir  Ferdinand,  115, 180, 300,  329, 

Eaton,  Sarah,  533,  538. 

355,  391. 

Eaton,  Theoph.,  504,  513,  525. 

Gorges,  Robert,  grant  to,  178.     Meets 

Elizabeth,  Queen,  7- 

Mr.  Weston,  179.    Arrests  him,   183. 

El.y,  seaman  of  Mayflower,  533. 

Returns  to  England,  184. 

Endicott,  John,  arrival  of,  with 

patent 

Gorton,  Samuel,  528. 

for  Massachusetts,  286-314.    Letter  to 

Gosnold,    Captain,   names    Cape    Cod, 

Governor  Bradford,  315,  442. 

94. 

English,  Thomas,  seaman  on  the 

May- 

Gott,  Charles,  316. 

flower,  533,  539. 

Granger,  Thomas,  474. 

Episcopius,  28. 

Graves,  Mr.,  412. 

Ewangsos,  an  Indian,  523. 

Greene,  Wm.,  143,  144. 

Exeter  jail,  303. 

Green's  harbor,  362. 

Falcon,  ship,  410. 

Gregson,  Thomas,  504,  513. 

Familism,  461. 

Greville,  Sir  Fulke,  46. 

Farrar,  Sir  George,  63. 

Griffin,  Mr..  412. 

Fast,  in  Holland,  52;  in  Plymouth,  170. 

Grimsbe  and  Hull,  18. 

Fells,  Mr.,  264,  265. 

Gudburn,  Peter,  256. 

Fenwick,  George,  504,  513,  525. 

Guiana,  36,  55. 

550 


INDEX. 


Hall,  Mr  ,410. 

Hurricane  at  Plymouth,  401. 

Hampton,  332. 

Indian  corn,  100.    Pilgrims  take,  and 

Hanson,  Captain,  183. 

later    pay    for,    100,    123.      Squanto 

Hartford,  501,510. 

teaches  how  to  plant,  120.    Indians 

Hatherlr,  Timothy,  256,  296,  307, 

309. 

raise  more,  122.    Pilgrims  do  not  yet 

Arrives  in   Massacliusetts   Bay, 

319- 

know  how  to  raise,  152.    Several  hogs- 

329, 331,  335,  340.     Affirms  by  oath, 

heads  secured,  155.    Each  man  to  plant 

342, 343,  345.    At  Bristol,  347.    Again 

for  himself,  162.    Women  and  children 

comes  to  America,  360,  439. 

set,  162.    Fear  about  supply,  176. 

Hathorne,  Wm.,  513. 

Indians,  expected  danger  from,  34,  95. 

Haj^nes,  John,  governor  of  Massachu- 

First seen,  98.    Their  corn  found,  99. 

setts,  399. 

About  a  grampus,  101.    First  alarm  of, 

Heath,  Thomas,  256. 

102-104,  106.     Skulking,  113.    Men- 

Hedijehog, fable  of  the,  211. 

tioned,  119, 123, 127, 134,  136,  156,  157. 

Hendrick,  Prince,  249. 

Resolve  to  destroy  western  people,  158. 

Hibbins,  Wm.,  479. 

Mentioned,  232,  253,  262.     Value   of 

Higginson,  Francis,  317. 

wampum,  282.     Taught  bv  Morton, 

Hingham,  439.    Boundaries  of,  440 

442. 

286. 

Hobbamok,   an    Indian,  123-125, 

135- 

—  Long  Island,  sachems  of,  428. 

137 

—  Mohawks,  427.    Kill  Sassacus,  430. 

Hobson,  Wm.,  256. 

Mentioned,  514. 

Hocking,  killed  at  the  Kennebec, 

377- 

—  Monhiggs    beat    the    Narragan setts. 

384. 

430. 

Holbeck,  Wm.,  532. 

—  Narragansetts,  123, 133,  135,  136, 148, 

Holland,  15,  22,  30,  34,  42,  69,  71, 

374, 

152,  186,  282,  416,  423,  424,  426,  430, 

393,  490. 

433,  496,  505.    Agreement  with,  521. 

Holland,  Robert,  243,  256. 

—  Neepnetts,  429. 

Hooke,  John,  531,  535. 

—  Nyanticks,    512,    518.       Agreement 

Hooker,  Rev.  Thomas,  234. 

with,  521. 

Hopkins,  Constanta,  532,  536. 

—  Pequots,  232,  282,  371,  415,  416,  418. 

Hopkins,  Damaris,  532. 

Attack  English,  419,  420,  423-426,  430, 

Hopkins,  Edward,  504,  513,  525. 

496,  505. 

Hopkins,  Elizabeth,  532,  536. 

Innemo,  Indian  chief,  518. 

Hopkins,  Giles,  536. 

Irish  servants,  264. 

Hopkins,  Oceanus,  born  at  sea,  532 

Isle  of  Shoals,  291. 

Hopkins,  Stephen,  122.    Visits  M 

issa- 

Jackson,  Thomas,  executed,  432. 

soit,  122.    Family,  532,  536. 

James,  a  physician,  434. 

Houghe,  Atherton,  399. 

James  I.,  13.    Dies,  249.    Named,  356. 

Howland,  Elizabeth,  534. 

James,  ship,  192. 

Howland,    John,    falls    overboard 

92, 

JefFrej',  Sergeant,  328. 

452.    Family,  531,  534. 

Jenemo  and  Wipelock,  523. 

Hubbard,  Wm.,  historian,  329. 

Johnson,  Rev.  Francis,  48,  49. 

Huddleston,    John,    letter    from. 

150, 

Johnson,  Mr.,  330,  332. 

151. 

Johnsone,  alderman,  47. 

Hudson,  Thomas,  256. 

Jonas,  525. 

Hudson's  Bay,  196. 

Jones,  captain  of  the  Discovery,  153. 

Hudson's  River,  13. 

Jones,  captain  of  the  Mayflower,  83. 

Hull,  17,  18. 

Kean,  Robert,  255,  256. 

Humber  River,  441. 

Kennebec,  load  of  corn  sent  up  the,  246. 

Humfray,  John,  399. 

Mentioned,  267,  280,  282,  293,300,  311, 

Hunt,     Thomas,     Captain,     captoi 

of 

326,  348,  379,  407, 421,  437.    Patent  at, 

Squanto,   115,   116. 

376. 

Hunter,  Rev.  Joseph,  151,  197. 

Kent,  70. 

INDEX. 


551 


King,  Wm.,  89. 

Mary  and  Anne,  435. 

Knight,  Eliza,  256. 

Mason,  Captain,  with  Gorges,  355,  391, 

Knight,  John,  256. 

392. 

Knowles,  Myles,  256. 

Mason,  John,  Captain,  and  the  Pequots, 

Land's  End,  84. 

428,  518. 

Langemore,  John,  532. 

Massachusetts,  location  of,   117.    Bay, 

Langrume,  master  of  a  ship,  410,  412. 

149,  232,  265,  295.    Gorges  arrives  in 

Latham,  Wm.,  531,534. 

Bay,  178, 181.    Arrival  of  Ralfe  Smith, 

LaTour,  French  governor,  513. 

314.    Mr.  Pierce  and  Mr.  Hatherley 

Laud,  Wm.,  archbishop,  391,  392. 

come,  319,  320,  330,  342.     Gardiner 

Lee,  Lord,  430. 

in,  352,  361.    Roger  Williams  comes. 

Levett,  Christopher,  179. 

369.   Mentioned,  371,  372,  382, 383, 403, 

Leyden,  23,  54,  56,  66,  70.     Departure 

416,  419,  433.      Boundaries   between 

thence,  71.     Mentioned,  85,  96,  130, 

Massachusetts  and  Plymouth,  447. 

143,  148,  189,  216,  249,  271,  293,  314. 

Massasoit  visits  Plj'mouth,  114.     Treaty 

Lincoln,  Countess  of,  51. 

with,  114.    Embassy  to,  122.     Sends 

Lincoln  shii-e,  13,  16. 

word  concerning  Billington,  123-125, 

Ling.  John,  256. 

134,  136.     Seeks  Squanto's  life,  137. 

Lister,  Edward,  532,  539. 

Is  sick,  158. 

London,  69,  72,  73,  84,  86,  115,  195,  244. 

Masterson,  Richard,  50,  374. 

Plague  in,  246,  357,  410. 

Maurice,  Grave,  dies,  249. 

London  bridge,  fire  on,  367. 

Mayflower,  296. 

Low   countries,  22,   26,   121,  296,  448, 

May-pole  at  Merry-Mount,  285,  286. 

489. 

Meekesano,  525. 

Ludlow,  Mr,  428,  509. 

Merchant  adventurers,  agreement  with. 

Lyford,  John,  arrives,  204.    Letters  in- 

70, 76.     Weston  and  the,   1.38,   143. 

tercepted,  207,  208.    Sets  up  a  public 

As  to  Lyford,  234.    Broken  up,  237. 

meeting,  209.    Cited  before  the  court, 

Names  of,  256. 

210.   Mentioned,  213, 215, 219, 238, 292. 

Merrimac  River,  160. 

His  acivnowledgment,  220.    Writes  to 

Merry-Mount,  234. 

adventurers,   221.      Their  opinion  of 

Miantonimo,  505,  512. 

him,  223  et  seq  ,  227,  229,  230.     Cen- 

Milford-Haven, 348. 

sured,  232.    Facts  concerning,  232  et 

Millsop,  Thomas,  256. 

seq.    Goes  to  Nantasltet,  236.    Dies, 

Minter,  Desire,  531,  534. 

237. 

Mixano,  518. 

Lyon,  ship,  363. 

Monhegan,  148,  185,  251. 

Maggner,  Mr.,  47. 

Mononotto,  an  Indian,  and  his  wife,  429, 

Mahue,  Mr.,  360. 

430. 

Malabar,  Cape,  94. 

More,  Ellen,  531. 

Manamoick  (Chatham),  117,  125,   155, 

More,  Jasper,  531,  534. 

262. 

More,  Richard,  531,  533 

Manoanscussett,  281,  415, 

Morrell,"  Wm.,  Rev.,  comes  with  Robert 

Manomet  (Sandwich) ,  123.    Pinace  built 

Gorges,  185. 

at,  266.    Mentioned,  281,  402. 

Morton,  George,  59. 

Margeson,  Edmond,  533,  538. 

Morton,  Thomas,  at  Mount  WoUaston, 

Marriage,  first,  at  Plymouth,  121.    By 

284  et  seq.    Arrested,  291,  302.     Im- 

magistrates, 393. 

prisoned  in  Boston,  303,  392. 

Marshfield,  444,  458. 

Mott,  Thomas,  256. 

Martin,  Christopher,  69,  70,  76,  87,  88, 

Mount  Wollaston,  284  et  seq. 

532,  536. 

MuUines,  Joseph,  532,  536. 

Martyr,  Peter,  164. 

Muliines,  Priscila,  532,  536,  539. 

Mary,  Queen,  7,  352. 

MuUines,  Wm.,  76.    Family,  532,  536. 

Mary,  Queen  of  Scots,  489. 

Nacata,  445. 

552 


INDEX. 


Naemschatet,  445. 

Peirce,  Wm.,  master  of  Paragon,  169. 

Namasket,  116. 

Master  of  the  Anne,  171, 186,  202,  207, 

Namassakett,  124. 

216.     Comes  from  England,  230,  232, 

Namskeket  Creek,  263. 

234,  308,  319,  333,   361,  363.    Letter 

Nantasket,  236,  289. 

from  Virginia,  365-367,  412,  414.    Car- 

Narragansetts.    See  Indians. 

ries  Indians  to  West  Indies,  429. 

Nash,  Mr.,  61,  62. 

Pelhara,  Herbert,  525. 

Natawanute,  373. 

Pemaquid,  401. 

Naumkeag  (Salem),  235,  316. 

Pemberton,  John,  208. 

Naunton,  Sir  Robert,  38. 

Pennington,  Wm.,  256. 

Nauset  (Eastham),  116,  123,  444 

Penobscot,  116,  309,  326,  333,  349,  350, 

Nequamkeck,  falls  of,  376. 

382,  395,  400. 

Newbald,  Fria,  256. 

Pequots.     See  Indians. 

New-eomin,  John,  killed  by  Billington, 

Perkins,  Mr.,  9. 

330. 

Perrin,  Wm.,  256. 

New   England,   108,  115.     Grant  from 

Pessecuss,  an  Indian,  520,  524,  525. 

council  of,  167, 169,  178, 245.    Confed- 

Peters, Hugh,  479  et  seq. 

eration  of  plantations  of,  496. 

Pickering,  Edward,  58,  60,  138, 140,  143. 

Newfoundland,  115. 

Letter  to  Bradford  and  Brewster,  144, 

New  Haven,  458,  500-502,  509,  521. 

145. 

Newtown,  399,  407. 

Pierce,  John,  76,  143.    Likes  not  Wes- 

Norton, Captain,  386. 

ton's  company,  148.    Sends  the  Para- 

Norton, Rev.  John,  408. 

gon,  166  et  seq.    Charter  taken  in  name 

Norwaj',  19. 

of,  167. 

Nottinghamshire,  13. 

Pilgrims  resolve  to  go  to  the  low  coun- 

Novatians, 9. 

tries,  14.    Fate  of  families  left  behind. 

Nowell,  Increase,  399. 

20.    Remove  to  Leyden,  23.    Obtain 

Nyanticks.    See  Indians. 

patent  from  Virginia  company,  50,  51. 

Old-comers,  444. 

Agreement  with  Weston  and  merchant 

Oldham,  John,  206, 208.    Resists  Captain 

adventurers,  56,  70.    Their  vessels,  71, 

Standish,  209.     Cited  before  the  court, 

72.    Choose  governor  and  assistants. 

210.    Named,  216,  218,  219.     Comes 

83.     Sail,  83.    Put  back,  83.    Dismiss 

again,  229,     Sent  away,  230.     Con- 

the Speedwell,  84.     List  of  the,  in  the 

fesses,  231.    Killed,  232.    Mentioned, 

Mayflower,  531  et  seq.    Descry  Cape 

237,417,  418. 

Cod,  93.    Give  thanks,  94.    First  see 

Oporto,  327,  343. 

Indians,  98.     Find  kettle  and  Indian 

Orania  (Orange)  fort,  282. 

corn,  99.     First   encounter   with   In- 

Ossamequine, 522. 

dians,  102.    Lay  out  house  lots,  107. 

Ouse  River,  441. 

Their  compact,  109.    Choose  John  Car- 

Paddy, Wm.,  456. 

ver  governor,  109.     Visited  by  Samo- 

Pampiamett,  513. 

set,  113;  by  Squanto  and  Massasoit, 

Paragon,  ship,  sent  out  by  John  Peirce, 

114.      Treaty    with    Massasoit,    114. 

166-168. 

Harvest,   1622,    152.      Their    meeting 

Partridne,  Ralph,  discusses  baptism  with 

house,  152. 

Chauncey,  457.    Letter  from,  466. 

Pinchon,  399,  404. 

Passaconaway,  522. 

Piscataqua    River,    160,  251,    267,    377, 

Passengers    in    the    Mayflower,   531  et 

383. 

seq. 

Plague  in  London, 246,  357. 

Patrick,  Captain,  328. 

Plantations,  commission  for  regulating, 

Patucket  River,  445 

249,  540. 

Patuxet  (Plymouth),  116. 

Pliny,  201. 

Peach,  Arthur,   executed    for   murder. 

Plymouth,  Eng.,  Pilgrims  put  into,  84, 

432. 

244. 

INDEX. 


55J 


Plymouth,  N.  E.,  1,  90,  116,  117,  127, 
160,  251,  314,  332,  349,  363,  380. 
Bounds  between,  and  Massachusetts, 
442. 

Pocock,  John, 256. 

Point  Care,  94. 

Point  Peril,  445. 

Pokanokets,  116. 

Poliander,  John,  28. 

Portsmouth,  169,  244,  246. 

Pory,  John,  secretary,  153. 

Powows,  118. 

Poynton,  Daniel,  256. 

Preist,  Digerie,  533,  538. 

Prince,  Thos.,  chosen  governor,  375,  432. 
Mentioned,  380,  381,  452,  525. 

Prices  of  live  stock,  436. 

Providence,  515. 

Prower,  Salamon,  532. 

Punham,  522. 

Pummunish,  513,  525. 

Puritans,  name,  8. 

Quarles,  Wm.,  256. 

Rasdell,  Mr.,  at  Mt.  Wollaston,  284. 

Rasieres,  Isaac  de,  269.  Reply  to  his 
letter,  270,  281. 

Rayner,  John,  Rev.,  419,  457.  Letter 
from,  464. 

Rehoboth,  444. 

Revell,  John,  256. 

Reynolds,  67.  Captain  of  the  Speed- 
well, 83.  Puts  back  twice,  83,  84. 
Referred  to,  147,  208. 

Rigdale,  Alice,  533,  537. 

Rigdale,  John,  533,  537. 

Rig?s,  Sergeant,  328. 

Robinson,  John,  Rev.,  14.  Goes  to 
Holland,  22-24,  27.  Disputes  with 
Arminius,  28.  Correspondence  with 
Sir  Edwin  Sandys,  40-43;  with  Sir 
John  Worstenholm,  43-46,  48,  54. 
Letters  to  John  Carver,  58-61,  77, 
78;  to  Pilgrims,  78-82,  88,  130,  153. 
Letter  to  Governor  Bradford,  197;  to 
Wm.  Brewster,  198,  216,  238.  Dead, 
247  ef  seq. 

Rogers,  Mr.,  at  Plymouth,  292. 

Rogers,  Joseph,  533,  537. 

Rogers,  Thomas,  533,  537. 

Rome,  25,  66. 

Rookes,  Newman,  256. 

Sagadahoc,  wreck  at,  251. 

Salem,  235,  295,  316,  317,  330,  370,  383. 


Salt-making,  191,  192,  203. 

Saly  (Sailer),  245. 

Samoset  visits  Plymouth,  113. 

Samson,  Henry,  532,  537. 

Sanders,  John,  chief  of  Weston's  men, 

155. 
Sandwich,  444. 

Sandys,  Sir  Edwin,  letter  from,  40-43, 
46.    Governor  of  Virginia  company, 
47. 
Sassacus,  sachem,  427.    Killed,  430. 
Satucket,  116, 
Say,  Lord,  378,  384. 
Scituate,  440-444,  458. 
Scotland,  448. 
Scott,  false,  351. 

Scurvy,  Pilgrims  sufiFer  from,  110. 
Seekonk,  434,  444,  518. 
Seneca,  94,  200. 
Sharpe,  Samuel,  256. 
Sheriver,  Mr.,  50. 

Sherley,  James,  letters  to  Pilgrims,  189 
et  seq.,  193,   300,  302,   304,   321,  333. 
Letters  to  Governor  Bradford,  275  et 
seq.,  295.    Letters  from,  335  et  seq., 
346,  359,  367  et  seq.,  381,  394,  410,  412, 
450.    Settlement  with,  452.    Letters  to 
Atwood,  478;   to  partners,  478,    485. 
His  release,  480.    Mentioned,  249,  255, 
256,  278,  279,  293,  304,  306,  307,  309, 
313,  318,  340,  342,  344,  347-350,  357, 
360,  363,  375,  414,  415,  431,  435,  439, 
446. 
Shoanan,  sachem,  522. 
Sibsie,  Mr.,  220. 
Skelton,  Samuel,  317. 
Small-pox  among  Indians  on  the  Con- 
necticut, 388. 
Smith,  Francis,  514. 
Smith,  John,  23,  94.    His  map,  441. 
Smith,  John,  Rev.,  14,  23. 
Smith,  Ralph,  Rev,,  314,    Resigns  his 

ministry,  418. 
Smith,  Sir  Thomas,  47. 
Sodomy,  459  et  seq. 
Sokanoke,  522. 

Southampton,  67.    Arrive  at,  71.    Men- 
tioned, 73,  87,  88,  533. 
Souther,  Nathaniel,  456. 
Southworth,  Edward,  letter  from  Robt. 

Cushman,  86-90, 
Sowams,  115. 
Sowansett  River,  445. 


554 


INDEX. 


Sowle,  George,  531,  535. 

Trent,  River,  441. 

Spain,  115,  358. 

Trevore,  Wm.,  148,  533. 

Sparrow,  ship,  145. 

Trumball,  Wm.,  357. 

Speedwell,  ship,  71,  72,  84, 

Tucker's  Terror,  94. 

Squanto,  history  of,  113-117.    Teaches 

Turkeys,  wild,  126. 

corn  planting,   120.      With  embassy 

Turner,  John,  66,  67,  533,  538. 

to  Massasoit,   122.     Mentioned 

124, 

L'ncas,  Monhigg  chief,  430,  505,  510  et 

125,   130,   135,   148.     Seeks   his 

own 

seq.,  514,  521,  523. 

ends,  136,  137.    Dies,  155. 

Uncaway,  509. 

Stamford,  509. 

Union  of  the  New  England  colonies 

,496. 

Standish,Myles,  leads  a  party  up  Cape 

Vane,  Sir  Harry,  419,  430. 

Cod,  98.    Labors  for  sick.  111. 

Goes 

Yines,  Richard,  338. 

with  party  about  Cape  Cod,  155. 

Res- 

Virginia,  36,  37,  41,  49,  55,  67,  86, 

108, 

cues  some  of  Weston's  people, 

-159. 

117,  127,  138,  149,  150,  152,  153, 

170, 

Lyford's  opinion  of,  217.    Sent  to  Eng- 

181.    Ship  bound   for,  261,  265, 

266. 

land,  245.    Comes  home,  247, 252 

,272, 

Mentioned,  364,  385,  414. 

278.     Arrests  Morton,  291,  379-381. 

Virginia  company,  38,  39,  46,  47 

,  54, 

Goes  to  the    Penobscot,  397. 

Men- 

108. 

tioned,  446,  452.  458,  518,  532,  536. 

Virginia  court  and  council,  46. 

Standish,  Rose,  532,  536. 

Walloons,  27. 

Stanton,  Thomas,  interpreter,  428. 

Wampum,  value  of,  282. 

Staresmore,  Sabin   (S.  B.),  46.    Letter 

Ward,  Thomas,  256. 

to  Carver,  50,  51. 

Warren,  Richard,  532,  537. 

Stinnings,  Richard,  executed  for 

mur- 

Warwick,  Earl  of,  300,  526. 

der,  432. 

Water,  first  drink  of,  in  New  England, 

Stone,  Captain,  influences  governor  of 

99. 

Dutch  plantation,  385.     Killed, 

386. 

Waughwamino,  524. 

Mentioned,  416,  418. 

Weequashcooke,  523. 

Story,  Elias,  531. 

Weesagascussett,  289. 

Stoughton,  Israel,  commissioner,  442. 

Weetowish,  513,  518,  525. 

Stoughton,  Mr.,  429. 

Weld,  Thomas,  479  et  seq. 

Straton,  339. 

West,  Francis,  admiral  for  New 

Eng- 

Sturgs,  Thomas,  481. 

land,  169,  178. 

Taborites,  25. 

Weston,  Andrew,  144. 

Talbut,  ship,  296. 

Weston,  Thos.,  52,  54-56,  59,  60,  62 

,  63, 

Tarantines,  125. 

67,  69,  74,  88.    Writes  Governor 

Car- 

Tassaquanawite,  523. 

ver,   128,  129.     Sends  fishing  vessel, 

Taunton,  444. 

137.    Letters  to  Mr.  Carver,  137 

-140. 

Thanksgiving,  first,  126. 

Letter  to  Governor  Bradford,  142 

-144. 

Thomas,  Wm.,  565. 

Remarks  in  letter  of  Pickering 

and 

Thompson,  David,  at  the  mouth  of  the 

Greene,    145.     Mentioned,    141, 

146, 

Piscataqua,  185,  251,  252. 

149,    150,    166,    178,    186,    189. 

His 

Thompson,  Edward,  532. 

people  in  trouble,  154  et  seq.    Comes 

Thorned,  Thomas,  256. 

in  disguise,  160.    His  ingratitude 

161. 

Thornhill,  Matthew,  256. 

Arrives  with  small  ship,  179.     Cited 

Tilden,  Joseph,  256. 

before  Robert  Gorges,  179  et  seq. 

Ar- 

Tillie,  Ann,  532,  537. 

rested,  183.    Dies,  184. 

Tillie,  Edward,  532,  537. 

Westminster,  411. 

Tillie,  Elizabeth,  532,  534,  537. 

Weymouth,  442. 

Tillie,  John,  532,  534,  537. 

AVhite,  Mr.,  counsellor,  234. 

Tinker,  Thomas,  533,  537. 

White,  John,  Rev.,  256. 

Tirrey,  Arthur,  481. 

White,  Peregrine,  532,  536. 

Trask,  Captain,  328. 

White,  Resolved,  532,  536,  539. 

INDEX. 


555 


White,  Roger,  letter  from,  248. 

White,  Susannah,  532,  535. 

White,  Wm.,  532,  535,  536. 

M'hite  Angel,  ship,  320,  321,  326,  328, 
329,  333-335,  337,  338,  343,  344,  346, 
350,  361,  364,  390,  394,  395,  413,  455. 

Wilder,  Roger,  531,  534. 

Wilkinson,  Ed.,  master  of  the  Falcon, 
410,  412. 

Willett,  Thomas,  agent  at  Penobscot, 
395. 

Williams,  Roger,  369  et  seq.  Pacifies 
Indians,  434,  515. 

Williams,  Thomas,  533,  538. 

Willson,  Mr.,  surgeon,  430. 

Wilson,  John,  332. 

Wincot,  Jacob,  51. 

Winiiisimmet,  289. 

Winslow,  Edward,  62.  Visits  Massa- 
soit,  122.  Visits  Captain  Huddleston, 
151.  Brings  cattle,  189.  Comes  from 
England,  230.  Calls  Lvford  a  knave, 
236.      Goes    up    the    Kennebec,  247. 


Mentioned,  134,  177,  191,  208,216,234, 
242,  244,  251,  278,  300,  312,  319,  329, 
333,  336,  337,  344,  346,  350,  357,  380, 
384,  392-394,  408,  442,  446,  452,  513, 
527.  Chosen  governor,  366,  409,  507. 
In  England,  389.  Petition  of,  390. 
Family,  531,  535. 

Winslow,  Elizabeth,  531. 

Winslow,  Gilbert,  .533,  538. 

Winslow,  Josias,  452. 

Winthrop,  John,  330-332,  342.  Letters 
from,  354,  417,  420,  427.  Mentioned, 
382-384,  399,  446,  504,  525. 

WoUaston,  Captain,  283.  His  ventures, 
284. 

Worstenholme,  Sir  John,  43,  45,  47. 

Wraight,  Henry,  256. 

Yarmouth,  444,  445. 

Yeardley,  Sir  Geo.,  47. 

Yonge,  Joseph,  435. 

Yorlishire,  13. 

Zealand.  17. 

Ziska,  25. 


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